Open access peer-reviewed chapter

Assessing the Traditional Food Processing Economy of Agrarian Communities in Southwestern Nigeria: The Case of Esan Women and the Cassava Processing Industry

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Emmanuel Osewe Akubor, Beatrice Amili Akubor and Funmilayo Evaristus Awoyera

Submitted: 16 November 2022 Reviewed: 05 January 2023 Published: 21 February 2024

DOI: 10.5772/intechopen.109833

From the Edited Volume

Cassava - Recent Updates on Food, Feed, and Industry

Edited by Andri Frediansyah

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Abstract

Extant studies have established that in Africa (with specific reference to Esan people, southwest Nigerian area), the societies from time immemorial developed indigenous or traditional methods/ways of processing farm products to ready-made food for consumption. Analysis shows that one of such was the processing of cassava (Manihot esculenta) to various food items, which include Gari/garri (Cassava flakes), Akpu/fufu (fermented cassava product), Bobozi/Tapioka (Cassava chips), Elubo/Lafun (Cassava flour) amongst others. In all this process, the women folks are the ones that are largely involved. This chapter is thus an attempt at interrogating the processes involved in the production of one of the most popular sources of carbohydrate Gari from Cassava amongst Esan agrarian societies of southwest Nigeria. This chapter tries as much as possible to interrogate how the women using local technology and fabricated devices are able to process and produce cassava related food for both family consumption and commercial purpose. The qualitative method is used for this particular research. Data obtained from primary and secondary sources were deployed to carry out the study with an analytical and narrative historical approach. This includes historical, descriptive and analytical approaches based on gathered evidence. The result shows well outline methods adopted in producing this food item so as to make sure it is nutritious, marketable and can be preserved using local technology.

Keywords

  • food production
  • processing
  • Gari
  • cassava
  • Nigeria

1. Introduction

Experts have argued that as far as the history of human existence is concerned, food production/processing is the most widespread form of human activity. In most of the Developing countries of the world (Nigeria inclusive), indigenous (also referred to as traditional) food processing had started from early times (pre-colonial period) and most of the traditionally processed foods are based on a combination of preservation technologies, common sense and indigenous technology [1]. Akubor and Akubor [2] specifically noted that it is the main-prolong of the economic activity predominantly subsistence farming, providing a livelihood to more than three-quarters of the human race. The availability of much process from this agricultural practice, initially led to a situation in which in the rural areas, the traditional pattern of food utilisation involves mainly the consumption of different food items in the fresh state with little or no post-harvest processing, before being cooked into meal. However, with the advancement of most societies, as well as the increase in population, there arose the need to advance method that will help preserve agricultural produce for the rainy days. It was this situation that led to development of system of Food Processing.

Generally, the food industry can be broadly classified as consisting of the large-scale foreign-based multinationals with local subsidiaries, public sector-backed production outfits (parastatals or state-promoted companies), medium-scale indigenous and foreign operators, small-scale indigenous operators and the cottage or sole proprietors outfit. Whilst the chapter recognises that all these sectors are crucial for the economic development of any society, however the paper is more concerned with small-scale indigenous (Indigenous) Food Processing operators which are dominant in the case of Nigeria.

As a way of clarification, the small-scale indigenous (traditional) food processing operators are partly urban-based, whilst the majority is based in the rural areas as cottage level producers. Available evidence indicates that this group engages in the processing of various local stables that are derived from roots and tubers, cereals, fruits and vegetables, products of animal origin such as dried and smoked fish, meat, local cheese and food additives such as flavouring condiments and other food seasoning materials.

One unique feature of this group is that despite being unskilled, within years of practice they become specialised in their trade and have over the years established inter and intra-regional professional groups, maintaining contacts with and between various ecological regions. This is the case of the Esan Women in the Cassava (Food) processing industry. Although a completely agrarian society (dotted with few industries), southwest Nigeria, the women have wholly dominated the industry, giving rise to, and increased, economic specialisation. It is in line with this that there is the urgent need to locate the area and people in the global map.

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2. The Esan area and people: a geographical conceptualisation

By Definition, the Esan people, and the land (Oto Esan as it is described by the people) is an Edo speaking territory, which belongs to the Kwa branch of the Niger–Congo family of languages. Located in southwest Nigeria (West Africa), the territory and people (which is largely agrarian) are bounded to the Northwest and North by the Ivbiosakun and Etsako section of Northern Edo, to the West and South-west by the Benin Kingdom, to the South and South-east by Western Igbo and to the East by the River Niger and the Igala people. In a more specific term, Ukaugo and Akubor [3] argued that Esanland is located in the present Edo State of Nigeria and Esan language is spoken by the people. The culture and origin of the people is linked with the Benin. It is largely in the thick forest region with boundaries with the Etsako, Owan, Benin, Aniocha and the Ika. Esan was corrupted to Isan, Esa and Ishan by the Europeans and has been used interchangeably ever since to represent the people, their language and culture. In Esan land, Agriculture is the main occupation of the people, with the men majorly cultivating cassava, whilst the women cultivate cassava and little vegetable farms. Esan women do some petty trading and also weave clothes [4, 5, 6] had identified the major markets around the area as those trading stations on the Niger, the most considerable of which is Illushi, an evacuation point for much produce from Esan land (including Garri and other cassava related processed food) to neighbouring states [4].

Presently, it is estimated that the Esan people who reside in Esanland number about from 1.5 million to 3 million citizens in Nigeria and there is a strong Esan diaspora ([3], p. 15).

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3. The indigenous (traditional) food process industry in Nigeria: a brief background

Traditionally, the food processing industry in most African states is controlled by the women folks. This is because whilst the production of the food is seen as a man’s job, because of the hectic nature of farming, it is argued that the women compliment the efforts of the men by converting this food items from their raw stage to processed items for both internal consumption and trade [7, 8]. According to Henn [9], women around the area are known to have long supplied the bulk of labour required in food production and processing. Related researches have also established that women in our area of studies, are as hard working as the men folks when it comes to agriculture and food processing, since they are fully involved in clearing of land, root crop production, planting, weeding, harvesting, transportation and processing, store and marketing of the final product ([10] cited in [2, 11]).

Under the traditional Esan system, although women were not allowed to own large farmlands, they however, owned and cultivated plots belonging to their husbands, where they planted melon and related vegetable crops, which served as supplementary to the family’s food table [12]. In additions, they were allotted small plots close to their husband’s farm where they cultivate cassava and cocoyam. Whilst the cocoyam is directly boiled/pounded and eaten; the cassava is processed either for garri, Tapioka or akpu. At the beginning of the farming season, apart from providing food and water, for those working in the farm, women also assisted in sowing, planting and harvesting, and in marketing of the harvested farm produce, at the end of the farming season [13]. Throughout the entire cassava production and processing, Esan women typically carry out 70 percent of the work, including; planting, weeding, harvesting, transporting cassava, peeling, grating and/or soaking, bagging and selling.

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4. Cassava processing industry: production, processing and source of labour

Amongst the people of Esan, cassava is processed into several stable food products. One of them is the processing cassava into granules known as garri. Garri is a menu to average Nigerian and before the current hardship and inflation in Nigeria was considered a food for the poor. Garri can be eaten raw (in its dry powdered state), or soaked in water with groundnuts, beans, palm kernel, coconut, bean-cake. Garri could be taken alone or added into beans porridge or made with boiled water into a solid meal of eba and taken with all kind of vegetable soup. Apart from yam (which is the major tuber crop cultivated mainly by men), cassava tuber is considered the most important tuber crop amongst the farming communities of southern Nigeria in generally and Esan communities in particular ([14]:190–192, [15]:1) Cassava could also be dried and processed into powder for making paste which is eaten with soup. In some other instance, it can be boiled, soaked for some time and sliced into straight wet chips and consumed with either coconut or groundnut (Bobozi/tapioca/abacha) [16].

Commenting, Oyewole [17] argued that the processing of cassava for food involves combinations of fermentation, drying and cooking. In the view of the source, Fermentation is an important method common in most processing. According to Oyewole [17], there are many fermentation techniques for cassava, which can be broadly categorised into solid-state fermentation and submerged fermentation. Commenting further, the source opined thus:

Solid-state fermentation, typified by gari production, uses grated or sliced cassava pieces that are allowed to ferment while exposed to the natural atmosphere or pressed in a bag. Submerged fermentation involves the soaking of whole peeled, cut and peeled, or unpeeled cassava roots in water for various periods, as typified by the production of fufu and lafun in Nigeria. Traditionally, cassava is fermented for 4 to 6 days in order to effect sufficient detoxification of the roots.

In line with the above and considering the hectic nature involved in the processing, it is therefore not surprising that the traditional (indigenous) Esan cassava processing industry witnesses a marked division of labour, with the women doing a large chunk of the work. In most cases, the adult male assisted the women in the harvesting of the cassava from the farm. From this point, the women assisted by their children take over the preparation process of the cassava starting with the collecting of the harvested cassava tubers from the farmland to the house where process begins ([12, 18]:23–50, [13, 19]). The job of preparing/processing cassava was really a tedious one, requiring an enormous labour input. The labour requirement was met by the women and children in the household. In cases where the quantities of cassava tubers to be prepared are much, extra labour might be desired, especially when it is for commercial purpose as distinct from production for family consumption. In this situation, the women would mobilise their friends or a communal work group involving a desirable number of relatives/age-group peers to help at every stage of Cassava processing. The contractual agreement stipulates how the labour expended would be repaid.

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5. Cassava: the plant, planting and harvesting

Cassava is an important food crop in the tropics and many countries in Africa. Cassava has been found to be a major crop in arable cropping of smallholder farmers [16]. The crop contributes significantly to the diets of over 800 million people, with per capita consumption averaging 102 kilogrammes per year. In some areas of Africa it constitutes over 50 percent of the daily diets of the people. Amongst the farming communities in Nigeria, cassava production is well-developed as an organised agricultural crop. It has well-established multiplication and processing techniques for food products and cattle feed. There are more than 40 cassava varieties in use. Planting occurs during four planting seasons in the various geo-ecological zones. Cassava is grown throughout the year, making it preferable to the seasonal crops of yam, beans or peas. It displays an exceptional ability to adapt to climate change, with a tolerance to low soil fertility, resistance to drought conditions, pests and diseases, and suitability to store its roots for long periods underground even after they mature. Use of fertilisers is limited, and it is also grown on fallow lands. Harvesting of the roots after planting varies from 6 months to 3 years. The land holding for farming in Nigeria is between 0.5 and 2.5 hectares (1.2–6.2 acres), with about 90% of producers being small-scale farms [16].

Historically, Cassava and its related products constitute a major staple food amongst the populace in Nigeria. Cassava (a perennial woody shrub with an edible root) was first introduced to Nigeria in the sixteenth century. With its introduction, it gained popularity amongst the rural farming societies of southern Nigeria, where the agro-ecological zone favourably supported the cultivation of such crop. However, over the years, the majority of cassava farmers cultivate small farm area which is not conducive or economical for mechanisation. Despite these challenges, cassava is one of the fastest expanding staple food crops in cassava consuming countries and has continued to gain prominence amongst farmers whilst the industrial demand is also rising consistently [20]. FAOSTAT [21], has established that as it 2019, Nigeria produced about 60 million tonnes. Despite being the largest producer of cassava in the world, more than 90% of cassava produced in Nigeria are consumed locally [22].

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6. Stages of cassava processing

Traditionally, cassava is processed before consumption. Processing is necessary for several reasons. First, it serves as a means of removing or reducing the potentially toxic cyanogenic glucosides present in fresh cassava. Second, it serves as a means of preservation. Third, processing yields products that have different characteristics, which create variety in cassava diets. The processing of cassava began immediately after the harvest of the tubers with its peeling, washing, grating, pressing (dewatering), sifting, frying, colouring, drying, packaging and preparation for eating in various forms.

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7. Peeling and grating stage

Cassava processing commenced with it peeling. Peeling involves the removal of the outer layer with a knife by women and children. The peeled cassava is washed with clean water. This follows the grating of cassava tuber into paste form to make it ready for pressing i.e. extraction of its liquid content. Before the fabrication of modern machine, the grating was done by scrubbing the cassava tuber against flat metal sheet on which is made sharp holes. An optional stage in cassava was the fermentation of the grated cassava paste. After grating the tubers, it is usually packed in basket, locally woven bags, or bowels. It will be allowed for 2 or 3 days before it is subjected to pressing to achieve dewatering. When cassava is subjected to this process it produces a sour taste different from those not subjected to the process, but this is essentially based on choice.

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8. The stage of dewatering (pressing to remove water)

The pressing stage followed after grating, the grated cassava (which is now in its semi-liquid state) is packed in bag(s) and subjected to a pressing device. The bag of the grated cassava is tied on a device, whose grip was tightened at regular intervals until it reaches reduction in the liquid content. In those days, the pressing device was made from bamboo and locally woven ropes but nowadays it is done with the aid of a machine. In some other area, the bag of grated cassava is placed in between two large stones or heavy objects to achieve the same aim of extracting the liquid as much as possible from the cassava. Whilst it was obvious that dewatering was done to achieve solidifying of the cassava paste, the reason for dehydration might have been related to how it eases the process of frying. It has been argued that the process of fermentation while dewatering helps to detoxify cyanide in cassava. It is important to note that the water extracted through this process is not completely useless as it can also be preserved for making starch for clothes or consumption as common amongst the Urhobo and Ijaw people of the Niger Delta area of Nigeria [23].

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9. Sifting stage of processing

After the pressing/liquid extraction stage, sifting followed immediately. This stage involves the separation of the finely grated part of the cassava paste suitable for consumption as the end product from the chaffs and tiny lumps that might have found their way into the whole of the grated paste through the use of the locally made sieve. This is done by packaging a measured quantity of the grated cassava, which assumes the form of flour after dehydration into the sieve. Sifting is achieved by gently running the palms through the measured quantity of cassava flour on the sieves. The portion that went through the bowl placed under/in between the laps is considered fit for further processing into the end product. Colouring constituted another optional activity of the stages involved in the processing of cassava. It is the colouring activity that gave rise to the two colours of garri (white and red) that is available amongst the people. White is the natural colour of garri, whilst red (although described as red, it is actually yellowish in colour) is the colour produced when red oil is added to it. Amongst the professionals, the colouring is believed as a matter of opinion that the application of palm oil as a colouring agent improves the quality of the garri and reduces whatever negative effect that might result from its consumption. According to Eboyehi [24], the colouration also helps to reduce the acidic nature, that could be harmful to some consumers. Thus the red garri is generally preferred by the people, particularly in the preparation of eba, a solid meal prepared from garri is commonly eaten amongst the southern part of Nigeria.

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10. Frying and sun drying

The last stage in the processing of cassava into garri is the frying of the sieved cassava flour. This involves the heating of the flour in an earthen or aluminium pot over a fire made to suit the purpose. Whilst the heating is on, the processor is expected to continuously undertake the turning of the cassava flour until it is certified dried. Garri may be heated enough for consumption on fire, whilst the process of drying was completed by further spreading out of the garri in the sun. Sun drying the garri was optional and in most Esan processing communities discouraged and frowned at. In fact the sun drying method was always seen of shortchanging people and people are discouraged from consuming such product except for commercial purpose. Frying is however considered better, because it is neater and aid preservation. The sun drying method is not popular amongst the people probably because of the effect on the nutritional content of the food. According to observation, it has been opined that sun drying causes large losses in carotene content, Vitamin A and Vitamin D. Nutritionists are of the view that retention of vitamins in dehydrated foods is superior to sun dried foods. They have also opined that rancidity is an important problem in dried foods. According to this school of thought, Enzymatic browning or caramelisation types of reaction may occur and can be controlled by addition of Sulphur dioxide [23].

It is important to note that apart from the production of garri from cassava, the Esan women have been able to process other food items from same source. For example there is the Cassava Foo-Foo (akpu), which is derived through whole or cutting cassava roots are peeled washed and allowed to ferment naturally to a soft texture in 4–5 days. This is cooked into foo-foo (paste) and eaten with vegetable soup. There is also the tuber flour (lafun/Elubo), which is gotten through clean cassava root cut into chips, allowed to ferment 1–2 days, sundried, blended and sieved. The flour is cooked into a paste with water and eaten with vegetable soup. There is also the Bobozi/Tapioka, which is cassava tuber, peeled and boiled, after which it is sliced into chips and soaked in clean water (overnight to reduce the level of acidity). This is eaten with coconut, palm Kernel, groundnut or specially prepared sauce.

11. Conclusion

From the discourse, it is clear that the food processing industry of the people (as most African societies) has traditionally championed by the women using local technology. The product of this process has over the years geared towards both family consumption and exchange. This product has also attracted high purchase in both local, inter and intra-regional markets around the area. In fact in the Illushi market which is the biggest market in Edo state (linking three other states- Kogi, Anambra and Delta states of Nigeria), the processing and trading in Garri has been considered so were essential and important, resulting in the establishment of a separate section for the trade within the market. Over the years, this has attracted contact between various ecological regions, differential needs and trade [13, 25, 26]. This gave rise to, and increased, economic specialisation especially in the processing industry. Scholars have argued that this specialisation has helped to distinguish different kinds of economic activities and the level of their inter-dependence in the area.

Despite the fact that the indigenous (traditional) food processing industry in the area has recorded some successes, especially considering the fact that it (till date) handles more than 70% of the processed food, it is still not receiving the necessary attention from the government and the modern food processing bodies. It is in line with this that the paper advocates for increased research and development activities in local sourcing of food processing equipment not just in the Esan area, but other rural agricultural-based communities. This is considered very crucial; particularly for the development of small-scale and indigenous entrepreneurship in the food industry.

It is therefore in line with the above that there is the urgent need for modern food processors to collaborate with the indigenous (traditional) food processing industries scattered all over the country to achieve high quantity and quality. This is because, food processing involves different unit operation with varied equipment to carry out this operation. Unfortunately, the rural farmers/producers who are burdened with the supplying the larger population do not have access to these.

A. Appendix

Locally fabricated machines for gari production

Source: https://www.cassavaprocessing.com/Blog/locally_fabricated_garri_machine_in_nigeria_103.html

Pictures Explanation from the Left to Right.

Picture 1: The Frying Process by a woman.

Picture 2: Modern Advanced Frying Machine.

Picture 3: Modern Fabricated Dewatering Machine.

Picture 4: Locally Fabricated Dewatering Machine.

Photo of GarrI

Photo of Akpu/Fufu

Photo of Elubo/Lafun in its dried form

Photo of Elubo in Powdered form

Photo of Bobozi/Tapioka/Abacha

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Written By

Emmanuel Osewe Akubor, Beatrice Amili Akubor and Funmilayo Evaristus Awoyera

Submitted: 16 November 2022 Reviewed: 05 January 2023 Published: 21 February 2024