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",isbn:"978-1-83881-920-0",printIsbn:"978-1-83881-919-4",pdfIsbn:"978-1-83881-933-0",doi:null,price:0,priceEur:0,priceUsd:0,slug:null,numberOfPages:0,isOpenForSubmission:!1,hash:"c1999f94cbb4a0340032feb750236ffa",bookSignature:"Prof. Zamzuri Idris",publishedDate:null,coverURL:"https://cdn.intechopen.com/books/images_new/9656.jpg",keywords:"Paediatric Brain Injury, Adult Brain Injury, Brain Swelling, Immune Response, Brainwaves, Endocrine, Neuromonitoring, Intensive Care, Hypothermia, Neuroimaging, Brain-computer Interface, Robotic Rehabilitation",numberOfDownloads:1131,numberOfWosCitations:0,numberOfCrossrefCitations:0,numberOfDimensionsCitations:0,numberOfTotalCitations:0,isAvailableForWebshopOrdering:!0,dateEndFirstStepPublish:"June 2nd 2020",dateEndSecondStepPublish:"September 9th 2020",dateEndThirdStepPublish:"November 8th 2020",dateEndFourthStepPublish:"January 27th 2021",dateEndFifthStepPublish:"March 28th 2021",remainingDaysToSecondStep:"7 months",secondStepPassed:!0,currentStepOfPublishingProcess:5,editedByType:null,kuFlag:!1,biosketch:"Dr. Idris is acting as the Head of the Committee in Malaysia Neurosurgical Teaching and Education, Head for the Local Neurosurgical Association of Malaysia, Member for the Society for Brain Mapping and Therapeutics USA, for the European Society for Stereotactic and Functional Neurosurgery. 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Corruption was referred to as a great sin already in the Bible: “Do not accept a bribe, for a bribe blinds those who see and twist the words of the innocent.” However, the history of corruption is in fact related to the beginning of the creation of law and the state and was already in the antiquity considered an evil, which negatively affects the public administration and the functioning of the political system. The earliest records of corruption date back to the thirteenth century BC, to the time of the Assyrian civilization. From the found plates, written in cuneiform, the archeologists managed to discern how and who accepted bribes. Under the Roman law, the criminal offense of corruption was defined as giving, receiving or claiming benefits in order to influence an official in connection with his work. Due to the prevalence of corruption in the country, this law was supplemented by a new law, which predicted compensation for damage in double value of the damage, and the loss of political rights for the perpetrator of the corruptive act. However, this did not help alleviate corruption, especially due to the fact that corruption was most practiced by the members of the Senate and senior state officials, both in Rome itself and in the remote Roman provinces. The early Christian faith condemned corruption, yet corruption later also developed greatly in ecclesiastical structures, and achieved its peak with the selling of indulgences in the Middle Ages, all until the condemnation of the latter (as well as of other immoral acts of the clergy, with the Pope at the head) by Martin Luther. Apart from the condemnation of corruption, the Reformation also led to a break with until then dominant Catholic culture and the emergence of Protestant ethics.
As a child (he was a hostage at the Ravenna court), Attila1 noticed a high level of corruption among the state officials of the Western Roman Empire and how they appropriated the state money (as a consequence, there was less money in the Treasury and therefore the taxes increased). He thus decided that if he would ever to rule, he would do so fairly and by oppressing the corruption in his own country. The early feudalism was familiar with various laws that punished the bribing of courts also with death. Later, when the developed feudalism again turned to the Roman law, a number of laws (Dušan’s Code, Mirror of the Swabians) discussed the abuse of position. Then, in late Feudalism, countries became virtually helpless in the fight against corruption, as illustrated by the case of France, which in 1716 established a special court in which should rule in cases of abuse of royal finances; however, these abuses (embezzlement, extortion, bribery, scams, etc.) were so extensive that the court was abolished and a general amnesty introduced in 1717 made some forms of corruption quite a tradition. The corruption was also widespread during the time of the Spanish Inquisition, where the victim of the accusation could make amends with money, which made the corruption, especially among the inquisitors, extensive.
Throughout the history, many intellectuals dealt with corruption or theorized about it one way or another. Machiavelli2 had a low opinion on republics, considering them even more corrupt than other regimes, and according to him, corruption leads to moral degradation, bad education and bad faith. On the other hand, however, the great philosopher, diplomat and lawyer Sir Francis Bacon3 was known both for receiving bribes and taking them. When he reached the highest judicial position in England, he was caught in as many as 28 cases of accepting a bribe and defended himself before the parliament by saying that he usually accepted a bribe from both parties involved and that the dirty money therefore did not affect his decisions. The parliament did not accept these arguments and sent him to the jail where he spent only a few days as he was able to bribe the judge.
Thus, although the corruption has been occurring in society ever since, it has only been given more attention in the recent period—the researches on the phenomenon and its negative impacts have become more common after 1995, when countries and international institutions began to be aware of this problem. The attitude of the public toward corruption was, until then, neutral. In 1998, Kaufmann and Gray [1] found that:
Bribery is widespread, especially in the developing and transition countries; there are, however, significant differences between and within regions.
Bribery increases transaction costs and creates insecurity in the economy.
Bribery usually leads to ineffective economic results, in the long term impedes foreign and domestic investments, reallocates talents due to income and distorts sectorial priorities and technology choices (for example, it creates incentives for contracting major defense projects or unnecessary infrastructure projects, but does not encourage investments in rural specialist health clinics or in preventive health care). This pushes companies into the “underground” (outside the formal sector), weakens the state’s ability to increase revenue and leads to ever-increasing tax rates (as too little tax is taken), which is levied on less and less taxpayers, consequently diminishing the state’s ability to provide enough public goods, including the rule of law.
Bribery is unfair, as it imposes a regressive tax, which heavily burdens in particular commercial and service activities performed by small businesses.
Corruption destroys the legitimacy of the state.
Many other researchers and institutions (the World Bank Institute—WBI, the European Commission, the United Nations, the EBRD) have investigated corruption and its impact on macroeconomic and microeconomic indicators through various forms of corruption, as well as its connection with local customs and habits, and how it affects the everyday lives of people. Most studies are therefore mainly the analyses of the effects of corruption on various economic indicators, such as GDP growth, investments, employment, tax revenues and foreign investments [2, 3, 4, 5], or the study of various forms of corruption in relation to politics and the economic environment [6], the research of its social condition and various manifestations [7, 8]. Dobovšek [9] agrees with the negative effects, i.e. high economic, political and social costs, and adds that corruption is not a weakness of people but of institutions (supervisory and other), as they should be the ones to obstruct the greed and temptation of individuals within them.
Although corruption differs from country to country, it is possible to identify some of the key common driving forces that generate it. What is common to all countries, which are among the most corrupt, has been identified by Svensson [10]; all of them are developing countries or countries in transition,
with rare exceptions, low-income countries,
most countries have a closed economy,
the influence of religion is visible (Protestant countries have far the lowest level of corruption),
low media freedom and
a relatively low level of education.
Regardless of the above, corruption cannot be assessed unambiguously, since there is never only one phenomenon that is responsible for the occurrence and the development of it; corruption always arises from an array of several, interrelated factors, which can differ considerably from one another. Among the most commonly mentioned factors that influence the development of corruption are: political and economic environment, professional ethics and legislation, as well as purely ethnological factors, such as customs, habits and traditions.
The phenomenon of corruption is strongly influenced by the political and economic environment. The more is the economic activity in the country regulated and limited, the higher the authority and the power of officials in decision making and the greater the possibility of corruption, since individuals are willing to pay or offer payment in order to avoid restrictions. A great potential for corruption is especially there where the officials are under the regulation given the opportunity to decide on the basis of discretion.
The level of corruption is also affected by the monetary policy. Goel and Nelson [11] in their research found a strong link between monetary policy and corruptive activity in the States. The States that have a well-regulated financial sector, not a lot of informal economy or black market are also less corrupt than those where the opposite is true. They also find that there is less corruption in the countries with higher economic and political freedom.
Dimant [12] puts it well in his claim that the level of efficiency of public administration determines the extent to which corruption can find fertile soil and sprout. Such efficiency is determined by the quality of the regulations and permits, since ineffective and unclear regulations help to increase the level of corruption in at least two different ways:
The artificially created monopoly of power that enables civil servants to obtain bribes is based on their superior position and embedded in the system.
On the other hand, however, ineffective and unclear regulations cause inhibition and therefore encourage natural persons to pay bribes in order to speed up the bureaucratic procedure.
Corruption is also strongly influenced by the low salaries of public administration employees (state officials), who are therefore trying to improve their financial position by receiving bribes, and consequently, the socio-economic situation of the government officials also affects the phenomenon of corruption. This is demonstrated also by Allen et al. [13] in their study where they find that corruption arises because agencies, institutions and the government can no longer control corruption effectively due to underpaid officials, which is a problem especially in the developing countries, where they do not have the sufficient tax revenue to properly reward the local officials. However, low wages are not the only cause of corruption; the poor state of the public administration, which is a consequence of political “overcrowding”4 of officials, due to which loyalty usually prevails over professional standards, also strongly affects the corruption. As an important factor influencing corruption, some authors also indicate satisfaction with the work done by officials—the more they are dissatisfied with their work or place of work, the higher the degree of corruption, which is confirmed by Sardžoska and Tang [14] in their studies. The mentioned authors find that the private sector has higher ethical values, in particular those that affect satisfaction with work, than the public sector and is therefore less unethical (especially regarding thefts and corruption). Indirectly, Svenson [10] also affirms this and states that in principle, the salary level of civil servants affects the receipt of a bribe (the higher it is, the smaller the chance that the person will act corruptly). However, he continues on that a higher salary also strengthens the negotiating power of the official, which leads to higher bribes and he also states that, on the basis of existing research, it is very difficult to determine whether a higher salary causes less corruption, which means that the level of salary is not a decisive factor, but merely one of many.
The economy is unfortunately largely dependent on politics and often reflects the rule of law; various options for eliminating competition are exploited, and bribery is just one of the possible weapons in the struggle to gain a job. At the same time is the mentality of the economy sometimes: “The cost of a bribe is only a substantial business cost, an integral part of the contract,” or “Even if we stop the bribery, our rivals will not, so we must bribe in order to remain competitive, “or” bribery and misleading behaviour are not really crimes, they are just part of the old business practice. They are part of the game and everyone does it.” On the other hand is the point sometimes simply the “lubricating” of the bureaucratic wheel by the private sector to do certain things faster or easier.
The political influence of corruption is also manifested through the proverb: examples are attractive! If the top of the politics (government, parties and leading politicians) is corrupt, then corruption shows at all levels, and this evil at the same time spreads among the ordinary population, as nobody trusts the institutions or the rule of law. Johnston [15] thus points out useful thinking in terms of two types of equilibrium—the balance between the openness and the autonomy of the institutions and elites it leads and the balance between political and economic power and opportunities for cooperation. Ideally, the institutions should be open to influences and feedback from different sources, yet at the same time sufficiently independent to effectively carry out their work. Where the openness and independence of the institutions are in balance, the officials are accessible, but not excessively exposed to private influences; if they can make authoritative decisions, while not using their power to arbitrate, the corruption is relatively low. But where the official power is poorly institutionalized, too exposed to private influence, and the officials’ independence is reflected in excessive exploitation of their power—they can do as they please—the possibility for extreme corruption is again high.
Lack of professional ethics and deficient laws regulating corruption as a criminal offense, and the prosecution and sanctioning of it are also an important cause for the emergence and spread of corruption. A great influence comes also from the ineffective sanctioning of corruption, which only increases the possibility of continuing the corruptive actions of those involved, creating at the same time a strong likelihood that others will join in the corruption due to this inefficient sanctioning.
The sole lack of professional ethics is a particular issue, as the administration requires different amounts of time to develop or change its ethics and professional standards, which is well known in transition countries (in some, ethics and professional standards changed overnight and approached the equivalents in the developed democracies, and in some, they remained the same as in socialism). It is precisely in the transition countries that the “softer” acts of corruption are often considered to be acceptable and justifiable. Therefore, due to lack of professional ethics in some countries that otherwise manage illegal corruption well, there is nevertheless a widespread form of legal corruption.
Corruption also generates a lack of transparency and a lack of control by supervisory institutions. Therefore, where there is insufficient legal basis or sufficient political will to control, which enables a non-transparent functioning of both politics and the economy, corruption flourishes. Corruption is also affected by the extensive, non-transparent or incomplete legislation, where laws can be interpreted in different ways (for the benefit of the one who pays).
Different countries have different attitudes to corruption. In Europe alone, we can find two extremes; from completely corruption intolerant North to the warm South, where corruption is an almost normal, socially acceptable phenomenon. Or the difference between countries with a democratic past, which traditionally prosecute corruption, and former socialist countries, where the corruption in the state apparatus was a part of folklore tradition. Then, there are also different customs; in some cases, a “thank you” in the form of a gift for a service (for which this person has already been paid with a salary) is an expression of courtesy, and elsewhere it is considered corruption. Everything is only a matter of ethics and morality; however, they can be very different in different areas and different countries.
Some forms of corruption also relate to an informal form of social security, where the family or the immediate community takes care of its members. Such forms of informal social security prevail in less developed countries, where there is no legal regulation of formal social security and in the countries of Southern Europe where the influence of the broader family (patriarchate5) is still very strong, like for example in Italy, Greece, Albania, Bosnia, etc. These countries are known for nepotism, cronyism and patronage, since the family as well as the wider community provide social security. The family or community takes care of their members, who, in return, must be loyal and in a way also repay the benefits they receive from it. The same is true of faith. While the southern, predominantly Catholic, very hierarchically organized part of Europe, encourages the cult of the family (also joint and several community) and several liability, the northern, mainly Protestant part, emphasizes individualism and individual responsibility (which means less forms of corruption). The corruption also prospers better in countries where Islam and Orthodoxy are the main religion. The influence of the dominant religion in the country is thus important.
The influence of majority Protestantism has been tested several times and has proven to be an important factor for the low level of corruption in a country. However, the relationship between Protestantism and good governance is probably rooted more in history than in today’s practice. Today, there are many nominally Protestant countries that are de facto secular, while also many non-Protestant countries fight effectively against corruption. Thus, the influence of Protestantism appears to emerge from its egalitarian ethos, which could indirectly function as a support to the general orientation toward ethical universalism, literacy and the promotion of individualism. Its role is therefore important, as it at certain stages of the development explains why the first countries that were well managed were predominantly Protestant. This does not mean that other religious traditions are incompatible with good governance, but only that they have not succeeded in compiling this particular array of factors at the right moment [16].
Similarly, the research by North et al. [17] showed that, according to the authors, the least corrupt countries or those countries where the rule of law is the strongest were predominantly Protestant in 1900 and those who are most corrupt were predominantly Orthodox in the same year. The results of their research have shown that there is a link between religion and corruption on one hand, and respect for the rule of law on the other, but not that the link is causative. The questions therefore arise: Why do some religions respect the rule of law more than others and control corruption? Do the characteristics of a particular religion themselves lead to the results? Are there any differences in religious doctrines, practices or cultures that lead to such results? Are there other links that are not rooted in the religious culture, but are related to religious affiliation?
A study titled Perception of corruption by authors Melgar et al. [18] tried to find out which groups of people are more likely to pay for corruption. They found that those who think that there is a lot of corruption also perceive it so and are consequently more willing to pay for it (as they think or expect the society to function that way). By using a wide and very heterogeneous set of data and econometrics, it has been shown that the social status and personal characteristics also play an important role in the shaping of corruption perception at the micro level. While divorced women, unemployed persons, persons working in the private sector or the self-employed are considered to be in positive correlation with the perception of corruption (corruption is perceived more and they are more willing to pay bribes), the opposite applies to married persons, full-time employees, people who frequently attend religious ceremonies and people with at least secondary education (they perceive less corruption and are also unwilling to pay). According to the classification of countries, they find that it can be proved that all African and Asian countries are in the upper half of the table, and the same applies to the former socialist countries and most of the East Asian countries. People living in these countries perceive more corruption than others. On the contrary, most European countries and some of the former English colonies show lower perceptions than the average (there are also exceptions) and rank in the lower half, the same as half of the richest countries. They also added that the geographical classification of countries has been strongly correlated with the corruption perception index (CPI), which shows that individual characteristics and social conditions are specific factors that influence the perception of corruption. However, they have also found that better economic results reduce the perception of corruption, while the macroeconomic instability and income inequalities have precisely the opposite effect. With Mahič [19], we also found a similar influence on the perception of corruption; in the economic crisis (high unemployment and low purchasing power), the perception of corruption is rising.
A very important factor that affects corruption is also demographics. A number of studies have shown that patriarchal society is more prone to corruption. This is confirmed by several researches that actually explore to what extent are men women corrupt. Several earlier, especially econometric contributions to the debate on who is more corrupt, men or women, argued that there is a link between a higher representation of women in government and lower levels of corruption. An influential study of 150 countries in Europe, Africa and Asia by the World Bank [20] confirmed this and concluded that women are more reliable and less prone to corruption. The subsequent findings were later reinforced by further research. Rivas [21] also affirms this in his research and notes that, according to the results of the survey, the conclusion could be that women are less corrupt than men and that the increase in the number of women on the labor market and in politics would help fight corruption. Lee and Guven [22] in the survey: Engaging in corruption—the influence of cultural values and the contagion effects at the micro-level also raised the question of whether men are more corrupt than women. The findings of the research support the thesis that women are less susceptible to corruption than men, especially in cultures that require men to be ambitious, competitive and materially successful, as these factors significantly contribute to unethical behavior. This was surprisingly well shown also in practice [23] when, due to gender equality, the Peruvian government a decade ago decided to involve more women in the police units. When the 2,500 female police officers were joined as traffic police officers, something unexpected happened; bribery was drastically reduced, and people welcomed the female police officers on the streets.
In 1997, Tanzi and Davoodi [2] conducted a systematic study of the impact of corruption on public finances. Several important findings came to light:
Corruption increases the volume of public investments (at the expense of private investments), as there are many options that allow for public expenditure manipulation and are carried out by high-level officials so as to get bribes (which means that more general government expenditures or a large budget offer more opportunities for corruption).
Corruption redirects the composition of public expenditure from the expenditure necessary for basic functioning and maintenance to expenditure on new equipment.
Corruption tends to pull away the composition of public expenditure from the necessary fixed assets for health and education, as there is less chance of getting commissions than from other, perhaps unnecessary projects.
Corruption reduces the effectiveness of public investments and the infrastructure of a country.
Corruption can reduce tax revenues by compromising the ability of the state administration to collect taxes and fees, although the net effect depends on how the nominal tax and other regulatory burdens were selected by the officials, exposed to corruption.
The influence of corruption on the economy was studied by the same authors [3] through several factors:
Through the impact of corruption on businesses: The impact of corruption on a business is largely depend on the size of the company. Large companies are better protected in an environment that is prone to corruption, they avoid taxes more easily and their size protects them from petty corruption, while they are often also politically protected, which is why the survival of small (especially start-up companies) and middle-sized companies, regardless of their importance for the growth of the economy and the development, is much more difficult than the survival of large companies.
Through the impact of corruption on investments: Corruption affects (a) total investments, (b) the size and form of investments by foreign direct investors, (c) the size of public investments and (d) the quality of investment decisions and investment projects.
Through the influence of corruption on the allocation of talents: Indirectly, corruption has a negative impact on economic growth through the allocation of talents, since gifted and prospective students are driven, due to the influence of the environment and the situation in the country, for example, to study law rather than engineering, which would add value to the country.
Through the impact of corruption on public spending: Corruption has a negative impact on public spending and has an especially strong impact on education and health. There are also indications of the correlation between corruption and military expenditure, which means that high level of corruption reduces economic growth due to high military expenditure.
Through the impact of corruption on taxes: Because of corruption, less taxes are levied than would otherwise be, as some of the taxes end up in the pockets of corrupt tax officials. There are also frequent tax relieves in the corrupt countries, selective taxes and various progressive taxes; in short, there is much less money than the country could have, and so corruption, through the country’s financial deficit, also affects the economic growth; and conclude the findings on the negative impact (both indirect and direct) of corruption on economic growth.
Smarzynska and Wei [5] came to similar conclusions regarding the effects of corruption on the size and composition of investments. Corrupt countries are less attractive for investors, and if they do opt for an investment, due to non-transparent bureaucracy, they often enter the market with a joint venture, as they usually understand or control matters of the home country better. The local partner can also help foreign companies with the acquisition of local licenses and permits or can otherwise negotiate with the bureaucratic labyrinths at lower costs. Generally inclined (as investors) to the joint venture in the corrupt countries are especially the US investors; however, even investors from those European countries, which are among the highest ranked on the CPI, quickly adapt to local conditions.
Corruption for various reasons also affects the following:
Employment, because the job does not go to the most suitable or qualified person, but the one who is ready to pay for it or in any other way return the favor.
Also affects total investments [24].
The size and composition of foreign investments and the size of public investments.
The effectiveness of investment decisions and projects. In the presence of corruption, the investments are smaller, as entrepreneurs are aware that they will have to bribe the officials or even give them a profit share for a successful implementation of a business. Due to these increased costs, the entrepreneurs are not interested in investing.
Wei [25] even made a projection which predicted that in the case of reduction in corruption in Bangladesh to the level of corruption in Singapore, the growth rate of GDP per capita would increase by 1.8% per year between 1960 and 1985 (assuming that the actual average annual growth rate was 4% per year), and the average per capita income could have been more than 50% higher, whereas the Philippines could, if its level of corruption was reduced to that of Singapore (if everything remained unchanged), have raised their investments in relation to GDP by as much as 6.6%, which means a significant increase in the investments. At the same time, he notes that in order to reduce the corruption to the level of Singapore in the countries that he compared (India, Kenya, Sri Lanka, Turkey, Colombia, Mexico and Ghana), the State should raise the salaries of officials by 400—900%. He therefore asks himself whether this would even be possible. However, he notes that in the event of a large increase in salaries, a new form of corruption would likely arise when everyone would be prepared to pay a bribe for a well-paid official job.
Corruption often reduces the effectiveness of various financial assistance programs (both state and international), as money is “lost somewhere along the way” and does not reach those that need it or for whom it is intended, as the financial benefits, deriving from corruption, are not taxable because they are hidden. The state is thus also losing part of the income from the taxes due to corruption, while the public spending, resulting from corruption (or narrow private interests) leads to negative effects on the budget.
The European Commission in its report found that corruption is costing the European economy about 120 billion a year, and according to the European Commissioner for Home Affairs, Cecilia Malstotröm, the corruption in Europe is most present in public procurement, financing of political parties and health care [26].
The United Nations estimate that the cost of corruption in Afghanistan amounted to about $ 3.9 billion in 2012. According to Transparency International, the former leader of Indonesia, Suharto, embezzled between $ 15 and $ 35 billion, whereas the embezzlements of Mobutu in Zaire, Ferdinand Marcos in the Philippines and Abacha in Nigeria are estimated to amount to $ 5 billion [27]. However, the World Bank survey shows that $ 1 billion in bribes, both in rich and developing countries, is paid annually [28], which means that even the developed countries are not immune to corruption (but in a different form) and that the political corruption is especially present in large infrastructure projects. Bađun [29] on the example of Croatia gives conclusions, which are valid for all post-communist countries.
Impact on enterprises: A survey conducted by the EBRD and the World Bank shows that bribes paid in smaller companies account for 5% of their annual profits and in medium-sized companies 4% of their annual profits. However, both are, compared to large companies, where bribes comprise less than 3%, in a much worse position, which shows how bribes are causing problems or are putting these smaller companies into a subordinate position compared to the large ones, which in turn leads to the collapse of these.
Also interesting is the study of the Shadow Economy in Highly Developed OECD Countries where Schneider and Buehn [30] also find the link between the low quality of institutions that are the holders of the rule of law (or degree of corruption) and the shadow economy, and therefore, the weaker the “law” is, the higher the degree of corruption and of shadow economy. In the study Corruption and the Shadow Economy [31], the same authors explore the relationship between the degree of corruption and the emergence of the shadow economy, and their findings are that the high level of shadow economy and the high degree of corruption are strongly linked to one another. One of the hypotheses in this survey (which has been confirmed) is also: the higher the degree of corruption, the lower the economic development measured by GDP per capita. The authors detected a positive correlation; corruption thus affects the economic development.
However, the extended practice of finding annuity outside the logic of the market and competition can therefore lead to a (neo) liberal conclusion that the root of the existence of corruption is in the very existence of the state—especially in excessive, selective and deforming state interventions and subsidies that create fertile soil for the development of corruption. The truth is that the devastating combination consists of widespread state intervention and subsidies in the simultaneous absence of a strong institutional framework and detailed rules of the game, including the control of public finances and effective anti-trust legislation and legal practices. On the other hand, however, there is no clear evidence that private monopolies are more effective and less corrupt than the public ones and that privatization, especially long-lasting, gradual and non-transparent one (so-called gradualism), reduces positive developmental and social effects, including the reduction of corruption [32]. Yet market deregulation, legal and judicial reform and transparent management of public procurement would significantly reduce corruption in many developing countries (as well as in transition countries), at which point the government should play an important role in the shaping of the anti-corruption policy. There should be a strong strengthening of the public procurement institution. The law is admittedly strict about the public procurement, but one of the main reasons for public procurement problems is the lack of a skilled workforce, and public procurement is thus still the breeding ground of corruption. There also exists a proverb “poverty is a curse,” which applies largely to all developing countries, as these are the countries that are most affected by poverty. Poverty destroys all ethical and moral values.
One of the important aspects of the damage to the global economy is also the failure to respect copyright and intellectual property. The more corrupt countries are also inclined to lower respect for the aforementioned, and the economic damage amounts to billions of dollars. Cavazos-Cepeda et al. [33] found that reforms, legal, fiscal and intellectual incentives to respect copyright and intellectual property patents encourage the society to make itself more innovative and economically more effective; however, they underline the importance of human capital and investment in people as one of the most important factors for reducing the level of corruption in the country.
There are also theories that corruption can act as the lubricant of the economic wheel and at least in some cases has a positive impact on the economic growth. The empirical analysis done by Dreher and Gassebner [34] on a sample of 43 countries between 2003 and 2005 shows that corruption is even useful, but with some reservations. In particular, they investigated the short-term effects of corruption and found, for example, that in countries where corruption is widespread, more new entrepreneurs enter the market (corruption in the public sector is expected to promote private entrepreneurial activity). They are, however, not necessarily to succeed, as there is a high likelihood that they will go bankrupt due to the rigid regulations that block the activity and because of which bribes are needed. They do acknowledge, on the other hand, that most authors who have been doing research for a longer period of time admit the harmfulness of corruption both for society and the economy. Something similar show the data for some Asian countries, where, unlike their findings (short-term benefit), the high degree of corruption coincides with the long-term economic growth.
Svendson [10] also notes that, in light of the theoretical literature and various research studies, notwithstanding that these show the negative impact of corruption on the economic growth, but this cannot be said for sure, since there are difficulties in measuring corruption, and at the same time, the question arises whether the econometric models that were made are good enough to capture all the important variables. He also states that corruption appears in many forms and that there is no reason to assume that all types of corruption are equally harmful to the economic growth.
Recent empirical researches also attest to that; while many countries have suffered, as a characteristic consequence of corruption, the decline in economic growth, other countries have had economic growth (in some cases a very positive one) despite corruption. The latter is also to be expected, since corruption has many manifestations and it would be surprising if all types of corrupt practices had the same effect on economic performance. Analyses show that one of the reasons for this is the extent to which the perpetrators of corrupt practices—in this case the bureaucrats—coordinate their behavior. In the absence of an organized corruption network, each bureaucrat collects bribes for himself, while ignoring the negative impact of others’ demands for them. In the presence of such a network, the collective bureaucracy reduces the total value of the bribe, which results in lower bribe payments and higher innovation, and the economic growth is consequently higher in the latter case than in the former case. The interesting question is not so much why is the degree of corruption in poor countries higher than in the rich ones, but rather why the nature of corruption differs between countries. The extent to which corruption is organized is just one aspect of this, but there are other aspects. For example, it is common practice in some countries to pay ex post (as a share of profit, for example) instead of ex ante (in advance, as a bribe) to officials or politicians, so it is assumed that the effects on the economy will be different. The precise reason why corruption should take on one form and not the other is an important issue which has been largely ignored and which could have to do with cultural, social and political reasons, as well as economic circumstances [35].
In the fight against corruption, a remarkable role was also played by the debt crisis. The die Welt newspaper [36] mentions the study of the Hertie School of Governance, which shows that Italy, Spain and Portugal have made great strides in the fight against bribery and corruption of their civil servants due to lack of money, which enabled a significantly more transparent and “pure” practice for the award of public procurement. The crisis is supposed to dry up monetary resources and thus reduce the chances of corruption. Also, the crisis has changed the perception of the society, and bad business practices, which were acceptable before the crisis, are acceptable no longer. However, the fight against corruption is often similar to the fight against windmills. The case of India shows how corruption is changing, getting new dimensions, not only in scope, but also in methods. Just as the population in India is growing, so is corruption, and there are always new ways how to cheat both the state and the society. The perception of corruption is increasing year after year. Despite all the anti-corruption moves and anti-corruption initiatives, people do not hesitate to offer or accept a bribe. The bribers are becoming innovative, they adapt to the situation and the innovation of companies in paying bribes and hiding them is also visible. However, just as elsewhere in the world, the negative effects of corruption are the same; it reduces foreign direct and domestic investments, increases inequality and poverty, raises the number of freeloaders (renters, free-riders) in the economy, distorts and exploits public investments and reduces public revenues.
Corruption is, in fact, a multidirectional process. On one hand, the provider benefits, on the other the recipient, and both are aware of the deed that remains hidden. The third link in the chain is everyone else, the victims. Although not every act of corruption is yet a criminal offense, it is, however, unethical and detrimental to the economic and political development of a society. Usually, there are persons involved with political, economic and decision-making power, and as the philosopher Karl Popper wrote in his book, The Open Society and its Enemies, that the greatest problem is not the question of who should give orders, but how to control the one who gives them. How to organize the political and social institutions in order to prevent the weak and incompetent rulers from doing too much harm? However, as there is no general and unmistakable way of preventing the tyranny or corruptions of the heavyweights, the price of freedom is eternal alertness [37]. Greediness, ambition, rapacity and immorality have been known to the human society ever since the emergence of civilization and use every tool available to them: kinship, common past, school contacts, common interests, friendship and, of course, political as well as religious ties.
In a study by Šumah et al. [38], we did an analysis of countries, taking into account their ranking on the Corruption Perception Index published every year by Transparency International, and identified the main factors affecting the level of corruption in a particular group of countries, or rather, we tried to find similarities and differences between individual groups of countries in terms of what affects the level of corruption in these groups. We have established a basic model of three factors (risk, benefit and consciousness) that was created on the basis of the merger of several known, scientifically proven factors that cause or reduce corruption or affect its level in the individual country. According to this degree of corruption, we have identified five groups, classified the countries and analyzed their common characteristics. The findings were as follows:
Corruption is linked to the level of GDP (the higher the GDP, the lower the rate of corruption).
Corruption is related to the level of education (the higher the average level of education, the lower the level of corruption).
Corruption is strongly linked to the geographical location. The highest level is in Asia (mainly in Central Asia), Africa (North and Central Africa) and South America (according to the Transparency International map).
Corruption is strongly linked to the country’s prevailing religion.
Corruption is linked to freedom in the country (personal freedom, freedom of speech, economic freedom, etc.), with respect to the rule of law in a country and inefficiency of public administration, which is often also locally limited or is inherently corrupt.
The lower the country is ranked, the more dominant is the patriarchal society.
Many researchers are still involved in corruption. The findings show that there is a link between corruption and its negative effects, but from most of the studies it is not possible to determine what the cause is and what the consequence. Whether is the level of corruption lower due to high GDP, or is it vice versa, cannot be directly identified, since the corruption depends on economic indicators, while at the same time affecting them [39]. It is also very difficult to claim that the average low level of education is due to corruption or, conversely, that corruption is a result of low education. Similarly goes for the rule of law and (in)efficiency of public administration. This interdependence will surely continue to be the subject of numerous researches in the future, for the only way to be successful in the fight against corruption is if we know the causes and begin to eliminate them.
Nevertheless, there remains something that needs to be emphasized. Almost all of the studies ignore the fact that the top of the most corrupt countries consists of countries with one of the various forms of armed conflict (civil war, intertribal conflicts, inter-religious wars or some other form of aggression), which means that peace in the country is a prerequisite for a successful fight against corruption. The least corrupt countries are countries that have a lasting peace on their territory (most since the Second World War or even longer), which is confirmed by the above fact. Peace is therefore one of the prerequisites for a successful fight against corruption.
The answer to the question of how to deal with corruption is not unambiguous; some countries have achieved great success in dealing with it in a relatively short time (Singapore, Estonia and Georgia) and some have been struggling for a long time (the most famous example is Italy). The first condition is in any case to ensure freedom (personal freedom, economic freedom, freedom of speech, freedom of the press, etc.) and democracy, and then education and awareness of people. However, at this point, it is not about introducing the Western type democracy, as our culture knows it, for it has often proven that, especially with the help of the army, more harm than benefit was caused. It is necessary to start using good practices of countries that are similar to each other (religion, habits, tradition, ethics and morality) and that have common history.
India is emerging as a superpower, with a strong IT powerhouse and among the world’s largest five economies and over a billion potential customers [1]. Over the last couple of decades, the Indian IT industry has been a leading sector contributing to its economic growth. In 2017, the IT industry contributed nearly 8% to India’s GDP, providing direct employment to almost four million people and indirect employment to nearly 10 million people, and is approaching US $ 200 billion by 2021 [2]. With over 500 global delivery centers employing over 600,000 foreign nationals, the Indian IT industry has established its IT and BPO services dominance. For the continuous growth of this industry, intellectual capital availability is key to sustainable competitive advantage. Despite the burgeoning population, the workforce shortage in the IT sector looms large [1]. This constrains the Indian IT industry’s growth potential exploring non-linear revenue growth models [2]. With skilled talent shortage continuing to limit the industry growth [1, 3], non-linear initiatives of growth are urgently required. The survival and success of the Indian IT industry in a post-COVID-19 world depends on how work is re-imagined, redefined, and the workplace is restructured accordingly.
COVID-19 has presented an unprecedented opportunity for IT Service organizations to transform the established paradigm of working. In the new world of work, the office building or factory floor is no longer synonymous with “workplace” [4]. With clients willing to embrace the “anytime, anywhere” working, IT organizations equip their employees with the required infrastructure support and enable their remote working with requisite changes in policies and incentives. Agility and resilience are fast becoming the most appreciated competencies of employees. An uptake in demand for IT and IT-enabled services will require IT organizations to add more employees with digital skills in the future, resulting in a skew between talent available and talent needed to support the industry. The World Economic Forum’s recent study on ‘Future of Jobs- 2020’1 shows that 90.3% of companies will provide more remote working opportunities, and 87.1% are accelerating the working process’s digitalization. 58.1% of organizations are accelerating tasks’ automation, 67% are more likely to hire new temporary staff with skills relevant to new technologies, and 65% of organizations are likely to outsource some business functions to external contractors. In comparison, 56% are likely to hire freelancers with skills relevant to new technologies. The trend of hiring more gig workers is an outcome of the economic crisis and is stronger in the IT, data, and technology service sectors [5] where skill obsolescence and mass layoffs are expected. However, gig working is associated with significant risks of income fluctuation, career path uncertainty, social isolation, low psychological well-being, and increased psychological dysfunction [3, 4, 6]. The data clearly shows that the global labour market is shifting towards a new equilibrium in the ways of working and the division of labour. However, utilizing external gig workers does not solve the talent shortage problems plaguing the IT services industry. Additionally, these external gig workers add to the cost. Therefore, we explore a new way of working, which integrates facets of gig working, but within the internal workforce of an organization, thereby reducing the cost burden and alleviating the talent shortage problem.
Based on the self-determination theory and the dynamic capabilities framework [7], we argue that internal gig organizational processes will allow the industry to effectively and efficiently address the talent shortage. By embracing this opportunity with commensurate enabling structures, IT/ITeS organization can sustain their growth trajectories and retain a competitive advantage in a rapidly changing technology environment and shortage of qualified talent to support the growth.
The proposed new mechanism requires reconfiguring internal and external ecosystems and providing enabling processes. However, the challenges of institutionalizing this new way of working are not clear. Our study, therefore, adopts a qualitative research approach to understand the mechanisms to institutionalize internal gig working, the potential issues such a system may face, and then suggest an internal and external enabling framework that organizations need to adapt to support internal gig work.
Gig working has been defined as “the temporary contract work that connects self-employed workers directly with clients via a digital platform”([8], p 2). As alternative work arrangements are increasing, both in the variety of schemas and in numbers of people opting for them [9], gig work is emerging as a popular alternative to the conventional paradigm of regular employment. A gig economy is a free market system where temporary positions are common, and organizations hire independent workers for short-term commitments, fundamentally through a platform-enabled digital marketplace [10].
In the 2000s, the rapid transformations in information and communication technologies enabled the digitalization of the economy and the Internet and smartphone popularization. As a result, on-demand platforms based on digital technology have created jobs and employment forms differentiated from erstwhile offline transactions by the level of accessibility, convenience, and price competitiveness. In general, “work” is described as a full-time worker with set working hours, including benefits. But the definition of work began to change with changing economic conditions and continued technological advances, and the change in the economy created a new labour force characterized by independent and contractual labour. The workplace is changing, and with it, the concept of the employee, the employer, and organizational relationships are becoming more complex [11].
Workplace flexibility arrangements have been categorized along the dimensions of scheduling work, locational flexibility, and flexibility of employment relationships [9]. The gig is the online mediated work arrangement that provides maximum flexibility on all three dimensions [8], along with individuals to create “mosaic careers” ([3], p 25).
With jobs becoming unstable, individuals opting for gig working may prefer it due to the high work autonomy, potential for work-non work integration, better management of career opportunities resulting in boundary-less, individualized, and whole life careers [3, 6]. On the other hand, risks associated with gig working involve uncertainty of work, sporadic pay, lack of benefits such as welfare and insurance, social isolation, and possibly less developmental opportunities and low psychological well-being, and increased psychological dysfunction [3, 4, 5, 6]. There is also a differentiation in workers’ skills and qualifications and the types of platforms that populate these workers’ segments. Highly skilled workers are better equipped and more employable and can better cope with ambiguity than low-skilled workers [11].
The Covid-19 pandemic has significantly impacted people’s working lives and changed working arrangements for regular employment relationships. Flexible working hours and locations, temporary agency work, and newer forms of subcontracted work, such as gig working, have emerged as possibilities [8]. Also, the growth in gig working is attributed to low entry barriers, increased technological advancements, and high levels of flexibility that enable workers to work wherever and whenever they like [5]. The pandemic has presented opportunities for individuals and organizations to explore the potential emerging schemas in work relationships, both short-term and long-term, which enhance flexibility and build resilience [8]. The current labor market is shifting towards precarious work, with the market’s composition and characteristics evolving rapidly [6]. Studies have indicated that workers are willing to sacrifice 8–20% of their income to maintain their desired flexibility of working anywhere and anytime [5]. The changing work arrangements have the potential to develop new paradigms that enable career development, address work motivations and behaviors, and help organizations with multiple desirable outcomes of managing talent, increasing profitability, and encouraging flexibility in managing talent demand variability. Organizations are presented with an opportunity to alter their business models as employees expect more flexibility and an employment structure that advances with technology [12]. Practitioners need to be supported by academic research that helps understand the challenges and constraints of gig working and focuses on building more compatible HRM practices [11].
Basis this emerging context, the needs of the highly skilled workforce which is in short supply, and the business challenges of managing profitable growth, our study focuses on the following research question. How would IT and ITeS organizations build an internal gig ecosystem within their organizations? What external and environmental factors need to be considered to enable this? What would be the motivations and resistance to this new way of working by these organizations’ internal workforce?
Our study is based on the Dynamic Capability Framework to explain the need and rationale for organizations to adopt internal gig working and Self-Determination theory to justify the appeal of this new way of working for the permanent employees.
Competence, autonomy, and relatedness are the fundamental needs per Self – Determination Theory [13]. These needs’ satisfaction leads to intrinsic motivation and psychological well-being [10].
Gig work, in its current avatar of temporary work undertaken by external workers, appears to be a prime example of a boundary-less work type, with low thresholds for crossing between platforms, lack of hierarchical reporting relationships, low geographical and time constraints, and high levels of autonomy in task selection [11]. However, the expected complete autonomy over where and when to work is still bounded, with the automation of decision making, new forms of control and surveillance, and regulated work arrangements, ratings, and evaluations [10]. Additionally, work and economic uncertainty and lower organizational identification reduce organizational commitment building and engagement [14, 15]. This dimension of external gig working does not align with the psychological need for relatedness and affiliation. This aspect may be needed for a high-skilled workforce.“ Established findings on organizational leadership, identity, culture, or commitment may not be readily applicable to an emerging, dispersed, desynchronized, anonymized workforce”([12], p 2). Constraints of the digital intermediating platforms create information asymmetries, which may turn into power asymmetries [10, 14].
The potential downsides of the technology-focused flexible, fluid, and short-lived gig working can be diminished by close work relationships and the advantages of traditional internal HRM practices [12]. While organizations may view gig working as an alternative to recruitment and selection of internal labor markets, they may be better served by developing policies and guidelines to support an internal gig work design. By considering job crafting, structural factors, and personal factors for internal employees while enabling gig-like flexibility, the relevant work characteristics of task autonomy, knowledge characteristics of skill variety and job complexity, social reputation, and self-efficacy can be maintained. Simultaneously, the negative aspects of an external gig working, uncertain career path, fluctuating income, psychological stress caused by social isolation, and lack of organizational identity are mitigated.
Theoretical developments in organization strategy and organizational economics recommend leveraging organization-specific factors to help provide a competitive advantage. By capturing entrepreneurial rents that stem from fundamental organizational level efficiency advantages, organizations can develop and exploit dynamic capabilities [7]. This approach focuses on “rents accruing to owners of scarce firm-specific resources”([7], p 513). Applying the dynamic capabilities perspective to service innovation is recommended for service-oriented firms to retain their competitiveness [16]. Service organizations need to develop proficiency in service design and reconfigure fundamental elements of their business model. For IT/ITeS service firms, the highly skilled workforce is a source of competitive advantage. Rapidly coordinating and redeploying these internal resources would be an innovative response allowing organizations to renew competencies congruent with the changing environment.
Given our research questions’ nature, we adopted an explorative-qualitative empirical approach (involving in-depth and focus group interviews) for this study. Past studies have used qualitative methods to capture dynamic capability in organizations [16, 17]. The interview-based techniques typically focus on problems that are not immediately gullible, requiring unique exploration and analysis methods instead of descriptive and interpretive research using statistics [18, 19] and help understand processes not well explored. To build the correspondence between theory and data, we looked for replication logic to test for emerging theoretical insights [20].
Focus group discussions and face-to-face interviews were conducted to collect data for analysis. The focus group element approach helps evolve a collaborative inquiry to co-produce knowledge about a complex problem [16].
In the context of limited scholarship and understanding the plausible challenges and opportunities of internal gig working, we conducted initial focus group meetings with individual contributors and project managers from a leading IT services organization based in Bangalore to develop appropriate questions. This was followed up with in-depth interviews of 27 participants. One of the authors works in the organization, and the authors’ contacts were leveraged for the purposive sampling of the target participants. The main aim was to ensure that interviewees represented individual contributors, managers, and business leaders, had significant active work experience and tenure within the organization to understand the organization’s nuances, and a gender balance congruent with the industry representation. The interviews helped us understand the acceptance and challenges of setting up an internal gig platform and process. We interviewed these individuals as these professionals are the key informants [21], who can provide useful insights and minimize response errors. We established the informants’ credibility by capturing the overall evaluations of responsibilities and knowledge of the focal organization’s practices.
Among the 27 participants of the study, 9 were females, and 18 were males, the demographics of the population had given in Table 1. All the participants are from an engineering background with experience ranging from 4 years to 30 years. Among the participants, 13 had a total experience of more than 20 years; 9 had experience from 10 to 20 years, and 6 had 4 to 10 years of experience. Participants were selected across different functions, levels, and roles. The sample includes engineers, consultants, managers, heads, Assistant Vice President (AVP), and Vice Presidents (VP) of the various delivery functions.
Respondent | Gender | Experience in years | Current designation | Profile (Role) |
---|---|---|---|---|
R 1 | Male | 25 | Vice President and Delivery Head. | 25 years of Industry experience in Financial IT Services. Specialties: Product / Program Management, Global Client Management / Vendor Management Business Development, Implementation of Strategic Initiatives, Knowledge of Core Banking System and Digital Solutions |
R 2 | Male | 25 | Vice President and Delivery Head. | 25 years of experience with domain specialization in Asset Management, Brokerage, Capital Markets, Mortgages. Responsible for business planning, strategy definition, sales support, Key client stakeholder management, delivery execution and leading key initiatives for the unit. Have ensured business growth in the unit at >20% for the last 5 years. |
R 3 | Male | 24 | AVP and Delivery Head | 24 years of extensive experience in building teams and strategic partnerships across clients and partners. Incubated new ideas to build capabilities and develop differentiation in the market. Consistently over achieved business growth targets both in terms of revenue/profitability numbers and new account acquisitions. High Maturity project planning and execution, Open System, Project scientific estimation, Support Process - Transition. |
R 4 | Male | 23 | AVP and Delivery Head | 26 years of experience in managing & growing large units, growing & nurturing strong client relationships and delivering complex programs. He is involved in various initiatives & forums at the corporate level. He is also a speaker in various international, national IT forums. |
R 5 | Male | 23 | Senior Delivery Manager | 20 years of Industry experience in Financial Services, in solution design for new projects, driving automation in operations, facilitating new technology adoption, pre-sales execution, competency enablement, financials management, driving process efficiencies, and people management. Specialist in Informix and Product Development. |
R 6 | Female | 25 | AVP & Senior Delivery Manager | Specialist in digital, IoT, and cloud service offerings. P&L responsibility for running the Practice, which involves researching, creating, selling, and delivering Digital Engineering consulting and IT services and solutions in the field of IoT, Smart Workspaces, Smart Products, Operational Technologies, Contact Center, Unified Collaboration, ALM, CPQ, Knowledge-Based Engineering, Autonomous, Robotics, etc. |
R 7 | Female | 30 | AVP & Senior Delivery Manager | 30 years of experience in Banking Basics, Cards Business, CICS, Claims & Policy. Specialization – Driving Transformation Programs for large organizations, Setting up COE’s, Driving AI and Automation led transformation, Strategy, Consulting, and Program Management. |
R 8 | Female | 22 | Delivery manager | Experienced Delivery Manager with a demonstrated history of working in the information technology and services industry. Currently leading delivery for financial Industry vertical clients. Skilled in Business Process Design, Global Delivery, IT Strategy, and Management. Expert in Mainframe technologies.. Net Application Development, Cards Business Analysis, Quantitative Project Management. |
R 9 | Female | 20 | Delivery manager | Experience in management oversight of client engagements, global delivery of large transformation programs, global delivery of large outsourcing deals, people management, and pre-sales. Partnered with client leadership teams on complex Business/IT programs. Credit Risk Management, Enterprise Risk Management, High Maturity project planning and execution, Project value delivery, Quantitative Project Management, Regulations & Compliance. |
R 10 | Male | 25+ | Delivery manager | Has worked in Banking, Healthcare specializes in Java, Microsoft Technologies, Retail, Technology Consulting process. Experience in consulting and program management in diverse projects such as full-cycle implementations, roll-outs, version-upgrades, data migration, custom solution, and application maintenance. Have experience in anchoring large RFP responses such as IT outsourcing, Application Maintenance, Development factory, Implementations, and conversions. |
R 11 | Male | 22 | Delivery manager | Expertise in managing and delivering Digital Sourcing and Procurement Transformation projects enabled by SAP S4HANA, Ariba, and S4Fashion. Specialist in. Net Application Development,.NET Frameworks, High Maturity project planning, and execution, Quantitative Risk Management, Trade Life Cycle Management. |
R 12 | Male | 20 | Senior Project Manager | 20+ years of global digital transformation experience. Managed and delivered multiple high-visibility ERP programs and other enterprise-wide initiatives. Sustained focus on AI/ML and automation. Detail-oriented while maintaining a big picture view. Extensive Agile and ITIL-based ITSM experience. Specialist in Core Java, High Maturity project planning and execution, J2EE, Oracle Database, Project scientific estimation, Quantitative Project Management. |
R 13 | Male | 20 | Senior Project Manager | A proven leader in multinational/multi-cultural teams in an international environment of IT consulting. Expert at simplifying processes, procedures, leadership. Strategic advisor for multiple clients, with a deep understanding of American, European, Middle Eastern, APAC, and Indian sub-continental markets. Safe, Agile certified. Banking Basics, Contractual Compliance process, Account Management processes and systems, OSDC Management process, Payments Business Analysis, Retail Supply Chain & Distribution. |
R 14 | Male | 18 | Senior Project Manager | Specialist in Equities, J2EE, Support Process - Due Diligence, Support Process - Transition, Sybase, UNIX. Subject Matter Expert in Global Template, Roll-out strategy, and management. He has established himself as a trusted advisor to most clients, helping them define their Green Field Implementation, Program Management, Operating Model, deployment planning, and Roll-out Methodology. |
R 15 | Female | 15 | Senior Project Manager | Specialist in DB2, Equities, Fixed Income Securities, Mainframe Technologies, Project value delivery. Experience in ERP implementation; eLearning web applications; Social Innovation, Grant-evaluation, Data systems & Enterprise-wide research, analysis; Business Intelligence; Enterprise-wide data-security. |
R 16 | Female | 16 | Project Manager | Specialist in Mobile development platform. Experience in building/Leading a world-class Global Support Team for APAC region & delivering very positive results over very offensive, demanding SLAs. SDH/ SONET/ DWDM network roll-out/ Implementation. Experience in working with a wide variety of customers, including private operators, government operators, & other private sectors. |
R 17 | Female | 15 | Project Manager | Diverse professional experience in Transmission Technologies and ASON Planning Tool like (1356 NT(ALU), NPS10(NSN), Huawei Modular & Core Director(Ciena) and TransNet(NSN). DCN and Sync Planning for Optical & Microwave Transmission Equipments. Managing Teams and creating a conducive work environment. |
R 18 | Male | 18 | Project Manager | Experienced in Global Agile methodology, Risk Management, Support Process - Steady-state, Test Data Management. Supply chain and manufacturing footprint design & restructuring, cost optimization, new product implementations, M&A, lean deployments, Talent development, Network design & Optimization, and Business Process Re-engineering. |
R 19 | Female | 19 | Project Manager | Accessibility Testing, Automated Testing, Test Data Management. Experience develops automation framework for across all platforms - Mobile, Web, and API. Experienced in tools/frameworks like Docker, TestRail, Selenium, Appium, Karate Framework, SonarQube, Android Studio, ADB, Xcode, Charles Proxy, BDD framework-Cucumber & Specflow, UI Automator, Postman, GIT, TestNG. People management and client management skills. |
R 20 | Male | 13 | Technical Lead | Full-stack developer with more than 9 years of experience in technologies like Java, ReactJS, SpringBoot, Spring Integration, Hibernate, and Big Data technologies like Hadoop, HBase, phoenix. Manage a team of technical consultants. |
R 21 | Male | 12 | Senior Consultant | HANA Functional Consultant with expertise in strategic sourcing, Operational sourcing, Order Management, Inventory Management, Inbound freight, and logistics handling. Worked extensively with Manufacturing & Distribution industries, having handled end-to-end SAP greenfield implementations and roll-out projects. |
R 22 | Male | 8 | Consultant | 5+ years of experience in Building applications using Machine Learning algorithms and NLTK and Scikit Learn libraries for text classification in Python and Angular. |
R 23 | Male | 8 | Consultant | NLP experience of 7+ years with expertise in consulting on-Semantic search using Deep learning, Deep learning-based recommendation engines, Elasticsearch - search and recommendation engine, Applying AutoML |
R 24 | Female | 7 | Test Consultant | 13 Years of Industry experience in Manual, Automation, and Functional Testing with strong domain knowledge in Financial Services and Retail (eCommerce, Merchandising, Point Of Sale), Peoplesoft HCM, Workbrain / Kronos Time and Attendance, Oracle Applications |
R 25 | Male | 6 | Technology Analyst | 6+ years of Experience in Web Application Design and Development using Java, Spring, ReactJs, Material-UI, ELK. Working with client users directly to solve bugs in the system |
R 26 | Male | 5 | Software Engineer | Passionate Competitive Programmer. 5+ years of Experience in Data Structures, Algorithms, and Digital Electronics, in C, C++, and basic in Java |
R 27 | Male | 4 | Software Engineer | Experienced Developer in jdk tool called jVisualVM., ESAPI, Worked on Cobol to Pentaho transformations, Restful web services (JAX-RS), log analytics using ELK stack. |
Profile of the respondents.
Since much of this research is an exploratory analysis, the relevant research questions focused on the challenges, both internal and external in IT Service organizations and the managers’ and leaders’ perceptions of what was needed to accommodate this new working way. We specifically wanted to discover individual programmers’ challenges and motivations in embracing this new form of working. We also wanted to understand the managerial and leadership issues, concerns, and possible solutions in building an enabling environment. A semi-structured interview was prepared based on previous external gig work studies; all the questions were open-ended. An in-depth interview protocol was used to explore the personal insights, viewpoints, and opinions that provided the flexibility and freedom to change the directions and explore additional paths. After selecting the participants, the purpose of the interview was clarified, consent was acquired from them, and confidentiality was assured. The time and place for the interview were decided as per interviewee’s convenience and comfort. All interviews were face-to-face interviews, and a rapport was build at the starting to ease the process. All the interviews were voice recorded, and interviewers made personal notes. Depending on the interviewee’s answers, some interview questions were skipped, and the questions’ order was changed across research participants. While the interviewees were allowed the lead the conversation, many probing questions were asked to make an in-depth exploration of the topics. The average interview time was thirty to forty-five minutes. The interview transcription was done by one of the authors and comprised of 121367 words in total.
The researchers worked independently to develop their own clusters, representative statements and to complete the coding. While analyzing the data, we sought the help of our judgment, literature, and expert advice to explicate theoretical dimensions. The coding list was then exchanged among the researchers, the rationale for coding was explained and debated, and the next iteration of cluster/coding was developed. We also collected and examined expert reviews for all the categories to ensure that: 1) researcher biases are minimized in our analysis, and 2) the emergence of theoretical dimensions from the data. An abridged version of the findings is provided in the following section. Based on the constant comparison of data and theory throughout the data collection and analysis process [22], a framework emerged indicating how organizations foster ethical competence among their employees.
All respondents agreed that Gig working was emerging as a popular mode of employment for individuals seeking autonomy and flexibility in the choice and time of work. The discussions with the respondents provided interesting insights into an internal gig working, as well as enabling and motivation for sustaining the same. Based on the discussion, four broad themes have emerged from the data: motivation to work in an internal gig, client support, and acceptance, systemic organizational enablers, the role of leadership.
Thirty-seven percent of the respondents indicated a keenness to adopt this new way of work, contingent on specific enablers. Interestingly, nearly all of the respondents believe that gig work will be a significant part of talent management practices and shape future ways of working. However, concerns were raised about the organization’s support and commensurate incentives for taking on additional work.
Fifty-nine percent of the respondents preferred not to take on internal gig work and continue with the conventional system of one full-time assignment for the project’s duration. The primary concerns were related to people and reward processes such as performance review authority, reporting and alignment, time allocation, and prioritization challenges between projects and their multiple stakeholder requirements. A few respondents felt that this way of working would increase working stress and work hours [23]. Fifteen percent commented on how flexibility in the work schedule could be more burdensome. While gig working enables the worker to work from anywhere, any time, it can lead to a tendency to work continuously [9].
For the respondents keen on taking up internal gig work, the reward aspects of faster career growth, cross-domain and industry learning, and financial benefits were reasons for adoption.
Eighteen percent of the respondents highlighted the flexibility and autonomy of gig working as the most appealing factor. Flexibility in location, time, and employment relationships gives the workers a sense of control and power, which they value and appreciate. This reinforces studies on external gig working, where the autonomous nature of gig working helps workers decide the timing, set the goals, prioritize them, resulting in greater autonomy and need satisfaction for workers and retention for the organization [24].
While a few of the respondents felt that internal gig working was likely to enhance work stress and work–family conflict, they conceded the possibility that it may increases- job satisfaction, organizational commitment, and job performance.
The importance of monetary rewards and the emphasis on the financial benefits of being a gig worker were not explicitly said to be motivational factors for working in the I-Gig. Fifty-nine percent of the interviewees admitted monetary benefits would not be a significant reason to enter to I-Gig even though it is an enticing bonus.
Forty-eight percent of the participants suggested that gig working will enable them to have a mosaic career and leverage their skills and expertise in multiple streams.
All respondents agreed unanimously that client acceptance and support were critical for enabling internal gig working. All the participants pointed out that being at the receiving end of the I-gig, clients might have particular concerns about security and privacy of their data, performance management of critical resources and the project, people management and movement in and out of the project, balancing I-gig autonomy and project on-time fulfillment as some of the concerns [25].
Negotiations on the client service agreement and the work scope would require internal gig workers’ contractual obligations to be agreed upon by all the parties.
Forty percent of the respondents also raised concern over how the organization and its clients would manage the I-gig employees’ infrastructure. They also commented that specific policies and legal compliance should be fulfilled, which is essential to dispel the I-gig’s precarious and uncertain nature [15].
Like external gig working, which is enabled through a digital platform [9], seventy-four percent of the respondents felt an automated platform was an essential enabler to build transparent internal gig working. They highlighted different requirements such as transparency in project and client requirements, baseline skills and expert skill levels for selection to a project, automated and transparent performance feedback system, clear work time allocation and scheduling, virtual training, on-time reward disbursement, as some system enablers.
Sixty-three percent specified the instrumentality of pay commensurate with the effort, and rich reward and recognition schemes would be required for I-Gig’s organic growth.
Eighty-five percent of the participants raised their concerns over reporting and peer relationships. Ambiguity on administrative reporting, how the work would be monitored, what kind of interactions and dynamics may have between the team members were created a foggy view and begot obscurity among the participants [3].
The other requisites were proper training and mentorship, Employee Assistance Programs, and counseling sessions.
Leadership support emerged as a substantial factor for enabling I-Gig. The emphasis on the different approaches mentioned earlier and the relevant systems and processes put in place were most strongly influenced by leadership behavior. Seventy percent of the participants remarked that internal gig working was likely to be ineffective and unsuccessful without affirmative leadership action. Leaders have to be prompt and discreet and drive I-gig with affirmative targets. Clear outcome-based deliverables and adequate time need to be allocated by the leaders.
The need for social affiliation and social identity is a big motivator for gig-working [12]. While this is available for permanent employees, thirty-three percent of respondents felt that I-gig employees’ autonomy needs would happen only with leadership support.
Finally, managing the client relationship and engagement was unanimously argued to the top leadership’s primary responsibility. Therefore, getting client acceptance, negotiating financial terms, and enabling appropriate security, data privacy, and client compliance requirements were best managed by the leadership team.
Basis the findings, we propose the model (Figure 1) to institutionalize internal gig working within the IT Service organizations. In other words, leaders can increase or decrease each of these activities’ effectiveness and impact the alignment among them. The participants highlighted that not only internal fit but also external fit is critical. As a result, we positioned leadership as a link between the organization’s desired state and organizational activities. This is consistent with the existing literature. For example, ([26], p. 458) suggested that leaders need to “articulate a vision that focuses on employees’ attention on their contributions.”
Framework for building and internal gig environment in IT service organizations.
Since IT Service organizations cater to client needs, getting the client concurrence on inducting internal gig workers needs to be navigated. With concerns on the quality of talent, work accountability, data privacy and security, and mandatory compliances emerging as some commonly cited concerns, clients may resist this model. Additionally, if value appropriation is not managed in the service contracts, the clients may have no incentive to allow this model of working to flourish.
The IT Service organization has to set up an enabling ecosystem, including infrastructural support, gig-work internal market platforms, robust performance management, reward systems, career paths for I-Gig workers, and employee support systems to help employees navigate and adopt this. Not all employees may adopt I-Gig, but motivations may differ for ones that may experiment with this new way of working. The organization’s HR practices would significantly shape I-Gig’s adoption and acceptance in IT Service organizations.
The success of institutionalizing I-Gig in IT/ITeS organizations would hinge on successful change management on multiple fronts. We argue that a weak link in any of these dimensions may derail the entire mechanism within organizations looking to adopt this.
The workplace is changing, and the concept of the employee, employer, organizational relationships are becoming more complex. Alternative work arrangements are increasing, both in various schemas and in numbers of people opting for them [9]. To sustain gig working, all the stakeholders should understand the challenges and constraints of gig working and focus on building more compatible HRM practices [11]. Gig working, as a phenomenon, has seen a significant recent growth trend. This can be attributed to low barriers to entry, flexibility, i.e., enabling workers to work whenever and wherever they like, made feasible by technological advancement [5]. However, the pitfalls of external gig working necessitate the exploration of new models of internal gig working. Internal gig working in organizations helps build connections and provide a broader purpose to individuals, establishing work identities and legitimacy, a sense of self-esteem, and security [4]. While these can be argued to enhance productivity and profitability, there have been studies to understand the challenges of building an enabling ecosystem within organizations.
Our study found that organizations need a multi-pronged approach to build an internal gig environment in the workplace. Internal gig working can emerge as a viable solution since the organizations can benefit from labour cost reduction, increased flexibility, enhanced scalability, and immediate availability of efficient labour [14]. Workers will also benefit from increased work opportunities that were not available before, low barriers to entry, and more flexibility.
The role of leadership in developing and incubating this system and orchestrate the appropriate change management is fundamental to the new order of working.
The three significant stakeholders in accepting and promoting I-GIG in IT and ITeS organizations are the clients, the IT/ITeS organizations, and their employees. We examined the potential concerns and suggest the commensurate mitigation for each of these stakeholders.
The primary concerns of client organizations revolve around Data and IT security, talent quality and availability, on-time project delivery, and project costs. For enabling I-GIG, clients may have concerns about how data privacy and confidentiality are maintained. The solution is to ensure appropriate rights, non-disclosure agreements, and robust IT security and infrastructure support enabled by the client and IT service organization, all of which can mitigate this risk. Many clients vet the quality of talent being inducted to manage the project delivery. The same practice may be continued for I-GIG working. However, IT service organizations may also provide assurances on on-time completion and quality standard of project delivery and circumvent the need for client interviews. The conventional models of project pricing (Time and Material, Fixed Price Project), may evolve to a more mature outcome-based pricing.
Additionally, value appropriation accruing from I-GIG working in the IT/ITeS organization may be shared with the client through changes in the master service agreements. This could incorporate a change in pricing for a certain percentage for I-GIG working in the client projects. With penalty charges enforced for project delays, a reduction in project costs is likely to be attractive to the client organizations since this model’s risks would have been mitigated.
The onus of making the I-GIG successful largely rests on the IT/ITeS organization.
The reward system of successful completion may also be linked through the talent management system. This incentive may be separate from the annual variable pay mechanisms. Hence, the aspect of instant gratification would appeal to the I-GIG workers. Additionally, training needs and client and project inputs provide a robust feedback mechanism, enhancing individual motivation for continuous learning. Lastly, the platform may also be developed to publish the “rank” of the I-GIG workers, similar to Uber’s reputation score. This may serve as a robust mechanism for improvement for the I-GIG workers. Clients may prefer high-ranking I-GIG workers for more prestigious projects.
Change Management for I-GIG adoption: Apart from enabling client buy-in for I-GIG working, enabling commensurate infrastructure, security, and compliance adherence, the organization needs to create support for the I-GIG working. This starts with the leadership team promoting I-GIG working and taking affirmative targets to increase I-GIG working within their teams. The organization also has to celebrate I-GIG success stories to demonstrate its benefit to the larger organization. This is likely to enhance adoption, with other employees seeing the faster growth and learning trajectories of I-GIG workers.
Career and Talent Management Support: I-GIG workers may need additional training to balance work flexibility, time management, and multiple stakeholder management. Apart from this, employee assistance programs would be required to help them manage any associated stress. Furthermore, proactive career counseling and guidance to help them map assignments aligned with their aspirations will be critical for I-GIG employees to feel they are truly empowered in their career decisions.
HRM challenges of an internal digital gig working platform include the ease with which the employees can leave the platform and manage workers’ supervision [10]. The sustainability of the internal gig platforms depends on workers to self-motivate and would be significantly enabled by a supporting ecosystem, which would address their motivations and needs. Internal gig workers’ self-motivation is expected to address retention and supervision issues as employee motivation directly links to several desired organizational behaviors. However, the “Autonomy paradox” [25] continues with internal gig workers, who, while demonstrating autonomy over where to work and when to work, still they are bound to some level of new forms of control and surveillance, with the internal organization policies and client mandates, influencing who, what and how much of internal gig working can be supported.
If 5% of the employee base takes on I-GIG working, the direct impact of enhanced productivity and better utilization is likely to yield a 1% increase in EBIDTA. For the top four IT service companies in India, with revenues of $122 Billion, this would produce a whopping $ 1.2 billion increase in profitability. Assumptions on the monetized indirect costs of reduced attrition, continuous upskilling, higher engagement, and reduced recruitment costs yield a conservative improvement of 0.5–1.5% increase in operating profits. Based on the I-GIG program’s success, organizations can further seek to reduce their contingent workforce and increase the permanent workforce utilization. This can address the variability in skill needs, also increasing the profitability for the organization.
While the above estimates have been made for the IT-ITeS industry, I-GIG as a concept could be applicable to all knowledge workers and industries where revenue is linked to client billing. Hence, consulting, audit, and knowledge management services could also benefit from adopting I-GIG. However, these organizations may not have well-evolved talent demand–supply matching IT platforms. The existing IT/ITeS service organizations may also productize their platform to make these available as a platform as a Service (PAAS) model. This could yield additional revenue to the IT firms.
Although some may consider using internal gig workers to be an alternative to the recruitment and selection of external labour, HR departments should still consider employee preferences in terms of their interests and motivations. Rather than relying on individual managers to determine which roles are appropriate for gig workers and which digital platforms to use, HR departments can develop policies or guidelines for what tasks are appropriate to I-Gig and which tasks are more suitable for full-time in-house employees.
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