Five types of platform work.
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\r\n\tEditors hope to build a line of transformative research based on the adaptation of energy and design solutions from natural models to technical models, using methodologies and solutions which will open new areas of work about how to solve efficiency requirements based on natural solutions honed by evolution. This process is based on creativity and forces researchers to think out of their boxes and open new scientific challenges. What drives the research is the urge to find alternative, more efficient solutions to tackle problems. Due to the wide range of possibilities offered by biodiversity’s tested solutions, the methodology prioritize (although not exclude) solution-based approaches.
For improving efficiency, an increasing number of devices are operated at high-voltage levels to reduce losses in power transmission and power conversion. In the case of energy and power systems for electrical vehicles (EVs), a high-efficiency electrical device can be achieved using a high-voltage design. State-of-charge (SoC) and state-of-health (SoH) define the capability and reliability of a high-voltage battery, respectively. To determine these two parameters instantaneously, it is required to develop a simple, training-free, and easily implemented scheme. Based on an equivalent-circuit model (ECM), the electrical performance of a battery can be formulated into a state-space representation. Besides, underdetermined model parameters can be arranged linearly so that an adaptive control approach can be applied [1]. However, electric shock may be harmful to passengers if insulation failure occurs. As insulation resistance in EVs varies with the operation environment and the reliability of the dielectric material [2], an online insulation-fault detection method is required to ensure that the insulation resistance stays within safe limits before startup or during the operation of high-voltage systems.
To ensure electrical safety in high insulation resistance, insulation inspection technologies have been widely applied in distribution networks [3, 4, 5] and EVs [6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13]. To analyze the dynamic insulation signals, the monitoring circuit is conventionally modeled by using two individual resistors connected with a DC high-voltage line to the earth ground. The basic concept used in estimating these two resistance values is to connect an additional circuit bridge composed of resistors and switches to obtain the differential current loops and corresponding voltages [8, 9, 10, 11], but the resistance can only be measured if no current is conducted. As a result, these methods are barely suitable even for offline detection. A more practical approach for online detection is to continuously inject an excitation pulse signal into the negative terminal through a capacitor. The insulation resistance value can be acquired by analyzing the time-constant or the amplitude of the voltage waveform [12, 13]. However, parasitic or stray capacitance generally occurs in insulation loops, and causes considerable estimation error if they are ignored in the circuit model. In this chapter, we employ one typical capacitance in the monitoring circuit and propose a new adaptive algorithm for estimating both the resistance and capacitance values.
To follow the process illustrated by Sottile and Tripathi [14], the high-voltage system we consider in this chapter could be an EV driving system that is powered by a high-voltage battery or a UPS that stores electricity to provide emergency power. As illustrated in Figure 1, a high-voltage system consists of a high-voltage battery pack, an inverter, a converter, an AC load, and an AC source. The DC sides of the inverter and converter are connected in parallel with the high-voltage battery pack. The AC side of the inverter is connected to a two-phase or three-phase load. In other cases, the AC side of the converter could be connected to a two-phase or three-phase source. Here, to consider an EV power system, we assume the AC load to be a traction motor driven by an inverter, with the converter acting as a charger that converts AC power from the grid or generator to DC power for charging the battery pack. In a UPS or a renewable energy system, however, both the AC load and source have the same grid network. Moreover, the inverter must be properly controlled to deliver power in phase with the grid power waveform.
Proposed insulation monitoring circuit.
The DC power line of the circuit connected to the high-voltage system is electrically isolated from the enclosure, i.e., the ground or chassis. Thus, we can determine the insulation status by measuring or estimating the resistance between the node on the positive-voltage line (+) or negative-voltage line (−) and the node with the equivalent electric potential to the ground. The electrical insulation in such a high-voltage system can be simply modeled by a resistor and a stray capacitor in a parallel connection, as shown in Figure 1, where
PWM signal generated using the PRBS method. (a) Photo-coupler circuit for electrical isolation and multiple-voltage generation. (b) General topology of the isolated DC/DC converter.
Several topologies for implementing the proposed isolation circuit.
This high-voltage system connected to the insulation monitoring circuit can be modeled as an equivalent circuit, as illustrated in Figure 4, where
Equivalent circuit model for the insulation monitoring system.
Therefore, we estimate the insulation resistances
Substituting Eq. (1) into Eq. (2), together with
yields:
which can be rewritten as follows:
Let us define the parametric vector as follows:
and the variable vector as:
such that the dynamics of the insulation monitoring system are formulated as follows:
where the parametric vector includes all the resistance and capacitance values that must be known and the variable vector is composed of the variables that can be evaluated from all the measurements in the system, i.e.,
If we suppose all the actual parameter values and the voltage
where
Invoking the Lyapunov stability criteria shows that the positive-definite function:
will approach zero for the negative semi-definite of its derivative; that is:
provided that the adaptation law is as follows:
where
Figure 5 shows a calculation flowchart for estimating the insulation resistance. A detailed description of the process is as follows:
Start the online estimation at time
The voltage values are acquired from the measured
The estimated voltage error is computed by Eq. (7) together with the updated parameters, where the initial value of the estimated
Based on the measured voltage data and estimated
The insulation resistances are calculated by Eq. (12) based on the updated parameters. The minimum value is used to check whether it is under the predetermined threshold. If so, it is shown in the indicator.
The waiting time required for the parameters’ convergence is calculated and
Either the insulation resistance or an alert message is displayed, depending on whether it is below the mandatory threshold.
For continuous online monitoring, once started, this flow is an infinite loop.
Flowchart for online parameter estimation.
To verify the proposed algorithm, for simplicity, we assumed a scenario in which an electric vehicle is driven on the road such that the battery and AC line voltages are
We constructed the circuit model and the estimation algorithm using Simulink software. The simulation estimation results for
Estimation of
Estimation of
To simply validate the proposed algorithm in the laboratory, we connected a variable resistor to the proposed circuit to form a left-hand side loop of the circuit shown in Figure 4, in which the resistance, as represented by
On the other hand, we modify the estimated model to yield:
The experimental results are shown in Figure 8. In Figure 8(a), the two estimated parameters converge after 25 s. In Figure 8(b), we depict the online estimated resistances based on the straight evaluation of Eq. (8) and the proposed method in Eq. (9). It is realized that the estimated value by using the straight evaluation varies roughly 10% between its maximum and minimum values. This may be due to either measurement noise or the dynamic uncertainty of the parasitic capacitance. However, the proposed method shows a steadier and more exact estimation after the convergence of the model parameters.
Experimental results. (a) Estimated parameters
In this chapter, to improve existing techniques for enhancing the safety and reliability of high-voltage systems, we proposed a new insulation resistance online monitoring method for EV high-voltage DC lines, which takes into account the parasitic capacitance effect. The estimation scheme based on an adaptive control algorithm guarantees the asymptotical convergence of the parameters in the circuit model. Hence, as demonstrated in our simulation and experimental results, this method can steadily and accurately track the insulation resistance even when the parasitic capacitance is unknown. Due to the simplicity of the proposed algorithm and circuit, they can be easily implemented via electronic circuit design in real cases. According to the results, the estimated
AC | alternating current |
BMS | battery management system |
DC | direct current |
DC/DC | conversion of a DC source from one voltage level to another |
ECM | equivalent-circuit model |
EV | electric vehicle |
MCU | micro-control unit |
PRBS | pseudo random binary sequence |
PWM | pulse-width modulation |
SoC | state of charge |
SoH | state of health |
UPS | uninterrupted power supply |
Not so long ago, the only people who looked for “Gigs” were musicians. For the rest of us, once we outgrew our school dreams of rock stardom, we found “real” jobs that paid us a fixed salary every month, allowed us to take paid holidays and formed the basis for planning a stable future [1].
At the annual meeting of the World Economic Forum in Davos 2020 [2], several leading platform companies including Uber, Deliveroo and Cabify published the ‘Charter of principles for good platform work’ as a reaction to the growing public awareness of the problems of their business model regarding social and employment conditions. The emergent platform economy is reshaping business models and employment relations in Europe, challenging conventional social agents and regulatory institutions. The term ‘platform economy’ or ‘gig economy’ refers to online platforms that coordinate the demand for specific services with individual service providers using digital algorithms. Digital labour platforms are economic agents providing virtual spaces for matching labour supply and demand via online technologies based on algorithmic management, that is, by automated data and decision making, thereby substantially lowering transactions costs. In the classical economic theory of the firm, transaction costs are the main explanation for the existence of the firm as an organisation in a market economy [3]. The classical entrepreneur was a risk-taker mobilising risk capital. The platform owner, by contrast, shifts nearly all business risks and costs onto others. By eliminating this key reason for the existence of value-creating organisations, “online platforms push the process of decentralization, networking, outsourcing, subcontracting and breaking up work into single performances or ‘Gigs’ to a new limit in which all that remains of the firm is a profit-making technique” ([4]: 9). “‘Algorithmic management’ allows these platforms to increasingly track and discipline workers, in many cases circumventing or flouting existing labour and health and safety regulations, to the detriment of platform workers’ social protection” ([5]: 5). Digital technologies are thus giving rise to a new business model with anonymous relations among employers, employees/self-employed and customers, thereby challenging the traditional institutional regulation systems. These gig-enterprises externalise all relationships with customers and employees, thus maximising deinstitutionalisation and flexibilising service provision, working time and labour relations. In particular, the gig economy challenges all collective organisation and representation channels built up by workers in the course of the 20th century in their struggle to civilise capitalist economies and de-commodify labour. This chapter looks at emerging attempts of gig-workers in the transport and food delivery sectors to develop collective action capacities and resistance strategies.
The structure of the chapter is as follows. The following section examines the principal characteristics of platform work through the lens of sociological approaches to conceptualise capitalist work organisation. The third section introduces the trade union power resources approach and examines experiences of collective action to analyse the particular structure of labour relations and collective action in the gig economy. The empirical bases are recent surveys and studies on platform work, an analysis of websites and social media communities for collective action of platform workers and conversations with platform activists in Spain, Germany, the UK and Norway. Section four examines the potential and opportunities of platform workers’ collective actions in the light of different trade union power resources. The chapter closes with a short conclusive reflection.
Platform work – the matching of supply and demand for paid labour through an online platform – is an emerging and growing employment form which still lacks a clear definition, shows a heterogeneity of business models and calls for the regulation of the contract and employment status and the working conditions [6, 7]. It includes both web-based platforms, where work is outsourced through an open call to a geographically dispersed crowd (“crowdwork”), and location-based applications (apps) which allocate work to individuals in a specific geographical area (Table 1).
Name | Description | Example |
---|---|---|
On-location platform-determined routine work | The platform assigns tasks to workers, which are performed in person | Ride-hailing services such as Uber |
On-location client-determined moderately skilled work | Clients choose workers for tasks, which are performed in person | Household task service platforms such as Oferia |
On-location worker-initiated moderately skilled work | Workers choose tasks and perform them in person | Household task service platforms such as ListMinut |
Online moderately skilled click-work | The platform assigns tasks to workers, which are performed online | Professional services platforms such as Crowdflower |
Online contestant specialist work | Workers perform part or all of a task online in a competition, then the client selects a winner | Professional services platforms such as 99designs |
The main differences between these types reside in the scale of tasks, the service provision (online or locally), the required skills, the process of contact between clients and workers and the form of work allocation. Other taxonomies of platform work make similar distinctions between location-based vs. remote platform work and between microtasks or microjobs vs. macrotasks or project jobs (see [6, 8, 9]).
Following classical approaches on capitalist development, the gig economy is a new form of capitalist colonisation of non-capitalist spaces. Rosa Luxemburg [10] (1913; see also [11]) distinguished two forms of colonisation of non- or pre-capitalist spaces: external colonisation towards pre-capitalist countries and regions and internal colonisation of non-capitalist spheres in existing capitalist economies. The platform economy combines both forms of capitalist colonisation. Gig work opens new spaces for the capitalist mobilisation of cheap and flexible labour, operating in a no-man’s-land outside the scope of labour and social legislation and without collective bargaining mechanisms. Looked at from this perspective, gig work is the colonisation for capitalist exploitation of new human spaces and new labour potentials (evenings, weekends of students, housewives, care workers, rural workers in Africa or Asia…) for capitalist value production. Digital networks facilitate temporally and spatially extended access to a labour pool otherwise inaccessible to wage labour [12]. For example, gig workers in Africa or Asia often have to work at night to be in sync with the time zones of their clients in North America or Western Europe ([13]: 67). In his classical study of the development of German post-war capitalism, Burkart Lutz [14], drawing on Luxemburg, described the prosperity decades after World War II as an exceptional period of capitalist colonisation of non-capitalist milieus. The current expansion of platform-based business models may be seen as a new period of capitalist colonisation using the possibilities of globally dispersed digital work and electronic networks [15].
From a historical perspective of capitalism, many, if not all, of the organisational work practices of the platforms are not genuinely novel [5, 16]. Breaking up jobs into small, low-skilled, repetitive tasks, home-based production practices, the ‘putting out’ system, on-demand work, piecework, intermediary-based business models, etc., were part and parcel of early capitalism in Western Europe up to the 19th century and remain common in the global South until today. The gig economy is reintroducing these practices into Western core countries, while at the same time enabling the exploitation of geographical differences in skills, labour costs, environmental and fiscal regulations.
Gig work represents a new form of capitalist work, a new dimension of the recommodification of labour in the context of the shift towards neoliberalism from the 1970s onwards, a new contested terrain to be regulated by politics, labour law, interest groups, etc., a challenge to invent new institutional settings in an emerging field of precarious and flexible work [17]. To a large extent it is low-qualified flexible but standardised work outside regular labour contracts, a sort of digital Taylorism without the Taylorist mass worker [9, 12]. As a new business model, the gig-enterprise represents the complete disintegration of the traditional Fordist organisation and its collective interest groups into a flexible, market-driven, individualised form of enterprise-customer-worker network. “The gig economy can be regarded as the latest stage in the development of atypical forms of employment” ([18]: 36). The institutional form built around the Fordist enterprise with a fixed contractual workforce, collective bargaining and labour relations, labour law, social security, health & safety provisions, fiscal responsibilities and social responsibility is fading away.
The classical transformation problem in the management of labour, i.e. how to convert contracted labour power into effective value-creating work, adopts a new form of managerial control in the case of app-based platform work. All direct and personal control is replaced by an app which exerts total surveillance over the workers through automated messaging, assigning tasks, working time, location, performance evaluation (rating and ranking), etc.; “an algorithmic Panopticon provides a God-like view over the workers’ behaviour through a combination of Taylorism and panopticism” ([19]: 13). “The unremitting process of appraisal and evaluation generates a level of pressure that is of such magnitude, it is completely out of sync with the activity or task” ([9]: 30). The app is the boss and entirely in the hands of the employer, thus representing the completest expropriation of workers’ means of production in the capitalist era.
Having developed a general taxonomy and the main elements of the business model of the expanding platform economy, the following sections on the employment relations will concentrate on the delivery and transport gig-work as one form of location-based platform work where several labour conflicts and worker mobilisations could be observed recently.
To evaluate in a more systematic way the potential of collective action and the organisation of platform workers, we refer to the power resources approach widely recognised and applied in recent trade union research. In its current form the literature on trade union power draws on the concept used by Beverly Silver [20] in her historical analysis of workers’ movements since 1870. A research group at the University of Jena developed the concept further with a specific focus on trade union revitalisation [21]. Since then it has been used in a variety of studies on trade unions and labour conflicts (see [5, 22, 23]). Following this approach, workers’ organisations have four traditional power resources, built up during the struggles and conflicts of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries:
structural: possessing scarce skills or competences or occupying strategic positions in the production process, giving the union workplace or marketplace bargaining power;
associational: membership, willingness to pay, providing the union financial resources;
organisational: unity to collectively support its purpose and its policies, willingness to act;
institutional: legislative support, administration of social welfare, tripartite corporatism.
Regarding potential trade union revitalisation strategies and developing innovative forms of contestation against new forms of exploitation and precarisation in times of crisis and weakness, these traditional power sources require three complementary, more discursive resources that are not necessarily new, although they may have been slightly forgotten or insufficiently appreciated:
moral: a mission and identity based on achieving social justice and a better society;
collaborative or coalitional: seeking allies and sharing resources with other groups and movements which have goals and interests in common;
strategic: intelligent and more effective use of scarce resources.
The particular working conditions of delivery and transport platforms imply a structural weakness of traditional power sources. Trade unions are trying to organise the growing platform workforces (see the examples below) but effective unionisation results very difficult. Digital labour platforms tend to circumvent existing rules on employment, social protection and corporate taxation. Working in the gig-economy can be extremely isolated, with the app as the only communication channel between worker and employer and hardly any communication among employees. The employers tend to negate their responsibilities by not recognising their workers as employees nor themselves as employers. Those working for them are considered as self-employed or ‘independent contractors’.
Workers are no longer in-house technicians, drivers or operators but external service providers performing their work within the company without belonging to it, without knowing their colleagues, without having any say in the organisation of the work, without knowing either the HR manager or the head of the department for which they are working, without contact to union representatives, without discussing things with their peers over a cup of coffee. Although they work for the firm, they only have a marginal role… The transformation (or hybridisation) of a traditional company into a digital platform means nothing less than the abandonment of the whole field of employment relations by the entrepreneur. A platform is nothing more than a marketplace for services, in which there is no place for labour laws and social security ([16]: 21, 27).
The majority of platform workers are underemployed with poor payment and working conditions, complementing pay from other jobs or combining housework with platform work. Platform workers often achieve wages below the minimum wage, lack all elementary workers’ rights such as paid holidays, sick pay, insurance in case of accidents or disease, social security and have to pay for their own transport equipment (bicycles, motor scooters) and smartphones.
In spite of the individualised labour relations and difficulties to organise collectively, “many workers (28 to 60 per cent, depending on the platform surveyed) have turned to worker-run online forums and social media sites either to get advice or to follow the discussions about issues facing crowdworkers” ([24]: xviii; [25]). With regard to labour relations, at least two different types of platform work have to be distinguished. Delivery and transport platforms such as Deliveroo or Uber provide local services by localised workforces, whereas global internet platforms such as Amazon Mechanical Turk or Upwork provide their services on a global scale and allow the work to be decomposed into many micro-tasks distributed around the world. Though difficult, it is possible to organise the former and in fact there are increasingly attempts of riders/drivers to take collective action (see below). As regards the latter category, it is extremely difficult to bring such workers together around shared interests [25]. In this chapter we therefore concentrate primarily on the delivery and transport platforms.
Following descriptions of platform work by riders (personal conversations of the author; see also [26], and [27]), international observatories and trade unions [24, 28, 29], the main characterisics of delivery platform work are:
The rider has no say in the contents of the contract imposed by the employer.
The rider is always and easily substitutable just by the unilateral suspension of the contract.
The employer determines all working conditions, the price, the time and the form of delivery without negotiation or consultation.
The employer has a wide range of workers at his disposal, workers without any bargaining power or organisational infrastructure.
The App allows total control of all movements, the speed, the delivery times of the riders by the employer. The employer always knows the location of the worker and at the same time keeps all information on the job under control.1
The rider has to provide the vehicle, smartphone and data-contract. All risks (accidents, vehicle defects, sickness) have to be assumed by the rider.2
Platform work thus implies an employer strategy shifting as much as possible all risks and responsibilities of the employment relationship onto the workers. For trade unions, these characteristics minimise all traditional power resources and imply several key challenges to organise and unionise platform workers:
The lack of a clearly defined employment contract – many riders work in a self-employed capacity – makes representation and organisation in traditional labour relations institutions very difficult.
Platform workers do not come together in a common work centre, they do not share physical spaces, which makes communication and collective organisation complicated.
The cultural and educational background of many platform workers – often young highly-educated individuals – imply a distance to traditional trade union representation.
The unprotected status of platform workers, exposed all the time to an easy replacement, and their lack of effective bargaining power make unionisation improbable.
Two riders explain their working conditions [30]:
The way to manage our Deliveroo autonomy is really oppressive. Not being able to control your situation when you are really paying some expenses to be able to control it. Another thing that affects a lot is the fact that they tell you some things when you are going to start that are false, such as that you will not make an order of more than six kilometres or that you will be protected in extreme weather conditions and it is not true. It is not possible that there is no plus if you pass the mileage or driving under a thunderstorm. The biggest drawback is how vulnerable we are in this situation of false autonomous, physically and as workers. (own translation from Spanish).
I did in the beginning write emails - long emails - pointing out ways the platform could work better for [workers]. With screenshots, detailed explanations of how they were making our lives difficult, but I realised that they do not care about that. If you make any issues for them, they’ll just fire you or find a way to stop giving you work. (Delivery rider, London, quoted in [28]: 14).
Most platforms, including Uber, Amazon Mechanical Turk, and Upwork, are Transnational Companies (TNCs). The food delivery apps Deliveroo and Foodora had about 50,000 and 7,000 riders working for them in 13 and 10 countries resp. in 2018 [19]. Although organisation and collective action are difficult challenges for platform workers and trade unions, there are an increasing number of encouraging experiences of self-organised platform worker struggles and trade union initiatives to support platform workers’ interest representation (see also [31]). The European Trade Union Institute reported 127 platform-worker protest actions worldwide in 2018 [32].
One form of union support is the introduction of a specific website for gig workers trying to build up organisational and collaborative power. The most encompassing initiative to organise and assist platform workers so far is the platform Fair Crowdwork (http://www.faircrowdwork.org/), a joint project of IG Metall (the German Metalworkers’ Union), the Austrian Chamber of Labour, the Austrian Trade Union Confederation and the Swedish white-collar union Unionen, in association with various research and development partners. On 13–14 April 2016, this network held the first International Workshop on Union Strategies in the Platform Economy in Frankfurt am Main (Germany), bringing together staff members from the above-listed organisations, along with legal and technical experts from Asia, Europe, and North America. It ended with the “Frankfurt Declaration” [33] on fair platform-based work. In a collective learning process, Fair Crowdwork is continually widening its scope and activities (personal conversation with Fair Crowdwork trade union officials).3 The Spanish trade union confederation UGT (Union General de Trabajadores) launched in 2017 its website http://turespuestasindical.es/ as a service for platform workers, offering advice and legal assistance from experts, networking and complementary services.
More and more trade union federations all over Europe are offering full flat-rate membership and web services, giving crowdworkers access to legal protection and counselling. In South-West France (Gironde/Bordeaux), the bike courier CGT union has been set up, representing hundreds of food delivery riders. In the UK, the Independent Workers’ Union of Great Britain (IWGB), a breakaway from Unite and UNISON and organising predominantly low-paid migrant workers, has supported several campaigns and strikes of food delivery couriers claiming employee status. In October 2018 couriers from 31 groups all over Europe hold the European Assembly of Riders in Brussels to form a Transnational Courier Federation [34].
Collective agreements with platform companies to gain some institutional power are very rare so far. In Denmark, the United Federation of Danish Workers concluded in 2018 a 12-month pilot collective agreement with the private cleaning sector digital platform Hilfr on wages and working conditions for the platform’s users. Workers benefit from a pension scheme, paid holidays and sickness pay. In May 2019, the Italian food delivery company Laconsegna signed a collective agreement with three trade union federations that clarifies riders as employees. They are covered by the national collective agreement for the logistics sector and benefit from all social protections.
In Germany, several platforms, along with the Crowdsourcing Association and the Metal Workers’ Union, have established an Ombuds Office. These platforms have signed a code of conduct for crowdsourcing and crowdworking. In Cologne, Deliveroo, Foodora and Lieferando riders managed to set up a works council with the support of the Food&Beverages Union NGG in February 2018. A WhatsApp group and Facebook site (https://www.facebook.com/liefernamlimit/) served as coordination and network media. Deliveroo contested the initiative with the non-renewal of the contracts for all works council members. However, the struggle for worker representation continues: Delivery Hero (Foodora) had to accept worker representatives on its supervisory board in accordance with the German co-determination law.
In the face of the difficulties associated with collectively bargaining with the platform companies, some trade unions are trying to include platform work in overriding regional or sectoral agreements. In Catalonia/Spain, trade unions and employers’ organisations signed in July 2018 a cross-industry framework agreement (Acuerdo Interprofesional de Cataluña, AIC), which contains a section on platform work and explicitly defines the relationship between a platform and a service provider as an employment relationship. All these initiatives represent attempts to strengthen the weak associational, organisational and institutional power of platform workers.
Besides such incipient forms of self-organisation and unionisation, there are already some experiences with strikes and collective action [18, 32]. In Belgium, riders are free to join a trade union and have set up a self-organised, network-based Riders Collective.4 When Deliveroo unilaterally changed its contract model from an employee status to a self-employed model in 2017, several rider groups - mainly in Brussels - organised strikes and the temporary occupation of the Deliveroo building. Although the actions disrupted food delivery, Deliveroo did not alter its contract model or make any concessions [35].
In October 2016, Foodora riders in Turin organised strikes and shitstorm campaigns against the conversion of their contracts from hourly contracts into delivery contracts [18, 36]. Besides disrupting deliveries, public campaigns and protest rallies damaged the platform’s image and resulted in a slight wage increase, although all other demands of the riders were ignored. The contracts of all strike activists were not renewed and most of them are now working for other platforms. The probably most important impact of the strike was the increase in public awareness, leading to parliamentary initiatives to regulate the delivery and transport sector.
In Spain, Deliveroo and Glovo riders in Barcelona and Madrid created the platform ‘Riders X Derechos’ to support their demand for employee status and better working conditions.5 In summer 2017, they organised several protest rallies, petitions and short strikes which were countered by repression and dismissals. To gain logistical support and legal counselling, the platform workers contacted the regional Catalan grassroots union Intersindical Alternativa de Cataluña (Alternative Trade Union Confederation of Cataluña).
They sell you the nice idea that you are free to work whenever you want, but in reality you are subject to the way each company distributes the schedules. The problem is that there are more and more riders and not enough work for everyone”, stated one rider. “Keeping us in a self-employed and low-income regime suits them, because it avoids a group feeling arising, gets us competing against each other for jobs – and they always have a rider available. (El Diario, 30.06.2017; own translation from Spanish).
A rider from Deliveroo in Madrid who had participated in a public lawsuit against the company explains the forms of repression: “Before my testimony I worked 30 hours a week. Then the platform reduced them to four, without any explanation. It is their new strategy. Instead of disconnecting you, if you complain, they reduce your work hours until it becomes unfeasible.” (El País, 23.02.2020, own translation from Spanish).
In May 2019, hundreds of Uber drivers in the UK went on strike as part of an international protest initiated in several North American cities. They were demanding to be recognised as employees and paid the minimum wage (The Guardian, 08.05.2019). The action was supported by the Independent Workers of Great Britain union.
The specific employment conditions of delivery riders mean that collective action has certain characteristics. First of all, the contents of negotiations and agreements are very basic, addressing elementary labour rights such as regular contracts, minimum wages and working hours, the right to holidays, sick pay and social security. Platform workers have to start where the labour movement began in the 19th century. Whatsapp is the main communication media when calling a strike, while Facebook is the main organisation and publication media. Strikes are short, concentrated in the main delivery hours and accompanied by public campaigns against the platforms. Attacking the platforms’ branding and pressuring public authorities to control and regulate the sector are the most important objectives.6 Drivers and riders thus mobilise discursive power resources (moral, collaborative and strategic) to compensate their weak traditional ones.
Most platform labour conflicts concern workers’ employment status. Platform employers try to avoid conventional employment relationships, exploiting labour law fuzziness to force their workers into a self-employed regime. National responses across the European Union are divided, with some Member States plumping for the existence of an employment relationship while others support the idea of platform workers being independent contractors [38]. Regarding the case of Uber, the Court of Justice of the European Union has ruled that Uber carries out a classic transport service and the legal relationship with its drivers should be deemed an employment relationship.7
In Spain, three recent judgements of courts in Barcelona, Valencia and Madrid confirmed that Deliveroo and Glovo ‘riders’ do have an employment relationship with the platform and should be considered as employees. The courts dismantled Deliveroo’s position of the alleged autonomy of its riders, arguing that the platform exercised constant control over the riders, that the company was the sole holder of the information necessary for the business and that the real means of production was the platform in itself and not the phone and bicycle. The riders performed a personal service under organised conditions directed by the company [38, 39]. Furthermore, the firm used geo-location monitoring (GPS) for the constant surveillance of every worker and every delivery. Therefore, the platform owner had to be considered an employer. It is important to notice that the plaintiff in this case was not a rider or a union but the Spanish Social Security following a detailed investigation by the labour inspectorate. These examples show the importance of legislative institutional power in the sector and the potential of support by political agents and trade unions.
Other key but less-discussed problems of platform workers are their social isolation, voicelessness and non-communication. A delivery platform worker in the UK stated:
The company itself is a strange one to work for, … you can only communicate with them via email. I’ve never met anyone officially from [name of platform] since the first day when I was interviewed… There’s a phone number you can ring during the shift if you have a problem with the delivery or if you have a problem with the app, but you are not allowed to ring that number to discuss anything like shifts or other problems. Like sometimes they mis-paid me. You have to email, and it’s quite a slow process and it can be quite frustrating… even if it’s their fault, they do not pay until the next payslip, and then they make another mistake and, all of this, you have to go through emails, explaining again, to a different person each time, what the situation is ([40]: 41).
Many platform workers think that this lack of direct personal contact leads to negative behaviour and arbitrary decision-making that would normally be inacceptable in face-to-face relationships with managers. The employers are invisible, hidden behind the apparent neutrality of the algorithm technology. Information, ratings, evaluations, all communications are anonymous pseudo-objective messages, yet the consequence of the programming and decisions of platform management. Social isolation and high work intensity under the pressure of ratings and algorithmic control are problems reported by all gig-workers and unionists. With workers having no influence over the contents of the apps, they are left without any control over their means of production.
Another type of player has emerged in a number of countries: cooperatives organising self-employed workers and providing them with a range of services. One of the most established is SMart (Société Mutuelle pour Artistes), an organisation founded in Belgium in 1998 as an association of creative and cultural freelance workers and then transformed into a non-profit cooperative [6, 35]. SMart is currently active in nine European countries and has extended to other sectors beyond creative work. In exchange for a fee, it provides self-employed workers with a wide range of services, including help with invoicing and the declaration of income, getting paid as an employee (and therefore gaining access to social security), debt collection, pay advances (through a mutual guarantee fund) and access to training and co-working spaces.
SMart is based on a participatory process: all members are invited to participate in the annual general assembly, and all profits are reinvested. SMart, as with other similar workers cooperatives, does not usually bargain on behalf of its members. Only occasionally it publicly voices the concerns of freelancers and advocates on their behalf. The agreement between Smart and Deliveroo in Belgium including insurances and minimum wages was thus an exception [6]. The model proposed by SMart is not uncontroversial and has been criticised by some unions as it “legitimises grey zones” instead of fighting them [41].
In autumn 2018, the Spanish ‘Riders X Derechos’ launched their own cooperative delivery platform ‘Mensakas’ to create decent jobs and fight precariousness.
Mensakas is an app for online ordering and home delivery. The cooperative will be self-managed by its own workers. Everyone will have an employment contract and therefore taxes and social security contributions will be paid. Using the digital tools, logistics, and media that we have developed, we will contribute to the drive towards a social and solidarity-based economy, as well as responsible, local consumption. Our bicycles and electric vehicles mean we’ll be riding through the city in an environmentally-friendly, sustainable way [42].
Mensaka joined the European federation of bike delivery coops CoopCycle (https://coopcycle.org/en/) founded in 2016 and operating in 16 European cities. In New York, after several labour conflicts with Uber and Lyft, the first worker-owned ridesharing platform TDC (The Drivers Cooperative) was founded to offer a human, self-managed alternative to the Uber business model [43].
The need to regulate the platform economy and to guarantee fundamental rights for users, workers and citizens is also felt by city administrations. During the ‘Sharing Cities Summit’ 2018 in Barcelona on 12–15 November, 31 cities from around the world, including Amsterdam, Barcelona, Lisbon, Madrid, Montreal, New York, Paris, Sao Paulo, Seoul, Milan and Vienna, signed the ‘Declaration of Principles and Commitments of Collaborative Cities’ to
As the platform economy is growing and to a large extent made up of young highly-educated workers familiar with new communication technologies, it can be assumed that collective organisations and forms of interest representation will emerge in spite of adverse working conditions. The ways of organising and the forms of collective action to be developed are still quite open. There are divisions between those relying on traditional unions and those thinking of alternative self-organised interest organisations or between those fighting for labour rights in the current platforms and those in favour of creating alternative, more coop-oriented platforms. “Currently emerging patterns hint at a possible co-existence or combinations of mainstream trade unions and other unions and union-like organisations defending platform workers’ needs and interests” ([5]: 6).
Drawing on the examples and experiences reported so far, in this section we come back in a more systematic manner to the different power resources of gig-workers. To examine their potentials to surmount the difficulties of collective organisation and develop alternative power resources we analyse the Foodora strike in 2019 in Oslo, which is rather exceptional but very suitable in analytic terms.
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The example of the Foodora strike in August/September 2019 in Oslo illustrates the different power resources mobilised.8 A group of Foodora cyclists organised in the ‘Foodora Club’ joined the Transport Workers’ Union in demanding a collective agreement with improved wages and regular representation structures (elected shop stewards and a works council). When the Foodora management declared the demands to be unaffordable, some 200 riders went on strike, organising several weeks of colourful cycle rallies on the streets of Oslo (‘pink parades’), social media campaigns, a public ‘Foodora cyclists’ soup kitchen’, etc. In doing so, they received public support not only from the trade union confederation LO but from political parties, local politicians, academic circles and public media. The successful outcome of the strike – a collective agreement guaranteeing decent wages and employment conditions and including institutionalised representation and bargaining structures (works council) – shows the effectiveness of combining power sources available in the Norwegian context. The local labour market is forcing employers to pay competitive wages and give workers employee status, a form of structural power that platform workers in other countries largely miss. The established power of the trade unions and the advanced labour rights add significant institutional and associational power, effectively used by a group of militant workplace leaders (organisational power). Finally, the riders on strike were able to mobilise public support and visibility, putting the company and public authorities under pressure to listen to their demands (discursive power). “People see and know us in the streets. We are always friendly to them” (a strike activist and now works council member, IntOslo1). This exceptional availability of the main trade union power sources was able to overcome the isolation, precarity and lack of collective organisation and bargaining power largely dominant elsewhere in this sector.
Transportation, food delivery and care-work platforms show certain emerging discursive and associational power sources [45]. Delivery workers with their branded backpacks and vehicles are visible and often meet in urban hotspots and waiting areas, while care-workers often form strong personal ties with their clients. These conditions allow for some embryonic forms of solidarity, communication and public support, especially as these workers are not as easily replaceable as other crowdworkers. ‘Brand shaming’, a practice originally developed by alternative consumer activists, is an additional power resource in the hands of riders, opening up opportunities for further coalitions with other civic movements in urban contexts.
Given the attractiveness and growing relevance of the gig economy, this chapter has concentrated on the potentials and emerging practices of collective action and the organisation of platform workers in the face of structural obstacles and on innovative attempts to counterbalance the asymmetrical distribution of power resources in the platform sector. The mismatch between the existing categorisation and regulations of work and the volatile work practices of the platforms have left many workers without protection and at severe risk. Political authorities and social partners are called on to act and tackle these challenges. “The application of big data, new algorithms, and cloud computing will change the nature of work and the structure of the economy. But the exact nature of that change will be determined by the social, political, and business choices we make” ([46]: 61).
Platform work is a new form of re-commodification of work with no clear definition, quite heterogeneous practices and some common features with general trends of work reorganisation and flexible business models. “It forms part of a spectrum of rapidly-changing and overlapping forms of just-in-time work that draw to varying degrees on digital media for their management” ([40]: 50). In this chapter we have focused on delivery and transport workers and their attempts and potentials to collectively organise and take action. Our power sources analysis has revealed the importance of the public reputations and branding of the platforms as a specific foundation, upon which collective action and pressure in favour of the recognition of labour and social rights of platform workers can be developed. To what extent platform work represents an extreme form of a common ‘platformisation’, ‘uberisation’ or ‘precarisation’ of our economies ([40, 45]: 48; [47, 48]) remains an open question, as does the possibility of finding new forms of collective self-organisation outside the traditional trade unions. Looking at both trends, the spread of gig-work practices across labour markets more generally and the emergence of new forms of flexible collective action and online-community organisation, we have found empirical evidence of their emergence.
Parts of the fieldwork were realised in the framework of the research project SOcial DIalogue in the TRansforming EConomy/SODITREC, Agreement number – VS/2019/0096, financed by the European Commission, DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR EMPLOYMENT, SOCIAL AFFAIRS AND INCLUSION.
"I work with IntechOpen for a number of reasons: their professionalism, their mission in support of Open Access publishing, and the quality of their peer-reviewed publications, but also because they believe in equality. Throughout the world, we are seeing progress in attracting, retaining, and promoting women in STEMM. IntechOpen are certainly supporting this work globally by empowering all scientists and ensuring that women are encouraged and enabled to publish and take leading roles within the scientific community." Dr. Catrin Rutland, University of Nottingham, UK
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