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Socioeconomic change in the era of globalization is omnipresent. The impact seems to be more in the case of indigenous people. The present article is an attempt to understand these changes from both the emic and etic perspective for the Particular Vulnerable tribal Paudi Bhuyan. As any indigenous people, the inherent capacity to protect the change in their cultural core is a challenge. With the effect of Globalization, there is a steady change in the culture, and the article tries to decipher these changes and the way forward. The changes that are being studied are related to social, which include life cycle rituals, religious practices, material culture, administration (politics), and economic pursuits. These changes will lead to adaptation of certain phenomena, which is either voluntarily adapted or due to incorporation to facilitate the ease in administrative functionality of the Union of India. Thus, social change is inevitable to any society and especially the indigenous population such as Paudi Bhuyans. The present article tries to find out the primitive cultural expression and the present form of socioeconomic changes that are relevant to the Paudi Bhuyans society. To carry out the study, the researcher carried out ethnographic study in three districts of Odisha where the concentration of Paudi Bhuyans is maximum. The findings can be summarized as though there are changes in socioeconomic condition from the past, but the cultural core related to life cycle rituals, administration, economy is still significantly present in the Paudi Bhuyans.
Guest Faculty Central University of Odisha, Koraput, Odisha, India
*Address all correspondence to: anth.abhi@gmail.com
1. Introduction
Change is omnipresent and comprehensive in itself. Change is considered to be an important factor behind variability. Both change and variability are interrelated factors that are prevalent in humanity. The variation can be considered as a basis of all anthropological studies. Though variation can be considered as a component of social change, conceptually they are widely different, and every variation we encounter in daily life cannot be considered as social change. Thus, physical growth in terms of age or change of seasons does not fall under the concept of social change. In social anthropology and sociology, the concept of social change has been considered as alterations that occur in the social structure and social relationship. The International Encyclopedia of Social Science (IESS 1972) looks at change as the important alterations that occur in the social structure, or in the pattern of action and interaction in societies. Alterations may occur in norms, values, cultural products, and symbols in a society. It also includes alteration in the structure and function of a social system. Institutions, patterns of interaction, work, leisure activities, roles, norms, and other aspects of society can be altered over time as a result of the process of social change.
In other words, social change is a term used to describe variation in any respect of social process and social interactions. It can also be described as a mode that either modifies or replaces the “preexisting” in the life of a people and in the functioning of a society. Every society exists in a universe produced from the dynamic influences. It can be experienced in most of the society that changes in material equipment and expansion of technology resulted in reshaping of ideologies and values in the society [1, 2, 3]. This affects institutional structures as they take on new components, and later they are induced to alter their functioning. The common example of this form of impact of alteration can be evident in change of family structures. Joint family system has been a common pattern in India. The head of the family exercises absolute powers over its members and distributes work among them. It is now fast being replaced by the nuclear family wherein family ties and authority of the head are gradually weakening. The structural change also produces functional change. But considering the tribal or indigenous people, this change is very slow, or they are reluctant in the drastic changes as they held social bonding above all. To understand this, change the author took up and focused ethnographic study on Paudi Bhuyans to understand the changes that are slowly and steadily induced changes in them with respect to the historical account. The author has taken all the effort to include all the available literature including published and unpublished work, but as the work is empirical and firsthand study among the Paudi Bhuyans of Odisha’s belonging to the three districts, namely Sundergarh, Angul, and Keonjhar, the author is unable to find very rich literature to work with. Hence, there is dearth in literature review, which can be considered as the limitation to the study.
They are also found in large numbers in the adjoining states of Bihar, Jharkhand, Bengal, Assam, Madhya Pradesh, and some parts of Tamil Nadu. They are divided into two broad sections—Southern section with its center in Orissa comprising a backward section of the tribe and Northern section with its center at Chota-Nagpur containing the relatively advanced section of the tribe [4].
The Paudi Bhuyan is one of the major sections of Bhuyan tribe. They are mostly found in Bhuyan pir of Keonjhar, Banai mountainous areas, hill tracks of Sundergar and Angul districts [5]. The name “Bhuiya” might have derived from the Sanskrit word “Bhumi” meaning land or earth. This tribe is also known as Bhuiya, Bhuiyan, and Bhuinya [4].
According to S. C. Roy, the racial and cultural elements of the Paudi Bhuyans have a greater affinity to the Munda tribes [see 4]. Roy further described the physical features of men and women, which are in conformity with the study of the present researcher. Paudi Bhuyans are well-proportioned, muscular, of medium height and light build. The hair is black and plentiful on the head, but generally not present on the rest of the body. The thick mustache and beard are occasionally found among them. The hair is wavy in the feature. The mouth and teeth are well formed, and the eyes are straight and of medium size. Their heads are dolichocephalic, and nose is broad and lips are thick. The skin of the Paudi Bhuyans is of a lighter brown tint than that of average Dravidian aborigines. Paudi Bhuyans speak their (Bhuyan) dialect as their mother-tongue, though they can speak Oriya.
The historical account of the Bhuyans can be traced from the Buddhist text Anguttara Nikaya, the two Bhuyan traders name Tapasu and Bhallika were inhabitants of Utkal (former name of Odisha). They met Lord Budha after his enlightenment and offered honey and rice cake to Lord Budha who had taken the food after 2 months of fast. They became disciples after listening to the sermon from Lord Budha [6].
Bhuyans are well documented in the Odhisan history for their participation in wars. And its reference can be traced from Madala Panji. The King Anangabhima Dev donated 25,0000 Madhas of gold (1 Madha = 5.8319 grams) for preparing Sri Jaganath’s gold ornaments, and around double of this value (40 Lakh madhas) has been received from the Bhuyans as war indemnity. It can be inferred that the Bhuyans have a separate state and were quite rich and prosperous in the Ganga Age [7]. Some historians are also of the opinion that the famous Atavika kingdom that had even resisted king Ashok of Magadha dynasty from conquering their land were of Bhuyans along with other tribes such as Savars [7].
The second phase of the tribal uprising in the Odishan history consisted of accounts of struggle and movement in Keonjhar in 1890. Leadership was given by Dharanidhar Naik, a Bhuyan by birth. The struggle lasted for 5 years. The rising aimed at abolishing Bethi and other oppressive systems of extraction. The Bhuyans, the Juangs, and the Kolhas of Keonjhar, Mayurbhanj, and Pallahara joined into the movement. Interestingly, some of the non-tribals particularly some school teachers supported Dharanidhar Naik in this rising. It was, in fact, a unique event in the history of the freedom struggle in Orissa. Raja Dhanurjaya Bhanja of Keonjhar fled to Cuttack to seek the help of the Commissioner. Police forces were sent to suppress the rising. Dharanidhar was captured and was imprisoned for 7 years. Later on, he was released and led the life of a saint and began to preach his philosophy (see [6, 7]). This history is very much known to the present tribal people, and they usually talk that Pitha (a sweet dish made up of rice) was used as weapons for its hardness.
2.2 Carrying out the research work
Initially, the work carried out as part of research work for the PhD work on ethnoarchaeology but to trace variation among the Paudi Bhuyans, the researcher carried out the research work on six different villages spanning the three district of Odisha state, namely Sundergarh, Angul, and Keonjhar. The villages thus chosen are selected on two major criteria: the population of Paudi Bhuyans is above 80 percentage of the total population, and the second criterion is that the two villages should lie in different geographical setting with respect to accessibility of major communication system. Thus, one village among all the three districts is living near the major communication system such as interstate highway, and other lies at least 15–20 kilometers away from the major communication system, i.e., far away from the major road. This is being done to understand the impact of forces that impart changes in the socio economic aspects of Paudi Bhuyans.
2.3 Population composition of Paudi Bhuyans of the studied villages
Paudi Bhuyans settle themselves near the forest area in the hilly setup. Their subsistence pattern and lifestyle depend on the forest products. Their socioeconomic life is characterized by surrounding geophysical setting.
Society is composed of sum total of individuals. Individuals are the representative of group of population. Each individual of a group has certain norms and values influenced by the society’s cumulative behavior. Classification of population begins with an individual as a member of the family, which is the smallest unit of a social system [8].
2.3.1 Family
Family plays an important role in economy, social organization, and ritual performance among the Paudi Bhuyan community. Member who shares a common hearth is considered as family. The members of the family are related either by consanguine or in affinal basis. Family size is calculated on the basis of the persons sharing a common hearth. The classification is as follows:
Small – One to four members present in a family.
Medium – Five to seven members present in a family.
Large – Eight to 10 members present in a family.
Very large – Ten and more than 10 members present in a family.
Frequency distribution shows that small-sized family (1–4 members) is predominant among the Paudi Bhuyan community. The Paudi Bhuyans live in nuclear families with married couple and their unmarried children. Sometimes unmarried brother and/or sister used to stay with them. Frequency of medium and large-sized families is 29.00% and 17.00%. Very large family is the lowest in frequency (Figure 1). Family size reflects the economic status of the community. Low frequency of large families indicates small productive unit. As they practice shifting agriculture, they have small plots of lands. The produces from these lands are unable to sustain the large and very large families [9].
Figure 1.
Frequency distribution of families on the basis of size of the studied population.
2.3.2 Age and sex
Age-sex structure is important to understand the marital status, educational standard, and economic activities of the families. Age grouping is done at the interval of 5 years. The calculation is done up to 70 years. The first group is newborn baby to 5 years. Then the age groups are classified into 5–9, 10–14, 15–19, 20–24, 25–29, 30–34, 35–39, 40–44, 45–49, 50–54, 55–59, 60–64, 65–69, and 70+. The population of ages of 70 and above is grouped into the category 70+. The male-female ratio in each age group is more or less equal. So the population is a stable population. Age groups between 0 and 34 incorporate maximum number of individuals. So the population is growing in nature. The population pyramid shows the higher number of individuals in lower age groups, and with the increase of age, the population decreases gradually. Maximum number of children belong to the age groups 0–4 and 5–9. The frequency distribution of population indicates that it is a growing population. The sex ratio also indicates that it is a stable population (Figure 2).
Figure 2.
Population pyramid of the studied population.
2.3.3 Marital status
Civic condition of a population is reflected in the marital status of the population. Paudi Bhuyans are generally monogamous. Marriage within the community is permissible. They follow clan exogamy. Marriage within consanguinal relatives is extremely prohibited, whereas marriage within affinal relatives is permissible. Generally married women started to live with her husband in a newly built house with a new hearth setup. Paudi Bhuyans generally prefer to marry at an adult age. Child marriage is also in occurrence in case of females. The age of marriage of male is 18, and in case of female, 14. Widow and widower marriage is also permissible in the society (Figures 3 and 4). The frequency of married females is higher than males in case of age groups 15–19 and 20–24. Marriage follows clan exogamy and tribe endogamy. Mate is generally selected from the concentrating area of the Paudi Bhuyans, i.e., Banspal block in Keonjhar district of Odisha. Bride is also selected from the different families of the village. Marriage within a community is crucial to maintain their traditional rituals and associated norms and values.
Figure 3.
Age- and sex-wise distribution of marital status of the studied population (male).
Figure 4.
Age- and sex-wise distribution of marital status of the studied population (female).
2.3.4 Education
The village has educational facilities. There are Anganwadi, Primary, Secondary, and Higher Secondary schools within the village and nearby areas at walking distance. The graduate college is about 25–100 kilometers away from the villages. The level of literacy of Paudi Bhyans is significantly low. Illiteracy is also found among the younger generation. The frequency of illiteracy in case of males is 64.75% and in case of females, it is 74.30%. Frequency of can sign category is 10.31% in case of males and 10.15% in case of females. Primary educated male is 16.52% and female is 11.56%. The frequency of secondary education in case of male is 5.32% and 3.46% in females. The frequency of higher secondary education and above is very low in case of both males and females. The educational standard of the people shows that most of them belong to non-literate and can sign category. Due to low literacy level, the shifting from their traditional occupation is limited, which affects the organization of the society (Figures 5 and 6).
Figure 5.
Age- and sex-wise distribution of literacy status of the studied population (male).
Figure 6.
Age- and sex-wise distribution of literacy status of the studied population (female).
2.3.5 Occupation
The primary occupation of the community studied is cultivation (43.79%). Shifting cultivation is the primary occupation of Paudi Bhuyans. Male children from the age group 10–14 help in cultivation such as broadcasting of seeds and control their cattle. Males of age groups 60 and above also engage themselves in supervision of different stages of cultivation. Main labor force of cultivation comes from the age groups of 15–54. As their produces do not fulfill their economy, so they supplement their economy with daily wage labor (11.09%). Unemployment is significantly present among the male Paudi Bhuyans (26.83%). It is also important that unemployment is also present in the younger generations. Neither have they had opportunities to higher studies nor do they have interest in job. Service and business are rare in occurrence (Figure 7).
Figure 7.
Age- and sex-wise distribution of literacy status of the studied population (male).
Females, both married and unmarried, are engaged in household work. Besides household work, both married and unmarried females of age group of 15–59 also help in cultivation in broadcasting of seeds and weeding. Females also engage in daily wage labor (Figure 8).
Figure 8.
Age- and sex-wise distribution of literacy status of the studied population (female).
Per capita income of the families does not exceed rupees 5000/− per month. All of them are BPL (Below Poverty Level) card holders. It is also interesting that they also practice barter system of economy. They generally exchange their crops with basket, broom, mat, garments, and any other necessary items for their daily life.
The economic life of the Paudi Bhuyans mainly centers on shifting cultivation, which is the primary source of their livelihood [10]. Paudi Bhuyans also engage themselves in different works, such as collection of minor forest products, hunting, fishing, basket making, wage earning, and other economic pursuits to supplement the shifting cultivation [10].
The following paragraph provides a brief discussion on land utilization, agricultural practices, and related economic pursuits and their changing aspects with respect to the economic life of the Paudi Bhuyans.
3.1 Cultivation
The Paudi Bhuyans mostly settled between the block of plateau, hills, and forests intersected by rivers and ravines. In India, there is a strict rule related to habitation and settlement near the forest area. But, as autochthons, Paudi Bhuyans enjoy immunity and can avert strict surveillance from the government. This immunity helps Paudi Bhuyans to cut and clear the patches of forest to practice their age-old practice of slash and burn cultivation. The land is communally owned by the villagers [10]. Each Paudi Bhuyan village has a definite demarcated area of the forest that was generally owned by them through feudatory chiefs of historical Kings. The villagers only have access to practice shifting cultivation, hunting, fishing, and gathering, within the pre-allocated area of that particular village. Generally, the Paudi Bhuyans prefer not to trespass the boundary of other villages [10].
The dispute among the villagers related to cultivable land is very few in number. They mutually respect the amount allotted to them in a specific year. If any dispute arises, village council and its members will assemble at a pre-decided place and the conflict over the dispute will be settled. The procedure to resolve the dispute is unique to them. In the pre-decided place, both the villagers who are interested to take part in the resolution will gather. Each village contributes a healthy chicken, an earthen pot, and some un-husked paddy. Both the chickens are then put inside the earthen pot with some un-husked paddy, which is sealed from outside with mud and is kept overnight. The next day both the fowls are checked. If any chicken died, then the corresponding village loses the right to the disputed land, and if both the chickens are alive, then the disputed land is equally divided [10].
3.2 Types of land under cultivation
Biringa: Biringa is a patch of land brought under cultivation for the first time. During the period of cultivation, a piece of land remains under the individual ownership, but after it is left fallow, it reverts back to the village. In Biringa, the Biri dali (black gram) is the principal crop that is grown, but a variety of other crops such as niger, suturi, kolatha (horse gram) mung, pumpkin, goard, etc., are grown.
Kaman: The patch of land that was cultivated earlier, and in this land principally paddy is planted along with the principal crops gangai, ragi, maize, and ruma. These are sown on all sites of a Kaman to mark the boundary lines.
Guda: The patch of land that was cultivated third and final time called Guda. After being cultivated for consecutive 2 years, a patch of Guda generally lacks much of fertility. Hence, such crops as paddy, niger are usually sown on such plots, after three successive years of cultivation. The land is left fallow for 5–6 years till the fertility of the soil is rejuvenated.
Bila: The patch of land where permanent paddy plots are present. These types of plots are close to the river or perennial stream body in the valley, so that the water of the river can be diverted to irrigate these lands. Such lands are individually owned on a permanent basis. Paddy is the only crop grown in these lands.
Bakadi: Bakadi is the land close to residential dwellings, preferably at the back side of the home stead. In some houses, even the three sides are found to be used for cultivation. Bakadi is owned permanently by individual families. To improve the fertility of the soil natural manures such as daily waste and cow dung are added regularly. These lands are generally used to cultivate mustard or maize in alternate year. In villages under study of Angul District, some vegetables and tobacco are also cultivated.
3.2.1 Ownership of land
Paudi Bhuyans inherit homestead land, which is generally assigned to them permanently. Apart from homestead land, all other land is owned by the village. The individual family enjoys the right of cultivable land and its produce with respect to specific time period. The period can last up to 2–3 years.
To understand the ownership of land, genealogical and case studies methods are undertaken (Figure 9).
Figure 9.
The genealogical distribution of homestead.
In Figure 5 (genealogical distribution of homestead), it becomes clear the homestead land is owned and inherited jointly by all the sons. Each of the sons has equal share, which again is transferred to the male children of the next generation.
3.2.2 Distribution of land
In every Paudi Bhuyan village, there is a pattern of distribution of land. Shows the trend of distribution of land among the Paudi Bhuyans of studied villages (Figure 10).
Figure 10.
Frequency distribution of distribution of land.
From the abovementioned pie chart, it is very clear that the cultivable land among the Paudi Bhuyans is very less [10]. The small land holding, which is less than 3 cottah {67m2X3 = 201 m2 (approximately)}, is more in percent (70%). The 5 cottah or 335 m2landholings on an average is quite low (20%). Large landholding is lowest (10%), which is similar to the earlier study done by me in Kuanar Village of Keonjhar District [10].
Other than abovementioned occupation of cultivation, they have taken to petty trade and commerce and industrial employment also to supplement the income. Rope making and ordinary carpentry are known to all men, and mat making is the recreational activity of the Bhuyans women. Though, there is very feeble division of labor by sex for certain activities. Generally heavier works such as cutting trees, plowing, sowing, hunting, and fishing are generally carried out by men while lighter works such as cooking and other domestic works are mostly carried out by women. Thatching of houses and climbing trees are taboo for the women folk. Works such as forest clearing, weeding, transplanting harvesting, threshing, and collection of minor forest products are carried out by both men and women [10].
Cultivation is a family affair in which all able-bodied adult members of the family cooperate. If any extra labor is required, it is not done by exchange of money but exchange of similar kind of labor. Extra labor is generally required only for weeding and harvesting. A man having no draught animals may take the help of others having such animals. The Bhuyans domesticate various animals such as cow, bullock, goat, sheep, fowl, etc. The main purpose for keeping cattle is not for milk but for draft animal for cultivation and for breeding.
3.2.3 The procedure of cultivation
The Paudi Bhuyans practice shifting cultivation [11]. The use of bullock-driven plows for tilling all types of land is common in the village. Paudi Bhuyans generally coined it as Podu chasa. They generally cultivate a patch of forest land for three consecutive years after which it is left fallow. These patches are located on flat hill tops stretching up to foot hills. The hills in this area are generally flat-topped and without much stone boulders, and the gradients are gentle. After cultivating a patch of land for 3 years, they leave it fallow for a period of 5–6 years for rejuvenation. Previously the fallow period was 10–12 years. But the main cause for its reduction is the population pressure and shortage of land for podu cultivation. The land under shifting cultivation belongs to the village, and a patch is distributed by the village committee to the individual, and it remains in possession for cultivation to the man as long he cultivates it.
The first year shifting cultivation (biringa) involves several stages given below. It begins with selection of hill slopes mostly in the month of December–January by the village committee headed by Pradhan. Cutting of trees and bush clearing started from February to April. Piling of timbers and firing it (anapuda) in April–May. Bush clearing (patikaa) in May. Sowing (Buna) in July after Akhin Parab ritual. Plowing and hoeing (bhuinyanga) in July immediately after hoeing. Weeding and debushing (Judabachha) in – September–October after Ashiaripuja. Watching the crops in November–December onward. The crops grown during the first year are Kolatha (Macrotyloma uniflorum), Biri (Vigna mungo), Rasi (Guizotia abyssinica), and various types of vegetables and creeper plants. During the second year of shifting cultivation, the main crop grown is a short-duration paddy (aman) along with Gangei (Sorghum bicolor). The former is sown in the middle of the plot, and the latter on the borders of the plot. Besides, they grow Mandia (Eleusine coracana), Kangu (Setaria italica), Sarso (Sinapi sarvensis), and various types of vegetables in the second year. In the third year’s shifting cultivation (Guda), only Rasi is grown. If a patch fetches good harvest in the second year, then it is cultivated for the third year. The same patch can be brought under fourth year’s cultivation if there is a good harvest in the third year [10].
The Paudi Bhuyans use very simple implements in their agricultural operation. The most important implements used in shifting cultivation include plow, leveler yoke, crowbar, spade, sickle, knife, wooden pole, etc.
3.2.4 Stages of shifting cultivation
There are finite numbers of stages of the shifting cultivations and are somewhat similar in all the villages under study. These are i) Preparation of Land – in this stage, the patch of land that has thick vegetation is chosen. After clearing the patch, the big trees that are being cut are sold to timber markets. And all other residues of the plants are put together in stack and set into fire. The fire clears the land for cultivation and the residue acts as fertilizer. ii) Plowing – Ploughing is done as per the requirement of crops to be sown and the season of production. Locally made plow (hal) and leveler (kuruala) are used for plowing. Implements such as cylindrical iron rod (sabal) are also used for the removing stones. Plowing is done 2–3 times before the rainy season and sometimes in the rainy season also. Plowing is necessary for preparation of the land to conserve the soil moisture, to uproot the weeds, to make the soil arable, and also for the mixing of ashes that are produced from the burning of trees and shrubs. The method of plowing varies according to the type of soil and terrain. For example, the animal-drawn plowing is done where there is flat land, and handheld plowing is done on the steep slopes. There is difference in plowing in slopes where podu cultivation is practiced. The cultivators generally drove the plow in the lines perpendicular to the direction of the slopes. iii) Selection of seeds and preservation – The Paudi Bhuyans take very seriously the seed selection procedure and also its preservation. It is a complex process and is varied according to the villages. They practice various measures to select seeds, such as quality of shine, shape, undamaged, mostly collected from the best plants from the previous yield. They carefully select the patch of crop, which is suitable for seed preservation for next sowing. They process it and store it carefully. Preservation of seeds is also done in indigenous methods. The seeds are dried in sun for several days to make it hard and moisture-free. Most of the farmers put their seeds in their own houses for their personal use. More than 80% of the respondents informed that they kept the seeds in airtight baskets, which are locally made. This is a drum-like container made of thin bamboo strips. Both the inner and outer walls of the containers are plastered with mud and cow dung, and the seeds are mixed with dry neem (Azadirachta indica) leaf and ash. They keep it protected from moisture. Upon further investigation, another way of preservations of seeds is prevalent. A set of dry paddy straws are interwoven into thick rope form with a thickness of 10–12 cm. These are called Benti. The Benti is then coiled over making a basket-like shape in which the seeds are kept along with the dried Begunia leaves (Vitex nigunda L.). The seeds are occasionally exposed to sunlight. This practice is useful in maintaining the quality of seed and grains [10]. Iv) Irrigation – Paudi Bhuyans practiced particular systems to preserve water resources and control distribution of the water in the fields. All the villages under study, which are situated in the hilly trains, have perennial streams originated through capillary action of groundwater. These streams are trapped for irrigation through construction of smaller channels. They use bamboo and banana plants to make these temporary channels. Flow irrigation was not possible in an undulating topography; hence, the runoff water is stopped at different levels and allowed to soak deep into the soil. This resulted in availability of adequate moisture at root level, which helped for better crop production. V) Weeding – Generally in the studied villages, the weeding started in the month of September–October. The weeding is mostly done by the women and is done by simply uprooting the weeds by hand. The weeds are collected on the earthen embankments of the fields. There may be more than one weeding cycle till the time of harvest. vi) Harvesting – Harvesting is done according to the year of cultivation and the type of crop cultivated. Paudi Bhuyans generally cultivate rasi (sesame) in the first year, and it is usually harvested in the month of November–December. In the second year, the harvesting can be extended up to Jannuary, and in the third year, it again is restricted to November–December. Vii) Threshing – It is the process of separating the edible part of grain from the stalk, the straw. Threshing may be done by beating the grain using a flail on a threshing floor or just thrashing the paddy stalk over a sloping platform, made of bamboo strips. Viii) Winnowing – Wind winnowing is an agricultural method developed by ancient cultures for separating grain from chaff. It is also used to remove weevils or other pests from stored grain. The Paudi Bhuyans practice it extensively in the paddy cultivation and other crops as and when required. ix) Husking – In all the villages under study, almost every 5–6 households, there is a husking lever. The husking lever can be utilized by more than one household on mutual understanding. Husking of the grains is done to separate the grain from its scales, inedible chaff that surrounds the grain.
3.2.5 Pastoral activities
Among the Paudi Bhuyans, the Pastoralism is not an important economic occupation [10]. Very few families are engaged full time in this occupation. The variety of cattle that are being reared is not miltch variety. They are only used for the agricultural purpose. The beef is a taboo for the Paudi Bhuyans. Apart from bovine, the most common animal that is found being reared is goat. Both she and he goats are reared and are primarily used to sell them in the weekly market in exchange for money or are consumed if not sold. The goat is also offered as a sacrifice to the gods and goddesses. The cattle and goats are grazed in their respective places as designated by the village council members.
3.2.6 Poultry farming
Most of the Paudi Bhuyans family maintains a considerable number of poultry, mostly hen. They are used as food or sold in the market. Eggs obtained from fowls are mostly consumed or exchange with rice in certain cases. Fowls are cooked on festive occasions and cherished as great food. Moreover, eggs and fowls are very important as religious offerings. Almost all their God and Goddesses and ancestors require fowls as offerings. They are also used in almost all ceremonies of life cycle.
3.2.7 Fishing
Fishing is limited to very few Paudi Bhuyans and is self-sustainable form. They consumed it themselves, and the catch is very limited in quantity. They catch fish in the springs and nearby river with indigenously built traps.
3.2.8 Gathering of forest products
One of the minor economic occupations of the Paudi Bhuyans is gathering of forest resources. They usually gather fruits from the nearby jungles. Mostly women are engaged in the collection of fruits, but men and children are also involved in this minor economic activity of collecting fruits. Mango and jack fruits are the most common fruits that are being collected in the forest. They even collect flowers of mahua plants that are used to prepare solution of country liquor. The important items of forest collection include Mohua flower (Madhuca indica seed), Mohua seed (M. indica seed), mango (Manifera Indica), jack fruit (Artocarpushetero phyllus), Tamarind (Tamarindus indica), Harida (Terminalia chebula), Bahada (Terminalia bellerica), Kochila seeds (Nux vomica), Phula Jhadu (Thysanoleana maxima), a kind of plant for making broom stick, Jhadu (Aristidas etacea), Gaba (Jetropha curcas), various types of green leaves, mushrooms, edible roots, and rubbers. They also collect fire wood, thatching grass, fibers for rope making, and different types of medicinal herbs and shrubs. The Bhuyans are in the habit of collecting minor forest product extensively for their own consumption, and at very few occasion they sell it for a secondary income [10].
In a particular village of Sundergarh district, Paudi Bhuyans women, especially the young girls and occasionally men, are engaged in collecting many forest products that are industrially needed. They collected it for specific contractors who allocated them a certain fund in exchange of the forest product. They do not disclose it properly about the particular items, but they inform the author about this activity. They are then paid according to the collection and the item ranges from Rs 30 to 100. They mostly collect resins, barks of certain plants, gum, etc., that have no direct resale value in the local market.
3.2.9 Wage earning
Paudi Bhuyans are nowadays engaged in 100 days work that is being provided to them by the Panchayat under the National Rural Employment Guarantee act, 2005. Wage earning is only occasional and even prevalent in the areas where the Paudi Bhuyans live in close contact with the other non-tribal peoples. Most of the wage earning that has been observed is engagement in governmental development work. Agricultural laborer is absent, and if engaged as agricultural labor, they are paid in terms of labor only.
The market is extremely vital to study from the perspective of material exchange [12]. The market not only provides the essential items required by the villagers, but also opens the avenue to access the goods, which are new and can really help them in the betterment of their daily life style. Thus, market study is done to analyze the items that are present in the market and mode of procurement of the goods those are present for exchange. The primary focus of the study is to access the villagers’ response toward the particular items and the mode of payment that is prevalent in the market, i.e., price mechanism [10].
In the all the villages studied, there are average 50–60 stalls. And all of them are weekly market. That is, the market is assembled and open in specific day of week. There is no fixed day for all the villages under study. The market can be classified in two broad categories. The divisions can be made on the basis of the nature of construction, that is, semi-permanent structure and without any structure at all. The semi-permanent structure is built upon a fixed base that is made up of concrete, and the platform is raised above the surface to support the upper structure. Generally, the upper structure is constructed mostly by bamboo and occasionally with iron pipes. All shops used plastic sheets as roofing and covering of the structure.
Mostly the semi-permanent structures are raised by wealthy merchants whose articles are costlier and more prone to damage by sunlight and rain, such as clothing articles, grocery items, or ornaments. There are generally placed within the raised semi-permanent structure. For items such as vegetables, fish, and smaller commodity, shops are seldom seen with any kind of structure (Figure 11).
Figure 11.
Frequency distribution of major items sold in the market.
The above pie chart shows that the maximum items sold are clothes. Food items are next in order of sell. Utensils and kitchen implements are also found in appreciable quantity, and so are the ornaments.
4.2 Price mechanism
The Paudi Bhuyans’ economy is definitely influenced from the general Odishan economy, and thus, the same monetary exchange mechanism is followed except for special cases, where the barter is more preferred over the monetary exchange system. Thus, Paudi Bhuyans’ price mechanism can be termed as mixed system of exchange that has been guided with the general rule of feasibility [10]. The Paudi Bhuyans shift from one pricing system that is from monetary exchange (where the goods are exchanged for money) to barter system (where the goods are exchange for similar goods) according to their need and asset underlying. The guiding principal of exchange is solely as per need of Paudi Bhuyans. They are largely in need of rice, which is their staple food. More or less 80% of their daily food intake is rice and its by-products. That means if we measure the amount of food consumed by Paudi Bhuyans any day, it will contain 80% of rice (bhata) or rice products and the remaining 20% may be products such as pulses, vegetables, etc. Therefore, primary need of the Paudi Bhuyans is rice, and barter exchange is commonly utilized to trade rice in exchange of any other crop. In the month of sleek production, they even prefer to sell their goods in exchange of rice.
The daily life of Paudi Bhuyans is very much similar to rural life of any other community in India. Their daily routine is influenced by their economic life. In the morning, both men and women get up with the sunrise, mostly at the dawn with the first cocks crow. Nearly about 5 am in the summer months and rest of the year around 6 am. The man sits leisurely for a while in the verandah of his house and then most of the men will travel to the dormitory (manda ghar), to have a chit chat with fellow villagers. Women folk of the village start household work in the early morning. They sweep the courtyard and sprinkle water mixed with cow dung on it before doing any other work. Then she either visits the neighborhood where Dhenki (husking lever) is available or if present in her own home. They either husk paddy or jali (Ragi). After the grains for the day’s meal are husked, she generally washes the utensils with water that is kept in store day before.
After the men return from Manda ghar, either they first go for defecation while brushing teeth with datuns (either neem or sal twig) or take breakfast. They take stale rice with some onions and salt as breakfast. The children meanwhile wake up, and they also take the fermented rice or pan cake made of rice. The children either go to school, or they play with other children of the village. Women then go for fetching water from the stream or tube well. There they take bath and wash clothes of entire family. Then they return with pots filled with water. After returning home, they start preparing the midday meal. As the firewood is used as fuel, it takes considerable time to boil the rice and dal. Simultaneously, the women folk take care of their babies, prepare leaf cup or plaster of wall with mud and cow dung.
At noon, men come home from the work, wash themselves, and have their meal. Then both men and women spend some leisure time. Before sunset, they are engaged in gathering of wood for fuel. In the evening, they cook meal for dinner and members of the family sit around the hearth and gossip. After dinner, they go to sleep (Table 1).
Time
Men
Women
Children
5.00 to 6.00 am
Waking up
Waking up
Sleeping
6.00 to 7.30
Visiting the mandaghar For general talking or discussing any probable work.
Grinding or Husking Brooming and putting cow dung with water on the courtyard.
Sleeping
7.30 to 9 am
Breakfast
Cleaning of utensils and fetching water and bathing.
Waking up. And have their breakfast
9.00 to 12 am
Work in the fields or the forest.
Cooking and doing house hold work.
Either went to school or play or forage for wood.
12 to 1.00 pm
Midday meal
Midday meal
Midday meal
1.00 to 2 pm
Rest
Rest
Rest
2.00 to 4.30 pm
Work in the field or foraging
House hold work like preparing leaf cups, mats or may go to the forest for foraging along with husbands or older children
Either go with parents to jungle or play with the other children.
6.00 to 8.00
Bathing, return home, may visit the evening gathering around the mandaghar.
Preparing dinner or chit-chat with other village women.
The smallest social unit of the Paudi Bhuyans is family consisting of parents and their children. The family is patriarchal and patrilineal, and father is the supreme authority in the family. The descent is traced through male line from father to son [13, 14]. Family plays an important role in Paudi Bhuyan society in rearing of children, socialization, enculturation, security of members, care of elderly people, decision-making, economic activities, and ritual performances.
“Khilli” is local descent group of Paudi Bhuyans [15]. A daughter belongs to her father’s khilli before marriage. Married woman becomes the member of her husband’s “Khilli.” The adopted son also has a full property right. The family is mostly nuclear consisting of husband, wife, and their unmarried children. In some cases, unmarried brothers and sisters live with the brother’s family.
6.2 Position of women
Females among the Paudi Bhuyans do not inherit property. After the death of a husband, the widow looks after his property. Jewelry is considered as women’s personal property. Females do not inherit property. After marriage, woman lives in her husband’s house. Marriage is ordinarily monogamous, though the husband of childless woman may take a second wife. Women can take decision about some family affairs such as shopping, marketing, and rearing of children [16].
6.3 Village organization
The village, “Grama,” is a unit in the Paudi Bhuyans social structure. It consists of number of hamlets (Sahis). Hamlets constitute a number of families. The village acts as a unit for a number of activities of Paudi Bhuyans. Members of different families help each other in construction and repairing of houses and in economic activities. When there is any ceremonial feast, members of the whole village have to be invited. The village as a whole has certain common rights over the village pasture. Village also plays an important role in religious and social functions.
6.4 Traditional and modern political organization
Intra- and inter-village disputes are rare occurrence. However, the human nature in general as it is, the Paudi Bhuyan is not above jealousy, covetousness, and greed, which create occasionally quarrels and conflict. Bride capture is frequently in occurrence, which may lead to serious problems.
The conflicts that arise in the village are decided upon by the village head called Pradhan, while inter-village quarrels and conflicts are decided by the joint meeting of village head of the respective villages together with elders and the Dehuri (the village priest). Traditional norms and values are maintained by village priest and village head man [17].
Such leaders of Paudi Bhuyan society may be classified as traditional and hereditary. But in modern Panchayati Raj system, Sarpanch is also an elected head and has a considerable say in the matter of judicial decisions. Thus, members of gram panchayat and Sarpanch also hold a very special position as villagers understand that all the government benefits that are being processed are under the judiciary of Gram Panchayat.
6.5 Village Head (Pradhan)
The secular head of each Paudi Bhuyans village is called either Naek or Pradhan [4]. According to villagers, the post has been created by the ruling chief for administrative purposes. It was told that the Pradhan used to collect taxes, and judiciary functions on behalf of the ruling chief.
The post of Pradhan is hereditary. To understand it, a genealogy is prepared for understanding the pattern of inheritance (Figure 12).
Figure 12.
Genealogical distribution of Pradhan in the village studied villages.
From the above table, we can understand that the pattern of inheritance of the status of Pradhan of village is purely patriarchal in nature. In case of death of the elder brother and if the son is minor, the successive brother will become Pradhan. The post of Pradhan is again transferred to the eldest son of the family. In case the legal heir to the Pradhan is mental, physical or challenged in any other way, the title of Pradhan will go to the next male heir.
6.6 Village priest (Dehuri)
As a patriarchal rule, the eldest son of dehuri inherits the post of dehuri (Figure 13).
Figure 13.
Genealogical distribution of Dehuri in the studied villages.
From the above table, we can easily understand that the post of Dehuri is again purely patriarchal. The post of dehuri is transferred to the eldest son. And in case of death, or any other incapability to hold the post, it is transferred to the eldest son of the family.
6.7 Pir council
The Pir council has the greatest say if there is any kind of problems with inheritance. The Pradhan plays a very important role in judicial affairs of the village. He presides over the village meeting and decides cases relating interpersonal quarrels, breach of social customs, and disputes over possession of property among the claimants. In all such cases, he discusses the matter with all the elders of the village in the presence of Sarpanch also. The bride price or any other intermarital disputes arise between the bride’s family and groom’s family are also settled. On the first day of annual hunting festival “Pardih,” a communal festival, such as Jatra and Bisri Usha, takes place and the Pradhan takes part in almost all the rituals.
Pradhan along with some duties he also enjoys some privileges such as higher social respect, his farmland is being tiled by villagers. Almost all the rites de passages that are held, Pradhan always is in the chief guest. And he also gets free labor for any kind of household work.
Dehuri, the secular head, is the prime bridge between the villagers and the supernatural powers and ancestral world. Being the religious head and having hailed from the senior-most branch of the villagers, Dehuri is respected by every one of the villages and enjoys certain privileges, which are much similar to Pradhan. But there is the strict boundary between the Pradhan and Dehuri and demarcates their powers to execute.
Sarpanch is an elected member of gram panchayat. The posts of Pradhan and Sarpanch are functionally complementary to each other. The main difference between them is that the Pradhan is the traditional leader, who acts as a guardian of social control, values, norms, code of conduct, etc. Sarpanch, on the other hand, acts as a government agent through which administrative works such as development of the village, rationing of foods, and any other benefits that are being administered by the government are provided.
Village elders, the oldest and renowned persons of the village apart from Pradhan and Dehuri play an equally important role in sociopolitical arenas of the village. The village elders take part actively in all discussions, which are taken up to the Sarpanch, Pradhan, or Dehuri. Their decisions are also equally important. Utmost care is given to include their decision.
6.8 Village council
The village council is composed of the leaders such as Pradhan, Dehuri, and the group of elders. The deliberation of the council is made at the place near the dormitory either in the early morning before anyone went for routine works such as working in the fields or in labor work, etc. This may be summoned in the evening after everyone returns home from the day’s work. Every day, the darbar area is generally visited by the village council members and other villagers for discussing current affairs and informal discussions on the topic of general interest. But when summoned for arbitration of any important case, the council of village leaders and elders constitutes the jury and the council serves as a courthouse. The Paudi Bhuyans though have leaders and are quite influential, but the jury gives out decision by exchanging view of all the present members of Darbar and everyone has right to say something. The Pradhan generally summons the decision to the villagers at the end of arbitration.
The topics that come up to the village council for decision, include matters, such as quarrel between the co-villagers, a quarrel arising from the partition of property, breach of the code of conduct, negligence toward duties, or inter-village marital disputes, and forbidden sexual relationships. The concerned parties are summoned to the Darbar and the party that is found guilty is fined a few measures of husked rice, a goat or fowl, a few bottles of liquor, and some cash. In case of adultery, the woman may be handed over to the adulterer as his wife. In the case of love between the Bandhus and khillis, the marriage is generally accepted with some fines as mentioned earlier. To pin down the offenders in general, detection is made by oath and ordeals, and they are made to touch the earth, water, or any good omens, which in turn with give bad results if anyone lied upon. The fine collected from the offenders is spent in holding a feast and the liquor is sprinkled ceremonially to mitigate the conflict.
The case of land disputes between two villages, incestuous love affair, and premarital pregnancy involving two villages; witchcraft, of serious nature, homicide, divorce, and separation; which cannot be decided at the village level, are referred to inter-village council.
6.9 Inter-Village (Pir) council
The inter-village councils are looking into the matters of disputes over the boundary between the villages and cases of divorce, Especially verdict for which cannot be declared by village council and is of lesser importance to be brought into the notice of Pir Council. Disputes that arise between two villages go under the jurisdiction of Pir Council. The most common cases are land dispute and divorce issues. The land issues are generally mitigated with general understanding and mutually agreed on terms. The divorce issues are mitigated with the identification of culprit. The guilty party is asked to give compensation to the aggrieved party. The groom may claim bride’s price if found innocent, and the bride party may end up by getting compensation for the cost of living with her parents. The groom’s party may claim compensation from the bride’s new husband as the case may be. Though, the inter-village council takes utmost care to mitigate the matter of separation on the positive side by trying to reunite the separated pair. The wife may be told to go back to the husband’s house.
For judicial purposes, the Paudi villages are grouped under a wide territorial organization called Pir council. The Pir council may consist of three or more villages. Kuanar Pir consists of seven villages. At Pir council, the sociopolitical affairs are discussed, which cannot be settled at the village level. Each Pir has his own titular deity, the Kuanar has Ma-Mangal Patha. Annual voyage of the deity Ma-Mangal Patha, which is locally known as Jatra, is celebrated.
As already stated, issues that are not mitigated with inter-village councils also are referred to it. The usage of the perennial water source, the ownership of land, crimes that are affecting the whole of Paudi Bhuyans, or any other such social, economic, or political offenses are discussed among the Pir council.
Each Pir council has functionaries who are appointed by the member of the Pir council to carry out certain functions as Pir Pradhan, His duty is to summon the Pir council and to announce the cumulative decision, which comes out after discussing the matter within the Pir council. He also carries out purification rites. Pir council consists of village elders of all the villages that constitute the Pir. Pir treasurer generally takes care of the whole finances of the Pir and puts in records all sort of procurement of finances that are levied on culprit or disbursement of finances for organizing an event on behalf of Pir. Pir barber comes in for punishment. Sometimes, the culprit may be punished by completely shaving his head. Earlier, the post was held by the Paudi Bhuyans themselves, but nowadays due to unavailability, a barber is borrowed from the barber caste. Pir Washer man generally washes clothes of the culprit, and the washed clothes are worn after purification. Pir Bramhana though previously was the oldest Dehuri among the villages in the Pir and was chosen for performance of socioreligious acts of purification of the culprits; but nowadays Hindu caste Brahmin is also taken from the Brahmin community from the nearby village for performances of purification ceremony. This is a case of “Sanskritization.”
The different functionaries of the Pir are generally paid in kind for the services they render. There is no fixed remuneration for the functionaries, neither the posts are hereditary. All the post is honorary and can be changed according to the need of the Paudi Bhuyans. The money collected as fine is disbursed as remuneration, which is usually very negligible but, a feast is organized for the functionaries and for some dignitaries. All the fines collected as foodstuffs are cooked, and the feast is held by the Pir.
With the changing lifestyle and impact of global culture, the rigid code of conduct that is enforced by the Paudi Bhuyan councils relaxed to a great extent. The traditional political organization that is governed by the traditional norms and customs is nowadays not strictly adhered to. The cases such as same khilli marriage or intra-village marriages are common events now. The Pir council nowadays is rarely called upon for these kinds of crimes. The modern law enforcement such as Police and Judiciary take care of the cases of homicide or any such harsh crimes. Thus, the organization that held such a high position in the past is losing its identity and now mostly functions as a coordinator to celebrate Pirh’s annual festival of the of Pir goddess.
The Paudi Bhuyans are divided into kin groups. The Paudi Bhuyans differentiate the marriage on the basis of Kutumb (agnatic) relation and Bandhu (non-agnatic) relation. Marriage between Kutumb relations is prohibited, whereas marriage with Bandhu (friend) relation is accepted. Similarly, marriage between same khili (extended lineage) is prohibited. Furthermore, though it is considered that Paudis have no clan organization (see [4, 15]), they identify their common ancestor in a particular way. As a common practice, people of common forefathers carry common surnames. The marriage of individuals with same surnames such as Swain to Swain, Pradhan to Pradhan, Dehuri to Dehuri is also prohibited.
Every society has its unique kinship terminology [18, 19, 20]. Though a detailed work on such terminology of kinship can be found in the work of S. C. Roy, there are some anomalies also that the researcher has found. The researcher has come up with some very common relationship kinship terminology that is used in day-to-day activity in the present day (Table 2).
The religious beliefs and practices of Paudi Bhuyans are studied with respect to beliefs concerning the soul, in the aspects of belief concerning the soul in all its proliferation and the supernatural beings, the experts of religion and the rituals or ceremonies in the forms of prayers, offerings, sacrifices, feasts, and other actions (Garson and Read, 1951). The Paudi Bhuyans believe in malevolent and benevolent spirits, supernatural beings and their role in the origin of the world.
8.1 The concept of soul
The term soul is known as “atma” by the Paudi Bhuyans. They know that if it leaves the body, the person is dead. The dream is regarded as the activity of the soul. They believe that everything living and non-living has soul. Good soul goes to heaven after death, and bad soul goes to hell. Soul is not destroyed, rather reappears in a new living body.
8.2 Belief in supernatural power
According to Roy [4], the Paudi Bhuyans relate any kind of misfortune like bad luck in the food quest, crop failure personal security, and adversity in physical well-being, to the supernatural powers. If these supernatural powers are pleased with them, they tend to get success in overcoming the dangers of uncertainty that is present in their lives in the sphere of birth, marriage, death, and economic activities.
The supreme god of Paudi Bhuyans is Dharma Devta, and the Goddess Basuki Mata is a supreme goddess. Both of the gods are formless and invisible. They can take any form as they desired. The goddess Thakurani is village deity, and the god Pats described as hill god. The Kuanar village has three shrines, one is for Thakurani, second is for Bisri Usha Thakurani mandap, and the third one is Gaisiri. All the abovementioned deities are benevolent in nature and can be appeased in their respective prescribed manner on different occasions. Apart from the indigenous deities, ancestral spirit, ghosts, and malevolent spirits are also appeased. Bisri Usha (serpent goddess) is worshiped with all sincerity and devotion and considered to be the protectess and can fulfill any desires of the Paudi Bhuyans.
8.3 Experts in religious sphere
The Dehuri is considered as the sacerdotal head, who performs all community-level religious rituals and acts as mediator with village deities, spirits, gods, and goddesses. The Paudi Bhuyans may change the village Dehuri if they are not satisfied with his performances. But such case happens rarely, it happened. The post is hereditary and is transferred to the eldest son.
The shaman, locally known as Rulia, plays some important role particularly in curing patients and appeasing malevolent deities. A Bejuni (Sorcerer) is famous for his black magic, and he is hard to be found as he generally spends days in the jungle. The Paudi Bhuyans are afraid of him and never dare to go against the wishes of the Bejuni. Thus, all of the specialized persons in religious sphere play a significant role in retaining social health and happiness and well-being of the community.
8.4 Rituals performed for getting relief from misfortune
An individual may perform rituals for personal reasons. This may be after consulting Pradhan or Dehuri to find out the source as well as cure of ailments and misfortunes. It may be through the Rulia or Bejuni (they may offer sacrifice on behalf of the ailing persons or may invoke supernatural aid for curing of the illness). The prayers that are addressed to the concerned deity consist of a description of the events about offering are told. Apart from personal ailments and ill lucks, there are occasions such as epidemic or mass destruction of an agricultural field or communal problems, then the Dehuri prays for the well-being of general community.
Sacrifices and offerings are important parts of any ritual activities. Animals sacrificed consist of chicken and goats. Offerings include all the natural substances such as milk, curd, mustard oil, uncooked rice and paddy, rice beer, mahua liquor, etc. The animals sacrificed and the articles mentioned are offered to appease supernatural beings. Before any sacrifice is made, the chicken is first sprinkled with water, and then a few rice grains are offered to it. If it takes the rice, it is approved for sacrifice. The blood of sacrificed animal is mixed with rice and then cooked. This is taken as Prasad.
The Paudi Bhuyans celebrate a number of feasts and festivals throughout the year. Each festival is associated with specific deities. There are Gods and Goddesses, ritualistic observances, special food items, agricultural cycle, activities relating to forest, shifting cultivation, hunting, fishing, food gathering, life cycle rituals, etc. Festivals play an important role in inter-village and intra-village solidarity. These festivals are as follows:
9.1 Am-Nuakhai
This festival is celebrated in the month of January–February when the mango blossoms come out. Offerings are made at the holy place (Gaisiri) and in the temple of Thakurani. Small green mangoes are offered to them and cutting of jungle for cultivation started.
9.2 Nuakhai and Karam Jatra
This festival is performed in the month of September –October at the time of harvesting of crops. On a festive day, the Dehuri goes to his own field and cuts some sheaves of paddy and offers them to the shrines along with some common offering, such as molasses, some flowers, mustard oil, milk, and sacrifice of a fowl. All the villagers are then told to bring the paddy from their respective fields and place them in their respective houses with offering of prayers to god and goddesses and their ancestral spirits.
9.3 Magah Podol
This festival is performed in the months of January and February. On this occasion, they mark the allotment of land for cultivation. Though it is not mandatory to conduct this festival every year, it generally conducted when the fresh land has to be allotted.
9.4 Kath Jatra
In this ceremony, Dehuri and some villagers take part. It generally takes place in the month of January–February and is conducted to encourage the interested villagers for clearing of the jungle for their cultivation. The Dehuri ceremonially sets a log in fire and some offerings are made in the shrines.
9.5 Akhin Pardih
The ceremonial annual hunting festival is generally held in the month of March–April. The village priest selects any Thursday of the week day after Akshay Tritiya and asks the villagers to perform a small-scale offering in the shrines. In this ceremony, no fowl or animal is being sacrificed. This festival is related to ceremonial hunting. As soon as a game is hunted, the head of the game is given to that person whose arrow has pierced the game first. The person becomes the head for the next hunting. A big chunk of meat is being offered to Dehuri and Pradhan. Then the game meat is distributed among the hunters and their family.
9.6 Thakurani Jatra
This Jatra festival is the annual festival of the Pir Council. This festival is celebrated elaborately and in wider scale. People from seven villages participate in this festival. Most of the inhabitants from the nearby villages come gather at Kuanar for this annual festival. The festival spans for 7 days. On any Thursday after Makar Sankranti, the Maa mangal patha, which is represented by stone-carved emblem and its accessories were taken outside the shrine and was washed in turmeric water. Then it is taken to the Pradhan’s House where some ceremony takes place secretly. After 7 days, it is placed back in the shrine and the ceremony starts again. In the morning of the auspicious day, along with the prayers, some rice is cooked. After an hour or two, Maa Mangal Patha is carried from shrine to the Ghumara nala at a point where it is deepest and widest. Most of the villagers join in the voyage with drums and other musical instruments. On reaching the predestined place, the articles associated with the Thakurani, such as daggers, swords, potsherds, and the stone emblems, were washed in the stream one by one and it is shown to the people. It is always regarded as sacred and kept away from the local people throughout the year. After washing the articles, they return to the temple and keep them separately. The whole voyage is called Jatra. People also make offerings to the Goddess. The villagers sacrifice animals to please the goddess Maa mangal patha.
Apart from the abovementioned traditional Paudi Bhuyan ceremonies and festivals, there are some Hindu festivals adopted by them. Some of these are given here. The festivals of Jhulan where the females and kids ceremonially swing in a special swing made of wood. The date essentially coincides with Akshay Tritiya, a Hindu festival. The second is the Bisri Usha, the serpent goddess. The ceremony is generally commenced after 2–3 weeks of Maa Mangal Patha Jatra festival. Generally, it takes place in the month of February–March. On an auspicious day, a potter is brought from the nearby village. The person is usually the traditional potter who prepares the idol for generations. He cleans and marks the ground where the idol is prepared. Then some alluvial soil is carried by the potter himself. He mixes the mud with water and kneads it. After the soil is properly malleable, the potter makes some pots, in which two are smaller in size and one is larger in size. The larger pot acts as the body of the deity. Then the face is given proper shape. The potter lets the figure to dry in the sun. After few hours, the Pradhan visits the place and then puts some jewelry and clothes on the idol.
After the idol was completed, it is carried by a woman on her head to the temple. On the way, she passes various houses, where house owners give some offerings such as uncooked rice or fowl with prayers and chants. Then the idol is placed inside the temple.
At night, the folk singer (Gauni) along with villagers recites the story of the Goddess Bishri Usha. This will be repeated for 7 days until the final day of worshiping of Bishri Usha comes. On an auspicious day, the Gauni along with Dehuri and Pradhan utters chants for Usha Mata. The magnificent story of Lakhinder, the sea trader, and his favoritism toward lord Shiva and hatred toward Goddess Bisri Usha that started on the previous week and gradually progresses throughout these 7 days with the struggle of Behula to save his husband comes to an end on the final day. Thus, the festival is a combination of the folktale, the emergence of goddess Bisri Usha, and her magnificent power to curb the evil and provide overall happiness.
On the eighth day, celebration takes place. This is celebrated not only by the inhabitants of Kuanar, but the people of neighboring villages also visit Kuanar. The villagers offer various items, which include uncooked rice, molasses, domesticated fowls, goats, and as many objects that they afford to give. Young boys and girls actively participate in the festival. They dance with Oriya songs and Hindi songs while playing it on loud speakers that they leased from the Keonjhar. This is a new addition. Earlier, they danced by playing musical instruments, mainly drums.
Each successive stage in the life of Paudi Bhuyans is celebrated with certain rites and rituals. These include birth, marriage, and death.
The females are shy about discussing on maternity. Though, the physiological origin of maternity that is sexual intercourse is not unknown to them. According to the traditional belief system that motherhood can only be achieved with the help of benevolent spirits and blessings of gods and goddesses.
To appease the god and benevolent spirits, the ceremony related to birth is celebrated by all the villagers. According to the S.C Roy [4], it’s not only to appease but also to relieve the individual from harmful spiritual influence in particular, to assimilate the new state of life that a person is entering. Entry into the new state of life should be safe and prosperous.
10.1 Name giving ceremony (Eikushia)
On the 21st day of birth of a child, a socially accepted identity is given to a newborn baby in the form of name. A name is selected for the baby that will be his/her identity. This is done by some well-defined social customs that had been practiced among the Paudi Bhuyan society form the time immemorial. Most of the kin members and most of the villagers are invited to this ceremony especially at the time of the first child.
On the previous day, most of the relatives mostly the affinal and consanguine kins are invited. They are provided with the food and country liquor, handia. On the day of the occasion, all the relatives who arrived earlier get up early in the morning except for the children. Most of them start cleaning the house. Both the floors and the walls are being cleaned splashing water mixed with cow dung. Generally, outer walls are splashed with the cow dung water. But it is splashed with the red soil mixed with water. After the house is cleaned and the inner part of the house is being decorated with designs made with rice paste.
After cleaning, men and women including the father and mother of the newborn take bath in the local stream. Though not mandatory, but running water is most favorable for performing the Eikushia.
After this, the father of the child arranges the feast that is the most important part of the occasion. And the Dehuri and Pradhan of the village are not only invited, but they perform rituals such as ancestral worship and worship of the god and goddess of Paudi Bhuyans. Various items such as uncooked rice, pulses, corn, etc., are cooked by the Dehuri and are offered to the ancestral spirits.
After ancestral worship, the Dehuri draws a circle on the ground with turmeric and a small pitcher (Lota) or measuring bowl (Mana) is placed in the center of the circle. Women sit around the Dehuri. Dehuri then puts some turmeric powder in the Lota or mana. The next procedure includes pouring of rice grain one by one and uttering of names one by one that are suggested by the parents of the child. When a rice grain floats, the name uttered while it was placed is selected. The ceremony ends with a feast given by the parents of the child to the villagers, kin members, and any distinguished guess who visited them on this occasion.
10.2 Case Study I (birth)
Respondent is a 21-year-old female belonging to the Paudi Bhuyans. She resides in the Purana Sahi of the Kuanar village. Earlier she was living at Puttu Sahi of Telkoi Block. She was married in the year 2015. She got married to a male aged 24 years. The baby boy is born to them. This is her first baby. She is very shy in giving out the information to the researcher. But after persuasion, she talked to the researcher.
Both the parents of the child believed that the baby was born with the blessings of their fore fathers and almighty. They are also familiar with the physical mating between an adult male and female, which is responsible for conception. Although they stressed upon that without the support of the almighty, the child cannot be in mother’s womb.
The symptoms she experienced after conceiving are nausea, vomiting, uneasiness, and the sudden stoppage of menstrual cycles. Upon examined by her mother-in-law, her grandmother-in-law and suruni (midwife) she was confirmed that she will become mother soon. She experienced changes in the size of belly.
She was restricted to her house and allowed to do only lighter household works. She was not allowed to do heavy tasks from the 8 months of pregnancy. Her diet was also taken care of by mother-in-law. She gave birth of a male child after 9 months and 20 days of pregnancy. The baby was delivered in home with the help of midwife. Very few relatives visit to see the newborn.
On the 21st day, the birth ceremony called ekushia took place, and the name was given to the child. A feast was given to the villages on this day.
10.3 Marriage
Marriage is always viewed to be an affair of the village, rather than an exclusive concern of the concerned family. The unmarried girls biologically belong to their parents, but sociologically all the unmarried girls are the children of the village. In a broader sense, unmarried boys and girls are the members of the village and the village youth’s dormitory associates more closely with the socio-religious life in the dormitory organization. In case of girl’s marriage, the opinion of all the village elders is never overlooked. Likewise, the marriage of the village boys is the responsibility of all the villagers. The parents finance the marriage, but the villagers extend their support and cooperation to make the marriage ceremony a success. While ceremonially handing over the bride, the girl’s villagers request the groom’s villagers that they offer the girl not only go to groom but into the custody of his villagers. The village should take proper care of the bride.
Marriage is the proper situation to study the roles played by different age and sex groups. The elderly men and women and unmarried boys and girls play specific roles in marriage. Marriage is monogamous among the Paudi Bhuyans. Widower can marry. In case the first wife proves to be barren, one has the liberty to take a second wife. Cross cousin marriages are not common. No cases found in the village.
Of all forms of marriages, Dharipala and Ghicha marriages are the most common forms. Love marriages with arrangement (Phulkusi) are very few in number among the Paudi Bhuyans. In the past 2 years, in the studied village only a single case of such marriage is found. Mangi Bibha is recently introduced in the village. The material culture and rituals tend to be way similar to the form of marriage, which has been adopted from the other Hindu caste people. Very recently, in certain cases of Mangi form of marriage, a Vaishnab or Brahmin is invited to act as a priest. This is also commonly known as Mukut Baha since the bridal pair wears crown (Mukut). Earlier it was made of real flower, but nowadays it is generally made of plastic flowers, similar to caste people during the marriage ceremony. This is a case of sanskritization.
During the field work, 34 couples were interviewed whose marriages were took place during the years 2013–2015.
From the Table 3 and Figure 14, we can interpret that Dharipala bibaha is the most prevalent form of the marriage with nearly 38%. The second form of the marriage, which is preferred, is Mangi Bibaha and is about 32%. The Ghicha Bibaha is less prevalent than the above two forms of marriage. Phulkusi and Rundi Bibaha are rare in occurrence as compared with the Dharipala and Mangi Bibaha.
Dharipala
Love marriage with elopement
Ghicha
Marriage by capture
Phulkusi
Love marriage with arrangement
Amlesare
Kadlesare
Mangi bibha
Marriage by negotiation
Rundi bibha
Widow remarriage
Table 3.
Different forms of marriages among the Paudi Bhuyans (see [4, 21]).
Figure 14.
Frequency distribution of types of marriages.
10.4 Dharipala
This is a form of love marriage. When a boy likes a girl of certain village and falls in love with her and vice versa and agrees to marry. Then they come to the boy’s village. The girl is left in the outskirts of the village and the boy goes and informs his family preferably brother’s wife or grandmother first. And it is the responsibility of them to communicate to other family members. If the bride is accepted, the girl is made to wash her feet in water containing turmeric. Tilak of turmeric paste is applied on the forehead of both the boy and the girl and accepted as bride and groom before entering into the house.
After entering the boy’s house, the bride was given fresh clothes to wear and the next day the bride’s parents were informed. After the information, if the bride’s family accepted the groom as their son-in-law, then father and maternal uncle along with some villagers visit the groom’s house. Upon visiting the groom’s house, they were welcomed with tobacco and country liquor (Handia/Mahua). According to the financial condition of the Groom’s family, the feast is arranged for the bride’s family members. And next day both the families along with the bride and groom visited the Thakurani temple. The Dehuri (village priest) in the presence of Pradhan sang some chants and the groom put vermilion on the forehead of the bride. Then the procedure of marriage is over, but the marriage is not accepted socially until a feast is organized by the groom’s family, in which both bride’s villagers and groom’s villagers are invited.
10.5 Ghicha
This is a form of marriage by capture. The boy and his friends hide in the forest to capture the girl. Then the guardians of the girl are informed secretly so that they send the girl to the desired place. The girl is then asked to visit the place either alone or companied by friends. There the chosen girl is captured and taken to the boy’s village. The friends inform the guardians of the girl.
On the next day of capture, the girl’s family members including her parents visit the boy’s house. The boy’s family arranges a feast for them. If a girl is captured on her visit to some village or from the market or fair, two kin members of groom go to the girl’s village with a stick. Reaching there they first go to the Pradhan’s house (village headmen) and inform. The Pradhan consults with the villagers about her identity.
Next day the boy’s party visits to the girl’s house and settles the marriage. Their feet are washed in turmeric water. Tobacco and country liquor (Rice brew) are offered to them. After a short discussion with the girl’s father, all come to the Darbar to settle the marriage.
Next day the girl’s party goes to the boy’s house. They are welcomed with tobacco and country liquor (Rice brew). And the next day both the families along with the bride and groom visited the Thakurani temple. The Dehuri in the presence of Pradhan chants hymns and the groom puts vermilion on the forehead of the bride. The procedure of marriage is over. The marriage is not accepted socially until a feast is organized by the groom’s family. In this type of marriage, bride price is given after 2 or 3 years.
10.6 Phul Khusi
This is also a marriage by love. During the festival of Bisri Usha, a boy puts flower on the bun of the girl he likes. If the girl accepts the flower, the marriage is settled among them, and if not, she is captured and the earlier procedures of Ghicha marriage are followed.
10.7 Am Lessare
This is also a form of love marriage. In this marriage, a boy and a girl generally like each other. The boy splashes mango juice at the girl in the forest and in return the girl shows her acceptance by giving an ornament of her. If the girl accepts, the marriage is settled among them and if not, she is captured and the earlier procedures of Ghicha marriage are followed.
10.8 Kada lesare
In this type of marriage, the boy splashes mud at the girl whom he likes. This generally happens during any marriage ceremony. If the girl in return throws mud at the boy, the marriage is settled among them and if not, she is captured and the earlier procedures of Ghicha marriage are followed.
10.9 Mangi Bibaha
This is a type of marriage by negotiation. In this type of marriage, the parents of a marriageable boy go to other villages to search for a suitable girl. At first, they inform the Sarpanch about their requirements. Then the Sarpanch calls an assembly and conveys the requirements to the villagers. When anybody agrees, then both the parties discuss with each other to settle down the marriage.
11. Stages of marriage by negotiation (Mangi Bibaha)
After discussion between girl’s and boy’s party, the date of marriage is fixed.
11.1 Haldi
It is a ceremony of applying haldi (turmeric) mixed in sarso (mustard) oil on the body of the bridegroom and sanghi, younger brother of the groom by seven married women generally known as Mahatrais. Apart from them, most of the elderly women of the village apply the paste on the bridegroom’s body.
11.2 Tel Handi
The day before marriage, the would-be bride holds seven straws on her forehead and the Mahataris pour oil seven times on the straws with uttering of chants. The haldi (turmeric) mixed in sarso (mustard) oil is applied on the body of the bride and on her sanghi, the younger sister.
11.3 Phul Handi
The day before the marriage, in the evening, ceremonial gift known as Phul Handi is sent to the bride’s family from the groom’s end. A big earthen handi painted with rice paste is used in this ritual. Different food items such as paddy, rice, gur, rice cake, and necessary items for bride, such as sari, petticoat, bangles, comb, mirror, and flower are kept in the handi and sent.
11.4 Dia Mangala
On the day of marriage, in the morning, a group of seven married women (Mahatrais) go to the four directions in the village with the bride and offer homage to Dharma Devta, Basukimata, and Gaisiri for a successful marriage. The Dehuri of the groom’s village also performs the same procedure.
11.5 Haldi
On the marriage day, the haldi ceremony is repeated in both the cases, that is, the bride and groom, as described earlier.
11.6 Ghuru Pani
The bride and the groom are given ceremonial baths by the women of their respective villages with the holy water of Baitarani River on the day before marriage and on the day of marriage also.
11.7 Baha jatra
On the marriage day, the groom along with the relatives, friends, and villagers who reside in the neighborhood starts journey toward the bride’s village. They either accompany modern music system or traditional drums. The groom’s party dances and sings throughout the journey.
11.8 Baha
After arrival of the groom’s party to the bride’s house, the mother of the bride welcomes the bridegroom by washing his feet with turmeric water and by offering Jau (puffed rice). The Dehuri prepares the place of marriage with rice paste and color. The area is bordered with bamboo poles. The bride and groom are made to sit in the place. The priest utters chants while the hands of bride and groom are held together. The maternal uncle of both bride and groom puts new clothes over them. The uncle of bride ties the garments of bride and groom in a knot. Then they move around the mandap seven times. The vermilion and turmeric are applied on the forehead of the bride by groom with the help of a coin. Then both of them throw puffed rice on the fire.
11.9 Kanyasamarpana
On the next day of marriage, the villagers of bride hand her over to the villagers of the groom. They utter “Oh respected Bandhus, now you get your daughter in law. When she was young she was with her parents, but after her puberty, she belonged to the village. Now we are giving her to you. She may be ugly or beautiful, blind, or only one-eyed, deaf or dumb or lame, she might be a witch or sorceress, she may not know how to cook, how to talk, and how to respect you. Anyway, she becomes your Bahu now if she does anything harmful to you, or she is not liked by you, don’t let her wander from the shed to shed (begging food) but bring her back to the same tree (to her parents) where from you have taken her.”
The groom’s villagers reply “oh bandhus, she may have anything which goes against her, but she is our Bahu now, she is not only your daughter. Unless she does serious offence why should we bring her to you?”
11.10 Gundi chaul and mandcheeli
The bride’s villagers give five pai of rice called Gundi chaul and one goat (Mandcheeli) to the groom’s villagers. The villagers of groom arrange feast with these.
11.11 Salabidha
In a formal ceremony, relatives and villagers of bride give gifts and money to the bridal pair and to the sanghis (accompanied persons of groom and bride). The bride’s younger brother pats on the back of the groom. The groom gives a piece of cloth to the bride’s younger brother. He carries the groom on his back, and the groom’s younger brother carries the bride on his back. Both dance for a few minutes.
11.12 Kada lata
After the marriage is over, the women relatives present gifts to the bridal pair on the marriage altar, then they throw mud, cow dung water, ashes, and black dyes at them. Jokes are exchanged between them and they make a lot of fun.
11.13 Ceremonial Bath and Breaking the Bow
The women and the girls of the bride’s village take the bride and the groom to the stream for a bath. There the bride hides a steel pitcher (lota) under water and the groom finds it out. The groom also hides it and the bride finds it out. This is called “dub duba.” The bride carries a pot full of water on her head on the way back. The boys of the bride’s village make a strong bow with sal tree branch and put a string on it. The groom shoots at the water earthen pitcher carried by the bride. The groom breaks the bow and throws it away. He should break it in one stretch, otherwise, he is not considered strong enough to bear a child.
11.14 Handi sira
After returning from the stream, the bride and her women relatives husk about three to four pai paddy in husking lever (Dhenki). She cooks jau out of this rice and offers it to the family ancestors. The groom also offers it to their ancestor. All the participants of the marriage take a little of this jau.
After the feast, the newly married couple starts journey to the groom’s village at afternoon.
11.15 Baha jatra
The groom along with the relatives, friends, and villagers who reside in the neighborhood starts on journey toward the groom’s village. They are either accompanied by modern music system or with traditional drums. Along the way they dance and sing.
11.16 Griha Prabesho
After reaching to the groom’s house, the feet of the couple is washed with turmeric water and Red dye (Alta). In front of the house, a square shape is marked out with 4 sal branches placed at the four corners. The place is decorated inside. This is similar to the mandap. The couple moves around the Mandapa seven times. Then they are taken into the house and take rest.
11.17 Bhuri bhoj
Next day of coming in groom’s house, the bride cooks a little “jau” in a new earthen pot and offers to the ancestors. At night, sister-in-law or grandmother of the groom brings the groom and the bride to the house and declare them as a couple. Then the newly married couple starts to live together.
11.18 Bada Khana
After 2 days of marriage, the bridegroom arranges a feast for the villagers and bride’s party. Gundi chaul is mixed with rice and along with the Mandcheeli, many goats are slaughtered, and the villagers of both the sides are given a hearty meal.
Feast is mandatory in a Paudi Bhuyan’s marriage, which incurs huge expense. Thus, Paudi Bhuyans are very flexible in this regard they allow both the groom and bride families up to 2 years of time to arrange the feast to the villagers.
11.19 Marriage expenditure
Marriage puts great economic strain on Paudi Bhuyans. Contribution from the relatives is negligible. The parents start hoarding crops and cash for 5 years or more till they are able to amass considerable amount for financing the marriage. In spite of the efforts, they run into indebtedness and incur heavy loans to meet the marriage expenses. A considerable amount is spent for feasts. Other heads of expenditure include bridewealth (Mula) paid to the bride’s relatives, clothes for the bridegroom and other relatives, and other miscellaneous expenses.
The items and amount of bridewealth are same for all types of marriages, which are paid within a year or two after the marriage except in Dharipala (marriage by elopement) in which it may be paid after 5–10 years when the marrying partners accumulate enough amount for the purpose. Extremely poor persons are sometimes exempted from paying the full amount of bride wealth. The following gives item-wise detailed list of the standard bride wealth paid in Bhuyans marriages.
11.20 Case Study II (marriage by capture)
Respondent was 21-year-old male belonging to the Paudi Bhuyans. He resides in the Purana Sahi of the Kuanar village. On the occasion of Bisri Usha of neighboring village Nipa around 9 km away, he found a very attractive girl and fell in love with her. He then enquired about the girl from the villagers that she also visited her uncle’s village Nipa for the Bisri Usha festival. She resides in Pannanasha village under the Kuanar Panchayat. So the respondent tried to talk with the girl he had fallen in love with, but she was too shy to talk to him. The respondent then started some advancement like holding her hand and forcefully talks to her. He actually proposes to her for marriage. The girl was not clear with “yes” or “no” toward the advancement of the respondent. So the respondent talked to the girl’s immediate guardians. The girl’s guardians are informed secretly that they are going to capture her, which is acceptable in the Paudi Bhuyans. After the guardian expressed their willingness, the girl was captured by the respondent and his friends from the Mandap area. And the respondent took blessings of the guardians and told them that she was taken to his house.
On arrival in the village, though the girl was not talking to anybody but was eagerly welcomed by the boy’s family. Her feet were washed with water mixed with turmeric. Turmeric powder was applied on her forehead. She was given a separate room to stay and relax.
The next day the respondent’s two uncles visited the native village of the girl and told about the capture to the girl’s family. The uncles are treated well by the girl’s family and are offered Hadia, Rice, and Dal food. Next day along with the uncles, the girl’s family members and some villagers along with weapons start the journey toward the respondent’s village.
Upon arrival, the girl’s family and the accompanying villagers are given a feast. After discussion with family members and the Pradhan of Kuanar village along with the Sarpanch, they disagreed with the offer of marriage. They took the girl back with them and respondent felt very sad. He said that the main reason of the dissolution of the marriage was that the girl did not like him and thus the marriage did not take place. The girl along with the family members got back to her native place. The respondent felt very sad with the rejection but he accepts it and said “I will find another girl who is made for him.”
11.21 Case study III (marriage by negotiation)
Respondent was 21-year-old male belonging to the Paudi Bhuyans. He resides in the Sonajhuri Sahi of the Kuanar village. The marriage ceremony started 1 day before the marriage with the haldi ceremony. On that day, the respondent and his unmarried younger brother were made to sit with bare upper body, only lower portion was covered upto knees. Only the female relatives and neighbors are taking part in the haldi ceremony. They made turmeric paste and mixed it with mustard oil. That was smeared upon the bridegroom and the sanghi with chanting of some blessings.
After smearing them with the turmeric and mustard oil paste, they were taken outside the house and were made to stand where the mother of bridegroom poured holy water on them. The holy water was prepared from the water that was brought from the Baitarani River the previous day. After the holy water, some more water was poured on them, then they took bath in the nearby stream.
After bathing, both the respondent and sanghi wore new upper undergarment and dhoti. After this they took lunch. In the afternoon, after the Haldi ceremony, the family members started to prepare the nua handia, which was going to be sent to the girl’s family in the evening.
On the marriage day, the bridegroom does not take food in the morning. On the marriage day again, haldi ceremony was held. In the afternoon after the haldi ceremony, the bridegroom was carried by his sister in the neighborhood for collecting rations as a token of love and affection. Then he was subjected to ritualistic bathing with the holy water and in the stream. On arrival at the stream, the participants consisting of children, teenagers, adult women started ritualistic play in which the bridegroom was continuously smeared with mud. The participants were divided into two groups in which one continuously tried to help them in bathing and the other group tried to put mud. In this process, the two groups started throwing mud at each other. If a girl and boy in this process continuously put mud on each other and develop affection for each other, they are supposed to be the next couple. So this ritual was also very important for showing affection toward the opposite sex. After an hour of enjoyment, the whole game came to an end and the bridegroom was allowed to take bath and wear the new clothes as mentioned above.
In the evening, the bridegroom was decorated with the alta (red dye) in the feet and the chandan (sandal wood paste) dots on the fore head.
In the evening, the near and dear ones who have been invited in the marriage started the journey toward the bride’s village, Nipa, on foot. While walking at many places they stopped and danced. The music was played on the speaker that was carried with them.
After reaching the village, the bride’s mother washed the feet of groom with turmeric water and all the members accompanying the groom were given sweet and water. Bride’s sisters and friends started teasing the groom by forcefully putting sweets in his mouth. It was a fun-filled moment and enjoyed by everyone.
Dehuri of bride’s village started preparing the Mandapa by smearing color, placing essential items such as both boiled and raw rice, four terracotta lamps, one brass lamp, insane sticks, holy water, ghee, some vegetables, small wooden sticks, and many such smaller things that are used by Dehuri to perform the marriage ceremony.
The marriage started with the groom first visiting the Mandapa. The Dehuri chants sacred mantras, which could hardly be heard and the groom does not repeat any chants with dehuri. The chants are mostly to please the forefathers and gods and goddesses and for their blessings.
Then the groom left and bride entered the Mandapa, here the same procedure was followed. Then both the bride and groom entered the Mandapa. The bride’s face was now covered with her sari and the bride’s maternal uncle was given responsibility for giving away the bride to the groom. The ritual was known to them as “Kanyadano.”
Then the bride and groom just completed seven rounds across the Mandapa. Then next important ritual was Khoidaho in which the puffed rice was thrown in fire to appease the fire god. After this the groom puts vermilion on the forehead of the bride with the help of small bamboo stick. The marriage was over. There was an arrangement of feast.
The bride and groom were put in separate rooms to rest. In the morning the bride and groom were given food, and the journey started toward the groom’s village on foot. Upon arrival the bride and groom’s feet where washed by the sister of groom. And the groom generally spent the evening with friends enjoying country liquor and roasted chicken. The next day a grand feast was organized by the groom and his relatives. Most of the villagers are invited in the feast. From this day onward, the newlywed couple stated living together.
11.22 Death among the Paudi Bhuyans
The death is inevitable. It will come on a certain day, maybe tomorrow or day after tomorrow. Bhuyans conceptualized the death as a supernatural incidence. It is always related to the activities of a person, which he carried out in his life that results in the death, as a consequence of punishment. Fear of supernatural is the basis of the perception of all the major life crisis, and death is the ultimate crisis that is conceptualized in the sphere of fear for supernatural.
This may be considered as the reason that Bhuyans are quite conscious to avoid all kinds of culturally prohibited activities and carrying out all the rituals as per their cultural norms to ultimately please the supernatural power to gain its favor [22]. Thus, the influence of supernatural power in all kinds of deaths can easily be established.
Though the Bhuyans are quite aware of the scientific explanation of causes of death such as deadly diseases, snake bite, etc. But they also believe that the cause of such crisis is also influenced by some external agencies such as witches, sorcerers, and the evil eye. The accidental deaths are also influenced by the life activities (Karma).
The existence of the soul and the position of the soul, after separation from the body (it is life activity driven), the concept of rebirth, and finally the treatment of physical body after death are all considered important life activities and are socially bounded.
Types of Death prevail in the Paudi Bhuyans community [23].
Nature and types of death
Death due to old age
Death due to the accident
Death due to witchcraft
God’s desire
Death due to diseases
Death due to snakebite
Death due to murder (rare)
Infant death
Death due to old age: The death for the old age is common to all the living organisms of the world. Due to the natural process of wear and tear and attaining a certain age, the organism has to die. It is considered as natural death. And this is considered as universal truth. Paudi Bhuyans are also not an exception, and they accept the fact very gracefully.
Death due to the accident: This kind of death is considered as ill fate for the dead one. Death is generally associated with his life’s activity. Paudi Bhuyans believe that if the person leading a socially accepted good life is generally immune to the accidental death. But they also believe there are exceptions, where the accident occurs to socially accepted good persons also.
Death due to witchcraft: Deaths that are considered by the Paudi Bhuyans are sudden and generally unexplained causes without prior indications of ill health or any such symptoms and the corpse is being examined by raulia (witch doctor). If after examination rulia confirms that the cause is witchcraft, then after doing prescribed rites for the normal death. The raulia also confirms with his rites that other person of the family may not suffer similar death.
Death due to God’s desire: If any death occurs without any witchcraft symptoms or with prolonged sufferings with uncurable disease. Then that death is ascribed by the Bhuyans as God’s desire.
Death due to Diseases: If any death occurs due to any disease all the prescribed rights that are performed as normal death but with most of his belongings are destroyed either in the pyre or buried with him. In case of children, his toys are also put on the funeral pyre or buried along with him.
Death due to snake bite: The rites associated with the death caused by the snake bite are also being dealt as the death due to old age. But the exception is that his family members have to generally offer goat or big hen in the worship of Bisri-Usha. Otherwise, the other family members may the same fate.
Death due to murder: Paudi Bhuyans nowadays have to consult police and after the autopsy, the body is handed over to the family members for the last rites, which are again similar to the old age death.
Childhood death: When small infants or children die, they are mostly buried. The burial ground may differ though. In some cases, the infants are buried in the vicinity of the dwelling house or in some cases in the community burial ground.
Some omens related to death that are common among the Paudi Bhuyans are as follows:
The howling of dog, which is commonly designated as weeping of dogs.
The unusual cry of the bird, Koyel (Eudynamys schlopaceus).
The fearful dreams of demons and devils are very common before a few days of death.
In the event of death, the prime responsibility is to inform the affine, consanguineal kins, and other known persons of the deceased’s family. Usually on such occasions, no kutumb is expected to carry the message to other people or other villages. It is believed as well as recognized culturally that the kutumbs are usually in grief and remain busy for the treatment of the corpse. The people who are the primary or secondary kins of the deceased and therefore they vary in utter grief. This may be the only reason for refraining the Kutumbs to carry the message of the death to people in other villages. On the other hand, the Bandhus (affine) or the members beyond the lineage who are not primarily or secondarily related to the deceased are sent as messengers on such an occasion.
The economic transaction on such occasions is very negligible and confined only to the payment for rice toward the food on the way. Similarly, the person or relative who received the information also pays the same amount of rice to the messengers for the same purpose. As already mentioned, for a common Bhuyan, the food cost for the messenger is to be borne by the family members of the deceased, whereas, if the deceased is a rank holder of the village, the payment of rice toward food cost is borne by the villagers.
In the house of the deceased, soon after the death, the family members inform all their lineage members first. With the crying of the family members, the message of death reaches all the villagers beyond the lineage immediately. People rush into the house of the deceased. It is the fine and foremost responsibility of the villagers (who are usually the clan lineage member of the deceased) to come forward on such an occasion to prepare the stretcher (Kathagudi) first. Usually, the villagers search for the slender poles either of Sal or Jammu tree and few more branches in the nearby forest to prepare the stretcher. On such occasion, sometimes the villagers donate the wooden poles if they have. Sometimes, the family members also collect the wooden poles for the stretchers. The social responsibility of preparing the stretcher is, therefore, a humanitarian question for all the villages in Paudi Bhuyans society helping in such occasion irrespective of the kinship relation is not based on any other motive than just to help each other.
With the above-stated responsibility of stretcher making cash transaction is not at all given importance. If somebody has the requisite wooden poles, he donates them without any objection and never demands any cash payment. Usually, people help each other in this respect mutually and reciprocally and never demand cash or kind for the material or service. In case, people do not have required wooden poles, some of the villagers or volunteers go to the nearby forest for immediate collection. Mainly because of deceased, on the occasion of grief, no body demands food from the deceased family. Bhuyans are usually buying ropes from the local markets. For the purpose of stretcher making and the expenditure for ropes were born by the family of deceased.
11.23 Rituals observed during Cremation
Carrying the corpse to the funeral site is one of the major activities of the mortuary practice. In this activity, either the lineage numbers or anybody from the village may join. The family members of the deceased may join the group if found capable of carrying the bier. However, it is the responsibility of the villagers either of the same clan or different. The Bandhus or affine may also carry but usually, Paudi Bhuyans prefer to carry the corpse to the cremation ground as fast as possible, which may be within 3–4 hours of death, mainly because the Bandhus or affine live far away and they have to return home. In most of the occasion, they could not come before cremation. Usually, four male members carry the corpse on the stretcher to the funeral site. Women are not allowed to accompany the corpse to the funeral site.
The economic transaction in this activity is quite significant. As the Paudi Bhuyans are living with their family and lineage members, all such activities are performed on the basis of mutual or reciprocal help and people looking at the grief of the deceased’s family members never expect any cash or kind from the deceased’s family. Moreover, all the Paudi Bhuyans are in favor of disposing the corpse at the earliest possible, because of the fact that lineage members cannot take food until the corpse is cremated. Thus, this phase of social responsibility has absolutely no economic transaction.
After reaching the site for cremation, the first responsibility is the cremation. The corpse carriers together with other accompanying villagers to collect firewood either of Sal (Shorea robusta) or Jammun (Syzygium cumini) variety. It is just considered a humanitarian help, which all the villagers render. Most of the elderly people remain at the site till the burial or cremation activities are over.
In preparation of funeral pyre and placing the corpse on the pyre, the responsibility is taken by the same villagers as well as the host family. Paudi Bhuyans ignite the pyre or put the soil on the corpse inside the pit. The eldest son will ignite the pyre, husband in case of wife’s death, or nephew in case the deceased had no son or husband. If no such relative is found, only then any male member who shares the same surname can ignite the pyre.
Soon after the cremation is over, the accompanying villagers go to the pond or river for a ritual bath. After which they come back to the deceased house and stand in front of his house where the water mixed with cow dung and with a copper coin dipped in it is sprinkled over them. Usually, a bunch of sacred grass Durba is kept inside the water for sprinkling. Every person has to sprinkle of water over their own body with the help of grass bunch.
After this, all the accompanying persons go to their own house. This is a social responsibility among the Paudi Bhuyans; on the other hand, the responsibility is bestowed upon the concerned individuals accompanying the corpse to the cremation site. Directly from the cremation site, people come to a pond or streamside where all of them take a clean bath and their clothes are washed by the washerman. Though the Paudi Bhuyans have employed the washerman like the caste people, it was not a practice in the olden days nobody is also able to tell about the exact time of the first introduction of washerman in the Paudi Bhuyans society.
Soon after the cremation activities are over, on the very day to the 10th day there is no significant social or ritual activity in the family of the deceased except to offer food and drink twice a day to the spirit. During daytime, usually boiled rice is offered. The food is generally carried by the lady who usually cooked the food but can be carried by the men also. The place of offering is usually at one end of the village in the direction of the cremation site. It is mandatory that the lady will proceed alone without any accompanying her for such offering. This activity continues up to 11th day.
On the 10th day among the Paudi Bhuyans, the purification rites are usually observed taking into account all the Kutumbs or the consanguines in the village. Usually, the lineage members are to join and participate in the ceremony.
On 11th day morning, ladies wash the wall and floor with cow dung water and clean the kitchen, throw away earthenwares, and get all the clothes washed by the washerman. Just before the bath time, all the lineage members, especially males of primary kins go for tonsuring the head. The females only pare the nails by the barber. At the end, all the members apply turmeric paste on the body and take a ritual bath for purification. Soon after the purificatory bath, the mortuary rituals carried out. Soon after the purificatory bath, the mortuary ritual is over for the people and they come back to their respective houses and take food after cooking.
Usually, on the 10thday, the Bandhus along with the distant Kutumbs reach by the afternoon and the household head has to make all arrangements for their food and accommodation.
Early in the morning when the women remain busy in cleaning the house, all the Kutumb members go to the bank of the river Baitarani and throw the ashes and the earthen pot in the river. Dehuri undertook some rituals in the honor of the spirit. On this occasion the village priest and other leaders have no social responsibility. Only senior Kutumb members perform all the rituals. Social responsibilities of all the male members are outside and females confined to the indoor cleaning.
On 11th day feast is organized for the Bandhus and distant Kutumbs usually carry no rice or goat as gift or help. They simply participate in the feast and disperse.
11.24 Rituals of Burial
Rituals related to burial have some similarities with the rituals related to cremation. The difference is noticed in the burial of the dead body. Dead body is buried in the North-South direction along with the articles, which are used by the deceased. These articles include bedding (mat and pillow), clothing, steel plate, small pitcher (lota), and coins. In case of women, ornaments are buried with the dead body. The burial place is surrounded by stone blocks. Purification is done in 11th day from the date of death. A feast is arranged on the same day.
11.25 Case Study V (death)
Respondent was 34 years old living in the Purna sahi of the village Kuanar. He belongs to Paudi Bhuyans community. His father died 2 months ago on 24-01-2015. He was the eldest son with four siblings. He was the most educated youth in the village, completed higher secondary with distinction, and worked in mines in Suakati area of Keonjhar. His family was among the most affluent families of the village Kuanar. He was not in his home and went for the work when the news arrived of his father’s death. According to him, his father was suffering from heart ailments and had many heart attacks in the past. He took his father to Bhubaneswar for the bypass surgery. But his father’s health did not improve as such. His father was under strict diet and medicines.
He told me that it was a sudden death of his father who was 62 years old due to cardiac arrest. On hearing the news over the telephone from his paternal uncle, he rushed to the home from his office. Upon arrival he saw that many of his relatives had
already arrived and his married sisters along with brother in law also present. After 7–8 hours of death, the local physician from Kanjipani town arrived and the death certificate was issued. After that the dead body was bathed and new clothes were put on. Then the Hindu Brahman from the nearby village was called, and he performed the rituals. The respondent could hardly remember any such rituals.
The male relatives mainly men accompanied the dead to the cremation ground in a small matador vehicle. Most of the personal belongings of his father were taken to cremation ground. His bedsheets, mattress, lota, favorite garments, etc., were taken. They are also disposed of in the cremation ground. They went to the bank of Baitarani River and the Brahman again carried out rituals there. The pyre of wood has been prepared and the dead body was placed over it. He then put fire on the pyre. After the cremation was over, the dom brought some remains of the dead body and put it into a terracotta pot and that pot was then put into the water of Baitarani river. Thus, the ritual was over. All the male kin members shaved their head to show the reverence and affection toward the dead person.
On 11th day to end the pollution period, a feast was organized by the respondent and his relatives. The entire village was invited in the feast.
12. Summary of the chapter
The focus of the chapter is on the economy and social aspects of the Paudi Bhuyans. The economy of Paudi Bhuyans centers on shifting cultivation and gathering of natural resources from the nearby forest. The different lands that are utilized by the Paudi Bhuyans are discussed. Daily life of the Paudi Bhuyans is being discussed with a table showing the daily routine, which shows that they live very simple life. The social organization of Paudi Bhuyans is discussed under the subtopics of family organization that shows the different types of families, village organization, traditional and modern political organization of the Paudi Bhuyans. The kinship organization and the kinship terms are being discussed. That shows a considerable difference from what Roy [4] has observed. It can be said that the influence of Oriya language may have influenced the kinship terms. All the major rituals that are practiced by the Paudi Bhuyans of the village Kuanar are described. These show the prevalence of animism and a partial influence of Hindu rituals and festivals. The life cycle rituals are then discussed in the form of name giving ceremony, marriage, and death. The rituals performed in these ceremonies are discussed in detail. The economic and social organization of Paudi Bhuyans shows that traditional structure of the society is in action in every sphere of village life as well as family and individual level. Most of the rituals performed in different festivals and ceremonies are functioned as group cohesiveness, identity, and to strong bonding of relations between people of the village as well as the other Paudi Bhuyans villagers. The traditional social structure and rituals of Paudi Bhuyans show that they belong to pre-modern societies.
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Written By
Abhishek Bhowmick
Submitted: 31 July 2022Reviewed: 22 August 2022Published: 07 November 2022
Open access peer-reviewed chapter
