Mandatory Early Childhood Education in Latin America: provision, regulations, compulsory age, school life expectancy.
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More than half of the publishers listed alongside IntechOpen (18 out of 30) are Social Science and Humanities publishers. IntechOpen is an exception to this as a leader in not only Open Access content but Open Access content across all scientific disciplines, including Physical Sciences, Engineering and Technology, Health Sciences, Life Science, and Social Sciences and Humanities.
\\n\\nOur breakdown of titles published demonstrates this with 47% PET, 31% HS, 18% LS, and 4% SSH books published.
\\n\\n“Even though ItechOpen has shown the potential of sci-tech books using an OA approach,” other publishers “have shown little interest in OA books.”
\\n\\nAdditionally, each book published by IntechOpen contains original content and research findings.
\\n\\nWe are honored to be among such prestigious publishers and we hope to continue to spearhead that growth in our quest to promote Open Access as a true pioneer in OA book publishing.
\\n\\n\\n\\n
\\n"}]',published:!0,mainMedia:{caption:"IntechOpen Maintains",originalUrl:"/media/original/113"}},components:[{type:"htmlEditorComponent",content:'
Simba Information has released its Open Access Book Publishing 2020 - 2024 report and has again identified IntechOpen as the world’s largest Open Access book publisher by title count.
\n\nSimba Information is a leading provider for market intelligence and forecasts in the media and publishing industry. The report, published every year, provides an overview and financial outlook for the global professional e-book publishing market.
\n\nIntechOpen, De Gruyter, and Frontiers are the largest OA book publishers by title count, with IntechOpen coming in at first place with 5,101 OA books published, a good 1,782 titles ahead of the nearest competitor.
\n\nSince the first Open Access Book Publishing report published in 2016, IntechOpen has held the top stop each year.
\n\n\n\nMore than half of the publishers listed alongside IntechOpen (18 out of 30) are Social Science and Humanities publishers. IntechOpen is an exception to this as a leader in not only Open Access content but Open Access content across all scientific disciplines, including Physical Sciences, Engineering and Technology, Health Sciences, Life Science, and Social Sciences and Humanities.
\n\nOur breakdown of titles published demonstrates this with 47% PET, 31% HS, 18% LS, and 4% SSH books published.
\n\n“Even though ItechOpen has shown the potential of sci-tech books using an OA approach,” other publishers “have shown little interest in OA books.”
\n\nAdditionally, each book published by IntechOpen contains original content and research findings.
\n\nWe are honored to be among such prestigious publishers and we hope to continue to spearhead that growth in our quest to promote Open Access as a true pioneer in OA book publishing.
\n\n\n\n
\n'}],latestNews:[{slug:"webinar-introduction-to-open-science-wednesday-18-may-1-pm-cest-20220518",title:"Webinar: Introduction to Open Science | Wednesday 18 May, 1 PM CEST"},{slug:"step-in-the-right-direction-intechopen-launches-a-portfolio-of-open-science-journals-20220414",title:"Step in the Right Direction: IntechOpen Launches a Portfolio of Open Science Journals"},{slug:"let-s-meet-at-london-book-fair-5-7-april-2022-olympia-london-20220321",title:"Let’s meet at London Book Fair, 5-7 April 2022, Olympia London"},{slug:"50-books-published-as-part-of-intechopen-and-knowledge-unlatched-ku-collaboration-20220316",title:"50 Books published as part of IntechOpen and Knowledge Unlatched (KU) Collaboration"},{slug:"intechopen-joins-the-united-nations-sustainable-development-goals-publishers-compact-20221702",title:"IntechOpen joins the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals Publishers Compact"},{slug:"intechopen-signs-exclusive-representation-agreement-with-lsr-libros-servicios-y-representaciones-s-a-de-c-v-20211123",title:"IntechOpen Signs Exclusive Representation Agreement with LSR Libros Servicios y Representaciones S.A. de C.V"},{slug:"intechopen-expands-partnership-with-research4life-20211110",title:"IntechOpen Expands Partnership with Research4Life"},{slug:"introducing-intechopen-book-series-a-new-publishing-format-for-oa-books-20210915",title:"Introducing IntechOpen Book Series - A New Publishing Format for OA Books"}]},book:{item:{type:"book",id:"7205",leadTitle:null,fullTitle:"Housing",title:"Housing",subtitle:null,reviewType:"peer-reviewed",abstract:'This book is proposed as both a general reading of the discipline for students in architecture and urban planning, and offers a variety of materials for professionals of local and international organizations. It brings together studies with new perspectives and relevant subjects from different geographical areas. The book gathers the contributions of international researchers and experts. It is divided into three parts and eight chapters: Part I, "Introduction to Housing Affairs," includes a chapter that discusses a general reading of housing as meaning and action in social, economic, and environmental city life. Part II, "Case Studies Upon Housing Policies," includes four chapters. It consists of many examples from different geographical areas and domains. Part III, "Housing Quality and Affordability," includes three chapters; housing quality, sustainability, and development are the main subjects for this part.',isbn:"978-1-78984-655-3",printIsbn:"978-1-78984-654-6",pdfIsbn:"978-1-83881-766-4",doi:"10.5772/intechopen.74072",price:119,priceEur:129,priceUsd:155,slug:"housing",numberOfPages:174,isOpenForSubmission:!1,isInWos:1,isInBkci:!1,hash:"efb431be41bf8bf41facd7b4a183225e",bookSignature:"Amjad Almusaed and Asaad Almssad",publishedDate:"November 28th 2018",coverURL:"https://cdn.intechopen.com/books/images_new/7205.jpg",numberOfDownloads:10505,numberOfWosCitations:10,numberOfCrossrefCitations:12,numberOfCrossrefCitationsByBook:0,numberOfDimensionsCitations:22,numberOfDimensionsCitationsByBook:0,hasAltmetrics:1,numberOfTotalCitations:44,isAvailableForWebshopOrdering:!0,dateEndFirstStepPublish:"January 22nd 2018",dateEndSecondStepPublish:"February 12th 2018",dateEndThirdStepPublish:"April 13th 2018",dateEndFourthStepPublish:"July 2nd 2018",dateEndFifthStepPublish:"August 31st 2018",currentStepOfPublishingProcess:5,indexedIn:"1,2,3,4,5,6,7",editedByType:"Edited by",kuFlag:!1,featuredMarkup:null,editors:[{id:"110471",title:"Prof.",name:"Amjad",middleName:"Zaki",surname:"Almusaed",slug:"amjad-almusaed",fullName:"Amjad Almusaed",profilePictureURL:"https://mts.intechopen.com/storage/users/110471/images/system/110471.png",biography:"Prof. Amjad Almusaed has a Ph.D. in Architecture (Environmental Design) from Ion Mincu University, Bucharest, Romania. He completed postdoctoral research in 2004 on sustainable and bioclimatic houses at the School of Architecture, Aarhus, Denmark. His research expertise is sustainability in architecture and urban planning and design. He has carried out a great deal of research and technical survey work and has performed several studies in these areas. He has edited many international books and is an active member of many worldwide architectural associations. He has published more than 170 international academic works (papers, research, books, and book chapters) in different languages.",institutionString:"Jönköping University",position:null,outsideEditionCount:0,totalCites:0,totalAuthoredChapters:"10",totalChapterViews:"0",totalEditedBooks:"10",institution:{name:"Jönköping University",institutionURL:null,country:{name:"Sweden"}}}],equalEditorOne:null,equalEditorTwo:null,equalEditorThree:null,coeditorOne:{id:"194040",title:"Prof.",name:"Asaad",middleName:null,surname:"Almssad",slug:"asaad-almssad",fullName:"Asaad Almssad",profilePictureURL:"https://mts.intechopen.com/storage/users/194040/images/system/194040.jpg",biography:"Associate Prof. Asaad Almssad has more than thirty years of experience in industry, academia, and research at Umeå University, Sweden; Karlstad University, Sweden; and various European and non-European institutions. His research focuses on building structures, materials, sustainable building, and energy efficiency in building systems. He has authored and co-authored more than fifty research papers and many books. Currently, he is employed as a docent at Karlstad University.",institutionString:"Karlstad University",position:null,outsideEditionCount:0,totalCites:0,totalAuthoredChapters:"4",totalChapterViews:"0",totalEditedBooks:"0",institution:{name:"Karlstad University",institutionURL:null,country:{name:"Sweden"}}},coeditorTwo:null,coeditorThree:null,coeditorFour:null,coeditorFive:null,topics:[{id:"705",title:"Construction Engineering",slug:"construction-engineering"}],chapters:[{id:"64126",title:"Introductory Chapter: Housing Policy Matters",doi:"10.5772/intechopen.81622",slug:"introductory-chapter-housing-policy-matters",totalDownloads:945,totalCrossrefCites:3,totalDimensionsCites:5,hasAltmetrics:0,abstract:null,signatures:"Amjad Almusaed and Asaad Almssad",downloadPdfUrl:"/chapter/pdf-download/64126",previewPdfUrl:"/chapter/pdf-preview/64126",authors:[{id:"110471",title:"Prof.",name:"Amjad",surname:"Almusaed",slug:"amjad-almusaed",fullName:"Amjad Almusaed"}],corrections:null},{id:"62071",title:"Housing Policy in the Slovak Republic",doi:"10.5772/intechopen.78611",slug:"housing-policy-in-the-slovak-republic",totalDownloads:856,totalCrossrefCites:2,totalDimensionsCites:2,hasAltmetrics:0,abstract:"Housing is an important source of employment. Consistency between housing and employment in several developed economies has become an essential part of state public policy and local governments. Low labour mobility in Slovakia is also related to the structure of use of the housing stock, which is significantly dominated by owner-occupied housing. The mobility of housing is closely linked to the desired and undesired labour mobility. The demand-determining factor on the side of the housing market is the demographic development of the population from which the need for housing is objectively derived. The real demand for housing is mainly dependent on the social-economic status of potential applicants for housing and their current and expected financial situation. The chapter discusses the historical context of housing and housing policy in Slovakia, “a massive privatisation of flats” and the housing stock in Slovakia at the beginning of 1990s, the problems and the causal relationship between the housing market, labour mobility and housing finance in Slovakia.",signatures:"Daniela Spirkova",downloadPdfUrl:"/chapter/pdf-download/62071",previewPdfUrl:"/chapter/pdf-preview/62071",authors:[{id:"242483",title:"Associate Prof.",name:"Daniela",surname:"Spirkova",slug:"daniela-spirkova",fullName:"Daniela Spirkova"}],corrections:null},{id:"61896",title:"Children’s Playgrounds in Slovak Mass Housing Estates: History and Current Trends",doi:"10.5772/intechopen.78384",slug:"children-s-playgrounds-in-slovak-mass-housing-estates-history-and-current-trends",totalDownloads:1306,totalCrossrefCites:0,totalDimensionsCites:0,hasAltmetrics:0,abstract:"Children’s playgrounds represent an important amenity in the concepts of mass housing, The study chapter presents the unique concepts of children’s playgrounds that have been applied in the Slovak mass housing estates of the second half of the twentieth century, designed by architects and artist, and inspired by the best European experiences, for example, by the landscape design of the Stockholm School. The early inhabitants of the Slovak mass housing estates were predominantly young families with children. The residential aging of this homogenous social structure caused that during the lifespan of housing estates, the demand for playgrounds decreased, they became underused and fell into decay. Today, the social structure of mass housing estates becomes more heterogeneous, what puts new requirements on the design of open public spaces and, as well as, on the regeneration and design of children’s playgrounds, to serve the rising demands of the inhabitants and to enhance the livability of the housing estates. The study examines the current examples of the children’s playgrounds from Slovak mass housing estates, which show that nowadays the typified design of the standardized catalog type elements is used and preferred.",signatures:"Katarína Kristiánová",downloadPdfUrl:"/chapter/pdf-download/61896",previewPdfUrl:"/chapter/pdf-preview/61896",authors:[{id:"224853",title:"Dr.",name:"Katarina",surname:"Kristianova",slug:"katarina-kristianova",fullName:"Katarina Kristianova"}],corrections:null},{id:"64296",title:"Collaborative Public Participatory Web Geographic Information System: A Groupware-Based Online Synchronous Collaboration to Support Municipal Planning",doi:"10.5772/intechopen.79354",slug:"collaborative-public-participatory-web-geographic-information-system-a-groupware-based-online-synchr",totalDownloads:1079,totalCrossrefCites:0,totalDimensionsCites:0,hasAltmetrics:0,abstract:"Co-PPGIS has a wide variety of applications like municipal planning, emergency response, public health and security, etc. The main focus of this paper is on the development and design of a web collaborative PPGIS (Co-PPGIS) infrastructure. As part of municipality’s planning and management services, Co-PPGIS is developed for real-time map sharing application system. Co-PPGIS is an effective and essential online meeting system for supporting group collaborations on geographic information such as maps and imageries and capturing and sharing of local/domain knowledge in real time. Co-PPGIS permits amalgamation of geospatial data and collaborator’s input in the form of geo-referenced notations. It incorporates coherent components such as map sharing, real-time chat, video conferencing, and geo-referenced textual and graphical notations. The study aims to focus on public participation and geo-collaboration facilitated with information sharing, interactive geo-conferencing, real-time map, and data sharing with tools to draw features or add annotation to the map while discussions, uploading documents, and live communication. Co-PPGIS provides an efficient and reliable platform that will significantly reduce the time to acquire, process, and analyze data. The significance of this study is to contribute to existing public participation practices, to municipal planning, to decision-making, or to geographic information science.",signatures:"Muhammad Atif Butt, Syed Amer Mahmood, Javed Sami, Jahanzeb\nQureshi, Muhammad Kashif Nazir and Amer Masood",downloadPdfUrl:"/chapter/pdf-download/64296",previewPdfUrl:"/chapter/pdf-preview/64296",authors:[{id:"3899",title:"Mr.",name:"Syed Amer",surname:"Mahmood",slug:"syed-amer-mahmood",fullName:"Syed Amer Mahmood"},{id:"242037",title:"Dr.",name:"M. Atif",surname:"Butt",slug:"m.-atif-butt",fullName:"M. Atif Butt"},{id:"269239",title:"Mr.",name:"Javed",surname:"Sami",slug:"javed-sami",fullName:"Javed Sami"},{id:"269240",title:"Mr.",name:"Jahanzeb",surname:"Qureshi",slug:"jahanzeb-qureshi",fullName:"Jahanzeb Qureshi"},{id:"269241",title:"Mr.",name:"Amer",surname:"Masood",slug:"amer-masood",fullName:"Amer Masood"}],corrections:null},{id:"62021",title:"Urbanization and Meeting the Need for Affordable Housing in Nigeria",doi:"10.5772/intechopen.78576",slug:"urbanization-and-meeting-the-need-for-affordable-housing-in-nigeria",totalDownloads:2640,totalCrossrefCites:5,totalDimensionsCites:10,hasAltmetrics:1,abstract:"Urbanization is an ongoing trend in developed and developing countries. With particular reference to Nigeria, studies have shown that many urban centres have been experiencing rapid and continuous growth over the years, as people tend to migrate from rural areas to urban centres in order to better their living conditions. However, there has been an inadequacy of the necessary infrastructures to meet the needs of the increasing urban populace. Empirical studies have also shown that about 75% of the urban settlers live in slums and improper housing, which is antithetical to human dignity. Therefore, this study aims at exploring the causes, advantages, and disadvantages of urban slum dwelling in Nigeria, and similarly proper possible solutions to the prevailing urbanization challenges in the country. The authors agree that the policy can bring about an effective provision of affordable housing, thereby meeting the needs of housing and helping to solve most of the problems of urbanization in Nigeria. It is recommended that each element of an effective housing policy, as entrenched in the National Housing Policy 2012, should be critically explored towards the delivery of affordable housing, which would in turn go a long way in solving urbanization problems in Nigeria.",signatures:"Temi Oni-Jimoh and Champika Liyanage",downloadPdfUrl:"/chapter/pdf-download/62021",previewPdfUrl:"/chapter/pdf-preview/62021",authors:[{id:"245547",title:"Mrs.",name:"Temi",surname:"Oni-Jimoh",slug:"temi-oni-jimoh",fullName:"Temi Oni-Jimoh"},{id:"245550",title:"Dr.",name:"Champika",surname:"Liyanage",slug:"champika-liyanage",fullName:"Champika Liyanage"}],corrections:null},{id:"62040",title:"Housing Quality and Risk Factors Associated with Respiratory Health Conditions in Nigeria",doi:"10.5772/intechopen.78543",slug:"housing-quality-and-risk-factors-associated-with-respiratory-health-conditions-in-nigeria",totalDownloads:2012,totalCrossrefCites:2,totalDimensionsCites:5,hasAltmetrics:1,abstract:"This chapter presents an overview of the condition and quality of housing in Nigeria and its implication on respiratory health. Addressing housing issues offers public health practitioners an opportunity to assess an important social determinant of health. This chapter detailed the housing characteristics in Nigeria and revealed that respiratory health conditions, especially among children is associated with certain environmental factors that perturb the composition of the indoor air, and thus the housing quality. Drawing on this perspective, this chapter pursues the following questions: (1) What are the factors that affect the quality of housing where people spend most of their time daily? and (2) Given the housing condition in Nigeria, what housing-related factors influence the prevalence of respiratory health conditions especially among children? In the course of the discussion, we described the meteorological conditions of houses in relation to respiratory conditions, established a link between indoor air and housing quality, and elucidated the indicators for evaluating housing quality. Drawing on the associated risk factors, it argues that the quality of housing, including the external and internal structures, as well as the internal environment has a selective force on the respiratory health status of its occupants.",signatures:"Adekunle Fakunle, Johnson Ogundare, Linda Olayinka-Alli, Mayowa\nAridegbe, Temilade Bello, Opeyemi Elujulo, Olamide Olugbile and\nIbiwunmi Saliu",downloadPdfUrl:"/chapter/pdf-download/62040",previewPdfUrl:"/chapter/pdf-preview/62040",authors:[{id:"245453",title:"Ph.D. Student",name:"Adekunle",surname:"Fakunle",slug:"adekunle-fakunle",fullName:"Adekunle Fakunle"},{id:"254283",title:"Mr.",name:"Johnson",surname:"Ogundare",slug:"johnson-ogundare",fullName:"Johnson Ogundare"},{id:"257476",title:"Mrs.",name:"Linda",surname:"Olayinka-Alli",slug:"linda-olayinka-alli",fullName:"Linda Olayinka-Alli"},{id:"257480",title:"Mr.",name:"Opeyemi",surname:"Elujulo",slug:"opeyemi-elujulo",fullName:"Opeyemi Elujulo"},{id:"257481",title:"Mr.",name:"Olamide",surname:"Omigbile",slug:"olamide-omigbile",fullName:"Olamide Omigbile"},{id:"257482",title:"Ms.",name:"Ibiwunmi",surname:"Saliu",slug:"ibiwunmi-saliu",fullName:"Ibiwunmi Saliu"}],corrections:null},{id:"62038",title:"Housing for Younger and Older Populations",doi:"10.5772/intechopen.78039",slug:"housing-for-younger-and-older-populations",totalDownloads:839,totalCrossrefCites:0,totalDimensionsCites:0,hasAltmetrics:1,abstract:"In Slovenia, a post-socialist Central and Eastern European country, a high percentage of young people still live at home with their parents. However, they wish to become independent and to leave their parents’ home, but unemployment and, consequently, the lack of financial means make this difficult. In contrast to the young, older people do not wish to leave their homes. They want to stay in their own-occupied housing as long as possible, postponing moving to an institutionalized accommodation. A lack of finance is an aggravating factor for older people as well. It particularly affects those individuals who live in a single-person household or in their own, often oversized house. This study, therefore, presents housing conditions of two age groups, that is, younger population, focusing on individuals aged from 18 to 35 years who still live with their parents, and older populations, represented by individuals aged 60 and above not living in institutional forms of accommodation (yet).",signatures:"Boštjan Kerbler and Barbara Kolar",downloadPdfUrl:"/chapter/pdf-download/62038",previewPdfUrl:"/chapter/pdf-preview/62038",authors:[{id:"218952",title:"Dr.",name:"Bostjan",surname:"Kerbler",slug:"bostjan-kerbler",fullName:"Bostjan Kerbler"},{id:"244628",title:"MSc.",name:"Barbara",surname:"Kolar",slug:"barbara-kolar",fullName:"Barbara Kolar"}],corrections:null},{id:"62294",title:"Understanding Adaptive Mainstream Users’ Values in Housing Transformation towards Sustainable Housing Development",doi:"10.5772/intechopen.78577",slug:"understanding-adaptive-mainstream-users-values-in-housing-transformation-towards-sustainable-housing",totalDownloads:828,totalCrossrefCites:0,totalDimensionsCites:0,hasAltmetrics:0,abstract:"The emergent trend on the influence of western housing built forms and patterns in traditional cities with culturally inclined historical values have been on the rise. However, there is a corresponding resistivity in morphological outcomes as users transform their houses to reflect lifelong values. Vividly, a growing concept of indigenous urban architectural character evolves in these settlements due to fulfilment of values as reflected in the configuration over time. In this chapter, the research argues on the need to harness the benefits and design indices that lies in users’ instigated changes to original house forms and configurations towards attaining users’ satisfaction and desired needs. Beyond this, it further emphasised the need for a socio-cultural paradigm in thinking housing as a significant trend in ensuring housing sustainability. Thereafter, mainstream values that relate design solutions through spatial patterns and indices are expressed using the case study strategy to illustrate instances of sustainable housing themes.",signatures:"Abubakar Danladi Isah",downloadPdfUrl:"/chapter/pdf-download/62294",previewPdfUrl:"/chapter/pdf-preview/62294",authors:[{id:"242883",title:"Dr.",name:"Isah",surname:"Abubakar Danladi",slug:"isah-abubakar-danladi",fullName:"Isah Abubakar Danladi"}],corrections:null}],productType:{id:"1",title:"Edited Volume",chapterContentType:"chapter",authoredCaption:"Edited by"},subseries:null,tags:null},relatedBooks:[{type:"book",id:"6378",title:"Sustainable Buildings",subtitle:"Interaction Between a Holistic Conceptual Act and Materials Properties",isOpenForSubmission:!1,hash:"1bc977aee58593c6aeecb1941cae1a0e",slug:"sustainable-buildings-interaction-between-a-holistic-conceptual-act-and-materials-properties",bookSignature:"Amjad Almusaed and Asaad 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Over the last decades, the establishment of the Early Childhood Education (ECE) as a key to the success of different aims on the international agendas for education, which is based on the recognition that ECE services can contribute to these goals, has been one of the main issues of the global agenda. As a matter of fact, early childhood education has become one of the areas identified for improvement within this framework, as the UNESCO-sponsored World Conference on Early Childhood Care and Education: Building the Wealth of Nations in Moscow, September 2010 outlined in its purpose. Hence, the Moscow Framework for Action and Cooperation, adopted by the Conference [1], moved ECE higher up on political agendas by planning a strategic position for ECE in the now current development and education agendas.
\nNowadays, the SDGs hold the quality of early childhood care and education systems as a key element of the goal number 4 on education, and it is understood to play a major role in achieving the desirable outcomes [2]. In this respect, education SDG 4 covers learning from early childhood through adulthood, while stressing the universality of the goals and targets for countries at every level of development, as well as the key themes of education quality, learning, inclusion, and equity. Equity is emphasized here as means of focusing on quality without addressing the many aspects related to those on the margins and those who have been left behind. Actually, the beneficial role of quality ECE to, among other contributions, guarantee the success of the attainment and completion of primary education has been fully demonstrated by diverse international surveys, such as Program for International Student Assessment (PISA). This named survey across OECD countries shows that there is a better performance for students at the age of 15 years who attended preprimary school than for those who did not attended, even after accounting for students’ socioeconomic status [3].
\nLatin American countries have also advocated for the development agendas, with the essential role played by education for sustainable human development. Moreover, when referring to education challenges in achieving the education goals in the region, the expansion of early childhood care and education services remained a priority [4]. Along this same line, the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) aims at the universalization of preschool education [5], from an approach that is matched by the OECD [6], with respect to the central role of education policies in the fight against the transmission of inequality from one generation to the next. This is an especially relevant goal if those policies have been concerned with early childhood and the advancement of compulsory education. Yet, the inequitable socioeconomic structure of Latin America indeed interacts with the inequality in educational participation also at the ECE level, resulting in a dynamic where preschool education can hardly develop as the desirable equalizer to potentially tackle these social inequalities.
\nThere is a widespread consensus in considering that overcoming the serious inequalities is the greatest structural challenge for the entire region of Latin America [5], especially because these disparities spread in the context of low socioeconomic mobility, which stems from existing political and family mechanisms that perpetuate the problem [7]. As a result of this imbalance, the disadvantaged groups continue to suffer lower opportunities of education, and unequal education continues to be as one of the challenges from the Latin American educational reality. The UNESCO Regional Bureau for Latin America and the Caribbean (OREALC) noticed that important levels of inequality related to elements such as social class, ethnic origin, and geographic location can be found in all countries of the region, which constitute the factors blocking the expansion of the provision of quality education [8]. Furthermore, the educational mobility in Latin America is very limited in comparison with other regions of the planet; thus, when the educational attainment from one generation with respect to their parents is assessed, the correlation between the level of the parents and their children is significantly higher in this region than in the rest of them [9].
\nBering in mind these conditional factors, the aim of this work is to examine and compare the impact of the implementation of compulsory preschool education in the different Latin American countries and their diverse societies. Specifically, the focus is on the extent to which preschool education can mitigate the social inequalities in children’s learning outcomes generated within the family context. Therefore, comparable data are analyzed and confronted in order to disentangle if compulsory preschool education can reduce social inequalities in educational attainment within this region.
\nIn World Declaration on Education for All (EFA) 1990, ECE was committed as the first fundamental goal for the Latin American countries that submitted this agenda, and, since then, expanding ECE access has been recognized as a priority. Nevertheless, UNESCO pointed out that the compulsory attendance policy could become a crash course for children prior to enter formal schooling without being complemented by measures to ensure the child’s attendance in the early phases of ECE [10]. To this concern, the Educational Goals for 2021, which were adopted by the Ibero-American Conference on Education and reaffirmed in 2010, include ambitious goals relating to ECE. Particularly, the third general goal and its target reflect the political importance that the expansion of ECE from the early ages has taken on in the region. Moreover, the targets to include the children from vulnerable groups in this expansion can be founded in the second target from this agenda in order to promote equity and an equitable access to ECE. Quality ECE for low socioeconomic status children has been found to benefit from ECE to a greater extent than high socioeconomic status children [11]. Hence, it has been necessary to monitor the expansion of access to ECE as a first step to assess the equity but, along with it, the equity of the distribution and the quality of the provision needs to be examined.
\nThe implementation and evaluation of the above-mentioned agendas have provided for strategies and action plans, as well as they have open new prospects to identify the trends and development of their consecution over time. As positive consequence, nowadays, it is possible to measure and compare the levels of achievement that the Latin American countries have reached in the expansion of ECE over the last decades. This comparative exercise allows the establishment of particular paths and dynamics that have taken place in the different countries and moments, in order to relate them with the present challenges and opportunities that education is facing within this diverse reality.
\nFor the purpose of this work, the selection of indicators responds to the availability of comparable data of ECE in Latin American countries, focusing on the mandatory attendance policies and the real benefit of them. Therefore, in the next section, compared information shows a short description of the main types of provision of the national system in early childhood education together with the main selected elements on compulsory preschool education. These elements are the mandatory access and the age range for a guaranteed place, as well as the evolution of school life expectancy in ECE and of the scope of children with preschool experiences after the transition to primary school. Furthermore, in this first subsection, there are also compiled data on the equity of access in order to study the development and achievement of ECE expansion by comparing the enrolment ratios over time, as well as the school life expectancy.
\nThe second subsection of the comparative study will focus on the last three rounds of PISA results and its evolutions from a selection of countries in order to relate their developments with the progresses on the implementation and the expansion of the compulsory attendance policies in ECE. This cross-national study of the comparable data over time can reveal to what extent the compulsory attendance policy has benefitted the Latin American countries, from a general perspective. In the same line, this exercise can help to show the disparities between these countries and the different social groups within these countries.
\nBearing in mind that there are multiple pathways and different influences to understand the diverse ways in which ECE policy can be made efficient [12, 13], the comparative conclusions of this study will be presented in the final section of the work. There, some future perspectives and challenges around the compulsory preschool are also discussed, in order to complement the extracted conclusions.
\nHistorically, there has been a common trend among the Latin American countries toward the so-called divided model in the provision of ECE. For most of the cases, this division was established in terms of age, as it was also the designation and definition of the great variety of arrangements. However, since the 1990s, the universalization of at least the last year of preschool spreads as a goal throughout Latin America [14] and the implementation of its mandatory character has been determinant to set the current structure of ECE in the region.
\nNowadays, in all the Latin American countries, preschool attendance is mandatory at the age of 5 years old, even though in some of the nations, this situation can start earlier for young children. As can be observed in Table 1, the laws on compulsory preschool education have been instituted in this region over the past two decades, although some of these countries did earlier (see the Table 1 additional notes on the cases of Panama and Venezuela in 1946 and 1980, respectively). Nevertheless, the effectiveness of these initiatives has been only noted in recent times along the steady increase of the public investment on this level of each national education system. Thereby, Table 1 shows significant and positive advances in the level of government expenditure on preprimary education per pupil, expressed as a percentage of the GDP per capita, in the majority of the countries over the decades when compulsory attendance policies were being implemented. As a result, all the Latin American countries have expanded the provision and opportunities of ECE for the age groups immediately preceding entry into the primary education cycle, according to the information drawn from the selected indicators in Table 1. This is the case for the number of years of free ECE that is now offered in every Latin American country and which is covered for 3 years in more than the half of these countries, with the only case of Chile where this value is below 2 years of free ECE. Another successful achievement has been the evolution of school life expectancy in preprimary education between 2002 and 2015, as the region on average has achieved a substantial improvement of 0.5 years, and in 13 countries, this indicator has reached the value of 1.5 years or even more (see Table 1). This is a fact that, along the rise of ECE enrolment ratios, has been mainly spurred by the widespread strategy in Latin America of mandatory attendance policy over the last decades.
\nCountries | \nCurrent regulation on compulsory preschool education and age group | \nFree ECE (years) | \nGovernment expenditure on preprimary education per pupil as % of GDP per capita | \nSchool life expectancy in preprimary education (years) | \nANER 1 year before the official primary school entry age (%), school year ending in | \n|||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
2015 | \n2002 | \n2015 | \n2002 | \n2015 | \n2002 | \n2015 | \n||
Argentina | \n(Ley Nacional de Educación, 2006) 4–5 years old | \n3 | \n9.4 | \n11.5 | \n1.8 | \n2.2 | \n99.2 | \n98.8a | \n
Bolivia | \n(Ley de Educación, 2010) 4–5 years old | \n2 | \n7.6 | \n12.1 | \n1 | \n1.4 | \n67.1 | \n92.5a | \n
Brazil | \n(Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educação, 1996) 4–5 years old | \n3 | \n15.2iii | \n26.4 | \n1.6iii | \n1.8 | \n81.3 | \n93Z | \n
Chile | \n(Ley General de Educación, 2009) 5 years old | \n1 | \n13.1 | \n18.6 | \n1.6 | \n2.5 | \n\n | 97.5a | \n
Colombia | \n(Ley General de Educación, 1994) 5 years old | \n3 | \n3.5 | \n6.6 | \n1.3 | \n2.5Z | \n82.1 | \n84.2a | \n
Costa Rica | \n(Código de Educación Ley N., 2000) 3–5 years old | \n3 | \n14.8 | \n18.3 | \n1.2 | \n1.6 | \n85.1 | \n93.4 | \n
Ecuador | \n(Ley Orgánica de Educación Intercultural, 2011) 3–5 years old | \n3 | \n34.6* | \n24.8 | \n0.7 | \n2.1 | \n74.7 | \n97.5 | \n
El Salvador | \n(Ley General de Educación, 1996) 4–6 years old | \n3 | \n6.1 | \n6.8 | \n1.6 | \n2.0 | \n75.4 | \n85.5 | \n
Guatemala | \n(Ley Nacional de Educación 1991) 4–6 years old | \n2 | \n4.8 | \n15.5 | \n1.1 | \n1.4 | \n65.0 | \n80.7 | \n
Honduras | \n(Ley fundamental de educación, 2011) 5 years old | \n3 | \n.. | \n14.1 | \n1i | \n1.2 | \n.. | \n81.3a | \n
Mexico | \n(Ley General de Educación, 1993) 3–5 years old | \n3 | \n13.9 | \n13.1*** | \n1.4 | \n2.1 | \n83.4 | \n98.7 | \n
Nicaragua | \n(Ley General de Educación, 2006) 5 years old | \n.. | \n0.6ii | \n4.2** | \n1.3 | \n1.8** | \n73.3 | \n87.3*** | \n
Panama | \n(Ley Orgánica de Educación, 1995) 4–5 years old | \n2 | \n3.9 | \n3.9*** | \n1.1 | \n1.5 | \n72.2 | \n79.3 | \n
Paraguay | \n(Ley General de Educación, 1998) 5 years old | \n3 | \n12.1 | \n12.8 | \n1 | \n1.1*** | \n.. | \n77.9*** | \n
Peru | \n(Ley General de Educación, 2003) 3–5 years old | \n3 | \n6.4 | \n13.2 | \n1.8 | \n2.7 | \n85.4 | \n98.8 | \n
Uruguay | \n(Ley General de Educación, 2008) 4–5 years old | \n2 | \n8.0 | \n.. | \n2 | \n2.7 | \n100ii | \n96.7 | \n
Venezuela | \n(Ley Orgánica de Educación, 2009) 3–5 years old | \n3 | \n7.22iii | \n17.12* | \n1.5 | \n2.3 | \n76.1 | \n92.3 | \n
Mandatory Early Childhood Education in Latin America: provision, regulations, compulsory age, school life expectancy.
Explanatory notes: ANER 1 year before the official primary school entry age is the percentage of children at the intended age a year before entry into primary education who are enrolled in either preprimary or primary education.
ₐ: 2016 by UNESCO.UIS; i2003; *2008; Z: National estimate; ii2005; **2010; .. No registered; iii2006; ***2012.
Source: Table by author. Data extracted from UNESCO.UIS (2018), SIPI (2017), and ECLAC (2016).
Accordingly, it is visible in Table 1 that during the period between 2002 and 2015, the Adjusted Net Enrolment Ratio (ANER [15]) 1 year before the official primary school entry age (%) has incremented all over the Latin American region. Furthermore, the nations that present the highest scores over 90% of new entrants with such experience by 2015 (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Mexico, Peru, Uruguay, and Venezuela) are mainly corresponding with those with the highest preschool life expectancy (see Table 1).
\nTo sum up, from the comparative analysis of the Table 1, it can be concluded that all the Latin American countries have expanded the provision and opportunities of learning for young children prior to the primary entry since 2002. Notwithstanding the differences on the expansion of preschool coverage and progress between these countries exhibit a high level of variability, just as the increases in the enrolment ratios between 2000 and 2015 did not have the same intensity along the countries of the region. For instance, countries like Bolivia or Ecuador have experimented the highest increments (over 20 percentage points) in the ANER between 2002 and 2015 to achieve the highest standards (above 90%) compared with the rising in Brazil, Costa Rica, Mexico, or Venezuela (between 8.6 and 16.2 percentage points) or another countries such as Argentina or Uruguay that just had to keep these standards during this time (see Table 1).
\nWhatsoever, the implementation of compulsory preschool by the introduction of national laws in the Latin American countries can be considered as a constructive measure in the understanding and recognition of education as a fundamental human right. The evidence from Table 1 indicates that the application of a year of free compulsory ECE derived in a general trend to extend preschool for all the young children in Latin America, yet the effectiveness of these measures has been constrained by every idiosyncrasy. Thus, despite the great improvements of the region, in countries such as Panama or Paraguay, the age group of children immediately preceding entry into the primary education cycle is still not benefiting from this legislative initiative by a wide margin (over the 80% ANER 1 year before the official primary school entry age). Moreover, the group of countries that now has to keep the efforts to overcome the value of 90% of ANER 1 year before the official primary school entry age, toward the current target of the Educational Goals for 2021, represents almost a half of the region. This is visible on Table 1, where this group includes the two above-mentioned countries and five more (Colombia, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador, and Nicaragua), even the availability and reliability of data remain a challenge of this measurement [16].
\nIn order to chart the achievements of such mandatory policy and its benefits for young children, comparable data need to be interpreted in detail and to be disaggregated. Equally, causational studies to analyze the effect of preschool attendance on children’s academic skills in Latin America were provided with caution, as no direct reference to a causal effect can be made [17]. The existence of still sharp differences in ECE access continues to be linked to the socioeconomic status and area of residence in the region, at the same time that the role of quality ECE has been pointed out as an equalizer [3]. The main question to be formulated at this point is whether the benefits of these mandatory ECE measures can have significant impacts in a very despair reality such as the Latin American region rather than to question the extent of its universalization.
\nTherefore, in the next subsection, the focus will be on the comparable and complementary data available that help to address if preschool education can mitigate the social inequalities in the children’s learning outcomes of this region.
\nThe comparative study of the Latin American region involves great challenges when trying to approach the development and results of educational policies. There are some conditioning factors of this particular context such as the socioeconomic inequality or the diversity of the different social, cultural, and political frameworks that characterize the region [5]. Along to this fact, the idiosyncrasy of each Latin American country reveals the diverse traditions and situations of ECE in the region, which help to explain the different frames and evolutions that give the priority and adopt the challenges from the international and regional agendas of education. Hence, in the following pages, far from standardizing inferences, the aim is to draw the paths that some of the Latin American countries have follow in the run to implement such agendas and their goals concerning preschool education. Thereby, in the first place, the impact of the ECE mandatory attendance policy is studied in detail through the evolutions of ANER 1 year before the official primary age considering the date of its implementation. In the second place, some of these national evolutions through the years are confronted with the level of later academic performance for those same age groups.
\nAs it was evidenced in the previous subsection, significant differences can be founded among the Latin American countries when the developments of the percentages of the net enrolment rate 1 year before the official primary entry age are compared during the last years. However, it is important to study these evolutions in detail to bring to light the value of the historical traditions and the levels of effectiveness once the mandatory attendance policy came into play in the different countries. To this respect, bearing in mind the information from Table 1 and Figure 1 concerning the national dates of implementation of this measure, it is worth to attend to the different evolutions from these countries that can be confirmed in Table 2. This is the case for countries such as Colombia, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Panama, or Peru, where the implementation of mandatory preschool attendance during 1990 and 2000 resulted into later significant rises in the ANER 1 year prior primary.
\nAdditional notes on countries’ implementation of mandatory ECE. Source: By author. Data extracted from ECLAC (2016).
Despite that the ECE compulsory attendance policy was often announced as a sign of the government’s commitment to ECE [18], its necessity has been in question as it did not seem always to help increase global enrolments in preprimary education [10]. In fact, for some of these Latin American countries, where enrolments were much higher during this period of time, such policy was yet nonexistent (see Tables 1 and 2). From this comparative analysis, thus, it can be concluded that the institutionalization of compulsory preschool in the Latin American region had positive effects toward the democratization of ECE and learning opportunities for the age group of children immediately preceding entry into the primary education cycle over the last decades. Yet, the effect of universalization is not a reality in half of the countries of this region (see Table 1).
\nLatin America adjusted net enrolment rate 1 year before the official primary entry age preschool education (%) school year ending in 1999, 2002, and 2005.
Explanatory notes: *Gross enrolment ratio.
In an attempt to relate these developments on the progresses through the implementation and the expansion of the compulsory attendance policies in ECE with the later educational attainment, PISA results are being compared among several representative countries from Latin America who had undertaken this test over the last three periods. For this purpose, the selected periods of time from Table 2 (1999, 2002, and 2005) were the years that the same students who participated in the rounds of an international examination attended preschool by the age of 5 years. The PISA examination consists of tests in mathematics, reading, and science that have been taken every 3 years by 15-year-old students who are in grade seven or above and allow for cross-country comparisons and rankings. The PISA Reading, Mathematics, and Science scale range from 0 to 1000, and they can be presented by disaggregating the preschool variables of “Attend ISCED 0” and “Age when started ISCED 0”. Supply information about the personal and family situations of the students is also compiled when the test is filled out by students. These data have been used to construct the preschool variable, which signals whether the student: (i) never attended preschool; (ii) attended preschool for 1 year or less; or (iii) attended preschool for more than 1 year.
\nThe comparable character of the PISA results helps to reveal the existing disparities among the Latin American countries that have been assessed under this program. Equally, the comparative study can help to find evidence of the impact that the preschool attendance had in such results or its evolutions within this region, in order to discuss if the mandatory attendance policies have played a decisive function in them or not. Only eight Latin American countries have been undertaking this international examination over the last rounds of evaluation in 2009, 2012, and 2015. Hence, no generalizations can be extended from their results to the entire region. Nevertheless, the fact that those countries of the Latin American region hold the highest rates in preprimary school life expectancy, as well as in the ANER 1 year before the official primary age (see Table 1), makes them a good representation of the cases where the mandatory preschool policy has not failed. A previous comparison of the PISA test scores in Latin America from 2009 and 2012 using the Preschool variable with no controls revealed a positive correlation between early education—and its duration—and academic performance at the secondary education level in all the countries [17]. In PISA 2015, a subsample of students who took the core PISA assessment for mathematics, science, and reading literacy were administered the financial literacy and the collaborative problem solving components. This was different than PISA 2012, where the sample of students who took the financial literacy assessment was separate from the sample who took the core assessment. Hence, mathematics and reading scores obtained from the PISA 2012 financial literacy database were calibrated and standardized separately and thus may not match mathematics and reading scores obtained from the combined mathematics, reading, and science database. Supply data to construct the preschool variable is also different in PISA 2015, which signals whether the student: (i) never attended preschool; (ii) attended preschool for 1 year or less; (iii) attended preschool for more than 1 year, disaggregating the last two categories by the age when the student started to attend ISCED 0. Still mathematics, reading, and science scores obtained from the PISA 2015 financial literacy or collaborative problem solving database are comparable across databases. Therefore, in order to make comparable the scores by the preschool variable over the last rounds of PISA, estimations were made to obtain the values “attended preschool for one year or less” and “attended preschool for more than one year” (see explanatory notes from Tables 3, 4 and 5).
\nGenerally speaking, when the score in mathematics of students who had access to more than 1 year of preschool is compared with those who did not have access to preschool education, there is a significant advantage for the former group in all these countries for the last three rounds of PISA (2009, 2012, and 2015). Even no causal effect can be estimated due to the lack of randomly assignation of treatment and control groups to ensure bias-free estimations [17], in all the countries of the Latin American region participating in PISA 2012 and 2009, students have performed better in mathematics if they had more than 1 year of preschool education. This is a trend that most of these countries presented in PISA 2009 (data for Costa Rica are not available) and that can also be confirmed for the participant Latin American countries in PISA 2015 (see Table 3). Yet these considerable score differentials in Table 3 tend to become less remarkable over time, with the exemptions of Chile (between 2009 and 2012 PISA scores) and Costa Rica (between 2012 and 2015 scores). In the case of students that had 1 year or less of preschool, the score differentials in mathematics compared with the students that did not attend preschool are less significant, and the progresses through time show that the advantage of this group of students over the students that did not attend preschool can be even questioned in countries like Brazil, Colombia, and Uruguay (see Table 3). However, no causal effect with the implementation of mandatory preschool policy can be established from this analysis, and only observations like the case of Peru where the overall scores in mathematics have improved through these periods of time.
\nAverage PISA test scores in Mathematics, total and by category of preschool variable, 2009, 2012, and 2015.
Source: Table by author. Data extracted from Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), PISA, 2009, 2012, and 2015 Reading, Mathematics and Science Assessments
In the case of the average scores in reading in Table 4, when the pattern of students who had access to more than 1 year of preschool is compared with those who did not have access to preschool education, there is, again, a significant advantage for the former group in all these countries for the last three rounds of PISA (2009, 2012, and 2015). Yet, the trends are slightly different in the case of the PISA scores in the reading test, as the disadvantages of the group who did not attend preschool over the groups who did attend became also less appreciable through these three rounds of PISA; even in Costa Rica, those disadvantages are only in the case of students that have attended more than a year of preschool (see Table 4). For the last PISA examination in 2015, countries such as Colombia and Uruguay also present this reversed trend where students who did not attend preschool scores can be even higher than the scores from the students who only attended for 1 year or less (see Table 4). This has implications to identify the performance gaps between the groups of students by preschool attendance, as the positive correlation between the duration of early education and the later academic performance is no longer existent in some of these countries when the preschool attendance is for 1 year or less .
\nAverage PISA test scores in Reading, total and by category of preschool variable, 2009, 2012, and 2015.
Source: Table by author. Data extracted from Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), PISA, 2000, 2003, 2006, 2009, 2012, and 2015 Reading, Mathematics and Science Assessments.
When this last correlation is observed in the average scores in science, the same fact can be founded for the majority of the countries in the last round of PISA 2015 (see Table 5). Hence, only in PISA 2015 Argentina, Chile, and Peru, a positive correlation can be confirmed between 1 year or less of early education and academic performance, as in the rest of the Latin American countries, this correlation is negative (see 2015 values, Table 5). The average scores in science of students who had access to more than 1 year of preschool, compared with those who did not have access, shows also a considerable advantage for the former group in the majority of the Latin American countries for the last three rounds of PISA (2009, 2012, and 2015); with the greatest margins in Argentina, Uruguay, and Peru as it happened in the mathematics and reading tests (see Tables 3–5). The PISA 2015 survey focused on science, with reading, mathematics, and collaborative problem solving as minor areas of assessment. PISA 2015 also included an assessment of young people’s financial literacy, which was optional for countries and economies. Still mathematics, reading, and science scores obtained from the PISA 2015 financial literacy or collaborative problem solving database are comparable across databases. PISA cannot identify cause-and-effect relationships between policies/practices and student outcomes, but the trends that where identified through this comparative analysis help to open up the debates around the effects of mandatory preschool and its duration in the later academic performance. Even more, for the first time, PISA 2015 shows that the changes in science scores per year attending preprimary school are not revealing a positive correlation in all the Latin American countries that have undergone this international examination, especially after accounting for schools’ and students’ socioeconomic profile [19].
\nAverage PISA test scores in Science, total and by category of preschool variable, 2009, 2012, and 2015.
Source: Table by author. Data extracted from Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), PISA, 2009, 2012, and 2015 Reading, Mathematics and Science Assessments.
From the comparative study of the developments on the ANER 1 year before the official primary age in the Latin American countries that have been undertaking the PISA examinations during the last three rounds, there are some facts that can be related. Therefore, three aspects are considered now to draw these connections: the progresses on the ANER 1 year before the official primary entry age for the established periods when the students of the last three rounds of PISA attended to preschool (1999, 2002, and 2005, respectively); the PISA scores for the group of students that attended to preschool for 1 year or less in the eight Latin American countries during the established periods (2009, 2012 and 2015); plus the level of universalization of preschool, which means an ANER around the value 100% and never under the 90%. In the last place, some considerations from the last 2015 PISA results will be interpreted with respect to the science performance by the number of years at preprimary school, and they will be taken in account in order to open the discussion around the focus of this work. Hence, the country developments can be summarized in the following highlights:
Argentina sets off from high levels of ANER over the 90%, reaching almost the universalization of preschool since 2002 (above the 99%), despite no mandatory attendance policy was established until 2006, and it shows positive progresses in all the PISA scores of the last rounds (see Tables 3–5).
Brazil, Colombia, Costa Rica, Peru, and Mexico developed significant rises toward the preschool universalization between 1999 and 2005, as a result of the implementation of the compulsory attendance measures prior and during these years. Nevertheless, these policies did neither make preschool universalization effective over these periods of time nor in the later years, though Mexico and Peru have almost reached it (see Tables 1 and 2). Along this fact, the PISA results in these five countries have tended toward worsening over time in all the different tests, as well as the score differentials between the students who did not attend to preschool and those who attended to preschool for 1 year or less (see Tables 3–5). Moreover, in PISA 2015, the current values in the changes in science scores per year attending preprimary school are revealing a negative correlation in these five cases after accounting for schools’ and students’ socioeconomic profile [19].
Chile is the country that has implemented later a compulsory preschool attendance policy (see Table 1). This is also the only Latin American country where data on the ANER 1 year before the official primary entry age have not been available until the recent years; thus, no link can be established for the selected periods of time in this study. However, Chile shows a different trend in the evolution of PISA scores over the last three round of tests, as the score differentials between the students who did not attend to preschool and those who attended to preschool for 1 year or less became greater between 2009 and 2012 but they have diminished significantly between 2012 and 2015 (see Tables 3–5). A remarkable feature from this country is that in the last PISA 2015, the differentials in preschool attendance between the top and bottom quarter by the school socioeconomic profile are among the lowest in the Latin American region [20].
Uruguay shows the greatest advances toward the universalization of preschool, as the rise on the levels of ANER between 1999 and 2005 was over 40 percentage points, reaching the universalization of preschool (above the 99%, see Table 2). In parallel, the effects of preschool attendance on the later academic performance have remained over time, as the change in science scores per year attending preprimary school in this country is revealing a very positive correlation, even after accounting for schools’ and students’ socioeconomic profile [19]. As a matter of fact, the case of Uruguay is quite reveling concerning PISA 2015, as it is the country where the change in science score per year attending preprimary school is the greatest from this region and among the highest of OECD [19].
In sum, from a general perspective, it can be stated that in the Latin American countries where the universalization of preschool has been achieved, PISA results have improved over the years, and the gross gaps have remained wider when the period of preschool attendance is longer than 1 year. This can be explained due both to the direct effect of having been in preschool for a longer period and to the impact of the socioeconomic factors that influence both the duration of attendance in early education and performance on the PISA tests [21]. Furthermore, in the last PISA 2015, the differentials in preschool attendance between the top and bottom quarter by the school socioeconomic profile in the Latin American region [20] show the highest values for the Latin American countries, where free ECE is guaranteed for a longer period (see Table 1). In the countries where preschool universalization is still not effective, PISA 2015 is revealing a negative correlation in the current changes in science scores per year attending preprimary [19].
\nECE policies, such as the institution of compulsory attendance, need to be carefully evaluated with respect to their likely costs and benefits in practice, based on the best available data prior to their adoption [22]. However, this comparative study allows to examine and to compare the impact of the implementation of compulsory preschool education in Latin America to value the different conclusions that can be extracted from its results.
\nIn the first place, the institution of the mandatory attendance policy in preschool education in the Latin American countries over the last years has been supported by a rise of the government expenditure in the ECE. These advances have been translated into significant benefits to expand the preschool provision and to extend the learning opportunities of young children in the region. Hence, it can be concluded from this study how the effects of such measures have been positive in terms of increasing the preschool life expectancy as well as expanding the adjusted net enrolment ratios 1 year before the official primary school entry age in all the Latin American countries over the last 15 years. Yet, almost half of these countries have to keep the efforts toward the current target of the Educational Goals for 2021, thus to overcome the value of 90% of ANER 1 year before the official primary school entry age. Thereby, the implementation of compulsory preschool in Latin American had positive effects toward the democratization of ECE and learning opportunities for the age group of children immediately preceding entry into the primary education cycle over the last decades, but the universalization of preschool is not a reality in half of the countries of this region.
\nSecond, despite all the Latin American countries included in this study have expanded the provision and opportunities of ECE for the age groups immediately preceding entry into the primary education cycle, the effects of preschool attendance on the later academic performance have become more diluted over time, even for the countries that have improved their scores in the last rounds of the PISA tests (e.g., Argentina). Specifically, the extent to which compulsory attendance in preschool education can mitigate the social inequalities in children’s learning outcomes generated within the family context can be in question by the results of this study, as the positive correlation between the duration of early education and the later academic performance is no longer existent in some of these countries when the preschool attendance is for 1 year or less. This is due to the confronted trend of preserving positive effects on the later attainment only in the case of students that have attended more than a year of preschool among the Latin American countries that participated in PISA. This fact, as it was warned before [10], could be an indication that preschool education, with the compulsory attendance policy, has become an early primary education in Latin America. Hence, as the effect of having been in preschool for a longer period and the impact of the socioeconomic factors influence both the duration of attendance in early education and performance on the PISA tests [21], compulsory preschool education can only reduce social inequalities in educational achievement when it is mandatory for more than 1 year prior to enter formal schooling or when the universalization of preschool is guaranteed in the earlier years. This situation has been observed in the case of Uruguay where the differential score in science per year attending preprimary school is the greatest from this region and among the highest of OECD [19]. Today, Latin American children have a higher probability of being born in poor households than 20 years ago, even though recent results in poverty reduction are quite positive [23]. Therefore, beyond compulsory attendance policies, universal good quality services are needed to reach both the lower income groups and the middle classes so as to guarantee access to those most in need [24].
\nExplanatory notes: — Not available.†Not applicable.S. E. Standard Error.Argentina: Coverage is too small to ensure comparability (see PISA 2015 Results [Volume I]: Excellence and Equity in Education [OECD, 2016], Annex A4). The Reading, Mathematics and Science scale ranges from 0 to 1000. Some apparent differences between estimates may not be statistically significant.
\nSource: By author Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), Program for International Student Assessment (PISA), 2015 Mathematics Assessments.
\nExplanatory notes: — Not available.†Not applicable.S. E. Standard Error.Argentina: Coverage is too small to ensure comparability (see PISA 2015 Results [Volume I]: Excellence and Equity in Education [OECD, 2016], Annex A4). The Reading, Mathematics, and Science scale ranges from 0 to 1000. Some apparent differences between estimates may not be statistically significant.
\nSource: By author Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), Program for International Student Assessment (PISA), 2015 Reading Assessments.
\nExplanatory notes: — Not available.†Not applicable.S. E. Standard Error.Argentina: Coverage is too small to ensure comparability (see PISA 2015 Results [Volume I]: Excellence and Equity in Education [OECD, 2016], Annex A4). The Reading, Mathematics, and Science scale ranges from 0 to 1000. Some apparent differences between estimates may not be statistically significant.
\nSource: By author Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), Program for International Student Assessment (PISA), 2015 Science Assessments.
\nRabies Virus is an acute, progressive, and fatal anthropozoonotic infection of the central nervous system belonging to the genus lyssavirus and family Rhabdoviridae that causes rabies [1]. History of rabies date back to work done by various contributors, such as Democritus (460–370 BC), Aristotle (384–322 BC), Pliny the Elder (23–79 AD), Galen (130–200 AD), Celsus (25 BC–50 AD), Rufus of Ephesus (80–150 AD), Oribasius (320–400 AD), and Aetius of Amida (502–575 AD) [2]. Records obtained from ancient Mesopotamian civilization approximately 4,000 years old associate rabies to bites by a mad or vicious dog [3, 4]. In the 16th century, Girolamo Fracastoro reported that when an animal bites and break into the skin it introduces the rabies virus [5]. In 1885, Louis Pasteur developed the first successful rabies vaccine [6]. Yet, rabies remains a threat to both humans and dogs in the 21st century [7, 8].
Rabies had been in Sierra Leone since antiquity but was isolated from the brain of the rabid dog at the Teko Central Veterinary Laboratory in Makeni, northern Sierra Leone in 1949 [9]. Rabies also existed in Kenema, Blama, and other parts of the country later found to be endemic with the virus.
Lack of veterinary staff prevented the government from developing policies on dog ownership and management, undertaking large-scale research and awareness-raising on rabies [10] resulting in dogs receiving limited attention from their owners. Some could not feed their dogs, provide treatment nor pay for a rabies vaccine. With this obvious gap, rabies continues to take its toll on both humans and dogs. To combat this menace, the government focused on vaccinating dogs in major cities and outbreak communities providing high-cost rabies vaccines for affluent dog owners, while leaving dogs from low-income earners and the public unvaccinated. Liberia and other parts of sub-Saharan AFRICA reported a similar situation [11].
The death of thirteen people from 1968 to 1973 warranted government to vaccinate 4700 dogs in 1974 [12] which in turn gave prominence to control of rabies through a national vaccination of dogs which was short-lived due to the hosting of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) conference in the 1980s. The Government diverted meager resources to the hosting leaving most government departments unable to discharge their normal duties and service. Funding allocations to government departments dwindled and development in the veterinary sector diminished hence the inability to provide basic veterinary infrastructure and vaccination exercise for dogs and cats. No doubt, the difficulties, and hardship after the hosting of the OAU conference followed by political injustices brought resentment to governmental policies among the population.
Animal welfare occupied a lower primordial position on the list of national priority and family. This is also true across Africa where there is a lack of coordination and collaboration regarding dog ownership management, rabies control, and elimination activities, both within and across countries [12]. Most homes could no longer afford three meals a day and dogs have to cater for their daily survival. People focus their energies on their survival rather than dogs (Suluku et al. 2007). Dogs migrate with their owners during the war, which led to an increase in dog population in the capital city of Freetown and other district headquarter towns [13].
The bloody civil war (1991–2002) which brought untold suffering on the people of Sierra Leone was advantageous to dogs with many migrating to major cities and towns. The migration led to the increased urban population, congestion, and uncoordinated waste disposal in the city, the district headquarters towns, and refugee camps. In neighboring Liberia, the Lancet report 2014 reported a similar situation with a lack of electricity supply in large areas of the country especially after the rebel war from 1989 to 2003 and the devastating Ebola outbreak in 2014–2015. After the war, the crime rate increased and the need for dogs as guard dogs becomes inevitable for most people and families. Stray dogs do find food in garbage dumpsites, which enhanced survival and increased dog population, with a corresponding increase in dog bite cases. There is also no organized network of rabies actors to combat the escalating rabies cases in the country and at the regional level. However, some Africa regional groups such as Pan-African Rabies Control Network (PARACON) were established in 2015 to provide a forum to share information and provide available tools and knowledge to eliminate dog-mediated human rabies in Sub-Saharan Africa by 2030 [14].
Policies on dog ownership and management existed during the colonial era but were abandoned after independence. People and their dogs in the past received an annual rabies vaccine. The Government trained and empowered Police officers often called dog police, to impound, and penalized dogs’ owners who failed to comply. The license and vaccination of dogs gradually disappear and dog owners no longer vaccinate their dogs against the rabies virus. Compounding the situation further is the complete lack of rabies vaccine in the country in the recent past and the prolonged civil war. Vaccinations of dogs are mostly done on an ad-hoc basis and only a few people especially children vaccinate their dogs. In most countries in Africa, people vaccinate their dogs on World Rabies day. Such spurious vaccination exercise will not eliminate rabies in the continent. The lack of effective policies on how people should own and manage dogs also tends to increase rabies outbreaks in the country. In China, for example, the national policy requires the availability of PPE (Personal protection equipment) in clinics in remote areas. Unfortunately, there was no information regarding the availability of PPE in remote communities in Sierra Leone [15]. Government across the African continent faces many challenges to effectively coordinate multifaceted programs of implementing the animal-human interface in the ecosystem in which they live [16]. The coordination of such structures is lacking in Africa and most countries have little or no public information concerning policies and strategies to eliminate rabies on the continent.
In the past decade, resource-poor countries in Africa are making some progress in rabies control and have increased their efforts due to a shift in policy by the tripartite group comprising FAO, WHO, and OIE to eliminate canine rabies by 2030 in African countries [17]. Despite this shift in policy towards canine rabies elimination, there is little public information concerning policies and strategies addressing canine rabies elimination for the whole continent.
Sierra Leone has only two veterinary officers employed by the government and three are lecturers at Njala University. The mandate of the Government veterinary doctors relates to the welfare of all animals in the country however, those deployed in the capital city are saddled with the administrative matter. With a higher rate of dog bites often reported every week by WHO, saddled administrative duties prevent them to do a follow-up on people bitten by dogs.
The lack of organized outreach programs by the government veterinary doctors and routine vaccination exercises for dogs make canine rabies control and elimination in Sierra Leone extremely difficult [18, 19]. This problem is not only affecting Sierra Leone but also other countries in sub-Saharan countries such as Angola, Botswana, Cameroon, Ethiopia, Kenya, Nigeria, Namibia, South Africa, Tanzania, Zambia, and Zimbabwe [20] where ethnoveterinary practices are commonly used to control of rabies.
The livestock division in the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry from antiquity lacks veterinary personnel and other support staff to provide adequate information and services to animals and pets owners in the country. People do not know where to go when bitten by a rabid dog, nor is the vaccine available to treat both dogs and humans. Often human medical personnel refers dog bite victims to the veterinary doctor or clinics which implied that the knowledge of rabies and its treatment plan is low among medical personnel, especially in rural communities. The perception of the disease among the people is also poor as death associated with rabies is often attributed to witchcraft. Many countries in Africa have in one way or the order established a network to control rabies (40/54) however, there is still a lack of epidemiology data on rabies control and prevention [21] in both humans and other domestic animals [22]. In a review of dog control in West and Central Africa, it was reported that half of the countries in the two regions do not have reliable figures on dog population nor reported cases of rabies [23].
This obvious gap necessitates the need for research on the perception and knowledge of rural and urban dwellers on rabies and how best to handle dogs that bite people, this approach will help eradicate the disease in countries where 70% live in rural communities by 2030.
On the provision of vaccines, there is only one veterinary pharmacy located in the capital city of Freetown where animal owners and dog bite victims do patronize for rabies vaccines To increase awareness of rabies and the need for antirabies vaccination, the Animal Health Club initiated a rabies campaign between 2008 and 2013. With this effort, people became aware of rabies but lack vaccine to initiate large-scale vaccination exercises in the country hamper this laudable move to control the dreaded disease (Unpublished World rabies day report 2013).
In Sierra Leone, the wildlife department in the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry is responsible for all wildlife activities in the country. However, there had not been any anti-rabies campaign, especially for wildlife. Since the reservoirs of rabies are wildlife, vaccinating dogs against rabies without vaccinating wildlife is a fruitless endeavor, particularly when over 95% of dogs roam freely. This untamed or stray dog makes rabies eradication in Sierra Leone to be a herculean task to achieve by 2030. Currently, the wildlife unit is not adequately prepared for antirabies vaccination of the wildlife even though Njala university trains and graduates wildlife specialists every year.
After the establishment of the National Livestock and Animal Welfare Rabies Control Task Force (NLAWRCT) and the One Health Platform, the World Health Organization and the livestock officers, and community animal Health established animal bites (including dogs) surveillance across the country. WHO reports animal bites in a weekly meeting as shown in tables and figures 3.1, 3.2, and 3.3 respectively. Livestock officers including community animal health workers report to the Epidemiological unit in the ministry of agriculture which also share such information during weekly meetings with development partners but there was no strict follow-up by both partners and the government officers on the rabies status of the dog and the persons bitten by the dogs. The lack of reliable data on death due to rabies to inform government makes it impossible to allocate resources to rabies control. This pattern is consistent with most African countries where the level of the estimate of rabies burden is grossly lacking and insufficient to warrant investment [24].
Since By-laws are rules or laws established by an organization or community to regulate itself, hence authorities and community members may establish and enforced by-laws to own and manage dogs [25]. Such acts and regulations should be enforced by the state veterinary services, and statutory animal welfare standing advisory committee should be in place to advise the government. These Established by-laws will help reduce rabies in communities, as was the case in the city of Craig in 1965.
In Sierra Leone, the Animal Health Club encouraged Villages around Njala University to formulate animal rearing by-laws. The club trained the villagers to wash and fed their dogs, the Animal Health Club provided groundnuts, seed rice, and cassava as an incentive for the children to care for their dogs in 2010. With this approach, communities have not reported any rabies incidents (Animal Health Club unpublished report 2010).
The concept of responsible dog ownership is a multifaceted social phenomenon intended to shape daily animal-human interaction [26]. Animals are increasingly becoming integrated into the human family in such a way that necessitates increasing attention and control [27]. It is therefore the moral responsibility of the owner to train the dogs in such a way that it conforms to the dictates of society. Dog owners are often to blame for the behavior of their dogs [28]. By providing sleeping places for dogs, feeding them at the appropriate time, providing water and treatment do make dogs behave responsibly, and reduce the chances of contracting rabies. Where such care is not in place, such dogs do scavenge for food in the nearest garbage, dumpsites, and neighborhoods. Such dogs around garbage dumpsites are often termed stray dogs, but most often are owned but unsupervised. Stray or unsupervised dogs often contract rabies through exposure to rabies virus from other street dogs and wildlife, which are a reservoir of rabies.
Human beings have striven to eradicate pathogens of public health importance. Routine vaccination of diseases such as measles, polio, and diarrhea has saved over 10 million lives between 2010 and 2015 [29]. Successes of these magnitudes have convinced the World Health Organization (WHO), World Organization for Animal Health (OIE), the Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) of the United Nations, and the Global Alliance for Rabies Control (GARC) to plan Canine rabies elimination by 2030. Their main elimination strategy is the continuous vaccination of both domestic dogs and wildlife animals. Domestic dogs present the greatest threat to public health particularly in poor countries where dog ownership and management policies are weak or non-existence such as Sierra Leone [30, 31].
Developed nations have successfully eliminated canine rabies through continuous vaccination of domestic dogs and wildlife, good dog ownership, and management followed by strongly enforced welfare policies [32].
In low-income countries including Sierra Leone, continuous vaccination of domestic dogs alone will not eliminate canine rabies because large-scale, dog vaccination campaigns should include vaccination of wildlife host species to effectively control or eliminate dog rabies [33]. Such a rabies vaccination campaign should utilize the One Health Approach to raise awareness. It should also be backed with strong bylaws, or animal welfare policies, effective dog population management, and strong political backing to eliminate canine rabies by 2030.
The reservoir of the rabies virus is mostly wildlife animals, but that which helps to transfer rabies to humans is a dog, ‘man’s best friend” Developing countries or low-income countries lack specialists in the area of canine and wildlife practice. In Sierra Leone and by extension West Africa need to train canine and wildlife specialists with a focus on rabies and other zoonotic disease control.
The five freedom of animal welfare originated from intensively kept animals often referred to as the golden standard developed by Professor Brambell and his team [34]. These five freedoms include Freedom from hunger and thirst, freedom from discomfort, freedom from pain, injury, and disease, Freedom to express normal and natural behavior, and Freedom from fear and distress. High-income countries like the United States of America, Europe, and South America have used this to eradicate and control the rabies virus.
The five freedoms do not apply to low-income countries where dogs scavenge in garbage dumpsites, feed through the hunting of rodents and wildlife animals they often roaming freely in the neighborhood and bushes during hunting.
Continuous vaccination of these dogs will not prevent rabies as they continuously interact with wildlife hence the need to complement the seven freedoms of animal welfare in low-income countries including Sierra Leone.
The above data shows the number of and cats dog, cats bite cases, and people who have died of dogs and Cat bite cases in Sierra Leone from 2018 to 2020. The number of dog bite cases in 2018 was 1,354 cases resulting in 10 deaths while in 2019, the number of bite cases increased to 1, 544, but the number of death remains the same at 10. In 2020, 1,301 dog bites cases was resulting in 6 death. A personal interview with the Laboratory personnel of the National Central Veterinary Laboratory in Makeni reported that out of 10 dog bite cases reported about 90% are positive for rabies. Thus indicating the presence of rabies in the country. Out of 270 blood samples collected from dogs in the north, south, and east of the country, 24% show positive rabies antibodies in unvaccinated dogs (Unpublished PhD thesis, 2020). Sierra Leone is therefore far from rabies control if the above solutions are not properly taken into consideration (Figures 1–3 and Tables 1–3).
Graph showing dogs, cats bites and deaths 2018.
Graph showing dogs, cats bites and deaths 2018.
Graph showing dogs, cats bites and deaths 2018.
Dog, Cats bites and Death 2018 | ||
---|---|---|
District | Dogs and Cats Bites | Dogs and Cats Death |
Bo | 233 | 2 |
Bombali | 55 | 1 |
Bonthe | 89 | 0 |
Bo | 233 | 0 |
Bombali | 55 | 1 |
Bonthe | 89 | 0 |
Fallaba | 31 | 0 |
Kailahun | 60 | 0 |
Kambia | 48 | 1 |
Kerena | 51 | 0 |
Kenema | 83 | 0 |
Koinadugu | 72 | 1 |
Kono | 61 | 0 |
Moyamba | 128 | 1 |
Port Loko | 61 | 2 |
Pujehun | 56 | 0 |
Tonkolili | 55 | 2 |
Western Area Rural | 138 | 0 |
Western Area Rural | 133 | 0 |
Dog and cat bites and deaths 2018.
Source: Ministry of Health and Sanitation 2021.
Dog, Cats bites and Death 2019 | ||
---|---|---|
District | Dogs and Cats Bites | Dogs and Cats Death |
Bo | 403 | 3 |
Bombali | 147 | 0 |
Bonthe | 98 | 1 |
Fallaba | 32 | 0 |
Kailahun | 84 | 1 |
Kambia | 21 | 0 |
Kerena | 53 | 0 |
Kenema | 71 | 1 |
Koinadugu | 24 | 1 |
Kono | 73 | 1 |
Moyamba | 73 | 0 |
Port Loko | 90 | 1 |
Pujehun | 107 | 1 |
Tonkolili | 36 | 0 |
Western Area Rural | 103 | 0 |
Western Area Urban | 129 | 0 |
Dog and cat bites and deaths 2019.
Source: Ministry of Health and Sanitation 2021.
Dog, Cats bites and Death 2020 | ||
---|---|---|
District | Dogs and Cats Bites | Dogs and Cats Death |
Bo | 110 | 0 |
Bombali | 156 | 0 |
Bonthe | 65 | 1 |
Fallaba | 11 | 0 |
Kailahun | 91 | 0 |
Kambia | 19 | 0 |
Kerena | 37 | 1 |
Kenema | 84 | 0 |
Koinadugu | 44 | 1 |
Kono | 113 | 1 |
Moyamba | 119 | 0 |
Port Loko | 57 | 0 |
Pujehun | 111 | 1 |
Tonkolili | 32 | 0 |
Western Area Rural | 119 | 0 |
Western Area Urban | 135 | 1 |
Dog and cat bites and deaths 2020.
Source: Ministry of Health and Sanitation 2021.
Rabies virus control in Sierra Leone and other developing countries requires awareness-raising using the Animal Health Club, One Health Strategy, vaccination of dogs (roaming and owned) and wildlife animals, formulation of by-laws for owning and managing dogs followed by the development of seven freedoms of animal welfare for developing countries.
Raise awareness using the Animal Health Club Strategy. Animal Health Club is an organization established to care for the health and well-being of both humans and animals (domestic and wildlife) living in a healthy environment. This club helps to raise awareness on diseases affecting both animals and humans using the One Health Approach [35]. In the case of the rabies virus, the club will work with the country’s governance structure to raise awareness on the disease at the national, district, chiefdom, section, and town or village level. At National, the club contacts the appropriate ministries involved in rabies control, which include the Ministry of Agriculture, Health and Sanitation and Environment. Other Ministries include Education, Internal affairs, and Trade while the club will interact with Market women, traders, drivers, bike riders, Local artists, Paramount Chiefs, Town chiefs, and community elders (AHC Unpublished Report, 2012) to implement its activities on rabies and other zoonotic diseases.
At the district level, the club work with Directors, of the respective ministries to identify stakeholders involved in rabies and engages them in raising awareness on the disease at the district level. These involved District Medical officers, Agricultural Officers, Livestock officers, Health Education officers, environmental officers, Police Local Unit Commander and Military officers, Districts council officers, Mayors of cities. Principals and Head Teachers of secondary and primary schools, University lecturers and students, Local artists, Drivers’ union, bike riders (often called OKADA), Petty traders, market women, and village town criers. Quiz, Drama, and debate competitions should be organized in schools, while local artists compose songs and act plays in their local dialects and ‘Okada’ or motorcycle riders drop rabies flyers, leaflets, and blow their horns to draw the attention of the public.
The club uses these and other media to raise awareness and sensitize people on rabies. Other media include Radio discussion and Phone-In programs, Jingles, distribution of flyers, handbills, and posters, composing songs in local dialects. Important personalities in the communities will commence the vaccination exercise as a show of commitment by the government, and other dignitaries in society.
Formulate dog ownership and management by-laws. The Animal Health Club engages the community, towns, or villages in a focus group discussion to understand challenges and constraints in owning and managing dogs, the consequences of rabies on dogs, people, and the community. Animal Health Club members help to edit the by-laws in simple English and read to the entire community, town, or village. Accepted by-laws are reprinted and distributed in Churches, mosques, schools and read to the audience. If the authorities did not receive any complaint, the by-law becomes binding. This approach was adopted in Njala University and surrounding communities to control rabies.
Conduct regular vaccinations of owned and unsupervised dogs. Such regular vaccination will drastically eliminate canine rabies in the community. Although sylvatic rabies exists in Sierra Leone, the continuous vaccination exercise in developing countries will contain the virus to a low ebb in low-income countries such as Sierra Leone. Vaccination of over 70% of dogs confers immunity against rabies in a community [36]. This statement holds for communities where they vaccinate both roaming and owned dogs and responsible pet ownership is strongly observed. However, if these dogs interact with animals in the wild, they are likely to contract rabies. These explain why rabies had not been successfully controlling or eliminate in these communities.
Established rehoming centers for unowned/unsupervised dogs.
In Sierra Leone, most people in rural communities do exchange items such as rice, chicken, ducks, and farm labor to obtain a dog. To reduce the stray dog population, there is a need to establish a rehoming center that will help to redistribute captured stray and unsupervised healthy dogs to communities and homes that desire to care for dogs. In this center, stray dogs that are terminally ill can be euthanized while healthy stray dogs can be treated, fed, and distributed to communities or people that desire to own dogs. Rehoming is a good strategy to control the stray dog population and reduce canine rabies infection. Sierra Leone has not established rehoming center, but plans are underway to establish such by the one-health platform. The rehoming centers also train new dog owners on how to cater to dogs.
Training of para vets or veterinarians to provide services to dog owners in countries where such personnel and veterinary services are limited such as Liberia, Sierra Leone, and The Gambia.
Rabies disease elimination requires concerted effort to control especially in low-income countries. The efforts should include the availability of the antirabies vaccine, sound policies on rabies virus control, a sufficient number of veterinary personnel, wildlife specialists, and adequate information on rabies with follow-up on dog bites. Adopting the Animal health club model, Formulation of animal rearing by-laws, enforcing responsible dog ownership, continuous vaccination of stray and owned dogs and wildlife animals, training of wildlife specialists and veterinarians with the development of the seven freedoms of animal welfare will help eradicate canine rabies virus in low-income countries including Sierra Leone before 2030.
The author wishes to thank the Ministry of Health for providing the data on dog and cat bites and members of the One Health platform in Sierra Leone and the Epi unit of the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry for their valuable contributions. Special thanks to the staff of the Njala university One Health Serology and Molecular Diagnostics laboratory for the support.
The authors declare no conflict of interest
Control of Zoonotic disease in rural communities through awareness-raising using the One Health Approach.
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