Conflict of Power and Leadership among Afro-Pentecostal Churches: Resurrecting the Traditional Model of Transferring Power and Managing Appreciations in Faith-Based Organisations in Zimbabwe

Abstract

It is commonly believed that democratic elections lead to the election of good leaders and help to mitigate conflict of power within organisations. However, power struggles that are associated with leadership succession at the top level and the appreciation of leaders who occupy top positions seem to engender strife in faith-based organisations. Using the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe church (AFM) as a point of reference, this article sets out on the premise that the change of the traditional model of transferring power that occurred from 2000 up to the time of this study and the appreciation of leaders at the top level trigger strife in the AFM. Up to the time of this study, in the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe Church (AFM), there are some innuendos that suggest that during the time that the AFM followed the traditional model of transferring power the older, senior, and mature leaders who assumed top positions of leadership did not put much emphasis on appreciations. Consequently, this article suggests that faith-based organisations should not change their traditional models of transferring power at the top level as well as manage the appreciation of top leaders as a way of mitigating organisational conflict.

1. Introduction

The transferring of leadership and handling of appreciations (hefty financial gifts and benefits associated with top positions of leadership) in faith-based organisations generally trigger a conflict of power. This chapter examines the model of transferring power and the handling of appreciations employed by faith-based organisations, taking the Apostolic Faith Mission Church (AFM) as a point of reference. One of the most critical problems facing the AFM is the conflict of power that is associated with leadership succession and handling of financial benefits called appreciations which manifest in diverse forms such as delay in the holding of tri-annual elections, perceived or real reluctance to relinquish power, handpicking of successors, implementation of contested constitutional reforms and schisms among other issues. Such conflict of power has yielded undesirable consequences both for the image of the AFM in general and the general spiritual well-being of the majority of the ordinary church members in particular. Therefore, there is a need to examine the model of transferring power in the AFM as well as to revisit the handling of appreciations as a way of addressing organisational conflict. This essay explores the need to revisit the traditional model of transferring power and handling of the appreciations as a way of resolving organisational conflict in the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe.

2. Research approach

This research aimed to assess leadership is transferred at the top level in the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe. To systematically achieve this aim, a qualitative research approach was followed through descriptive, explorative, and normative tasks. The descriptive approach led the researcher to find out the status quo about how power is being transferred in the faith-based organisation under review. The explorative task led the researcher to make a comparative analysis of the traditional models of transferring power practised by both the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa (AFMSA) and the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe (AFM). The normative task led the researcher to recommend the traditional model of transferring power and management of appreciations as peace-building models that ought to be employed by the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe (AFM). Sources of data include document analysis and in-depth interviews. The in-depth interviews and focus group discussions were employed and they yielded data that were analysed to inform this study. To identify informants for in-depth interviews and focus group discussions purposive and snowballing convenient sampling techniques were instrumental. I used purposive and snowballing sampling to target pastors, elders, deacons, deaconesses (who include pastors’ wives) and the leaders of the Young People’s Union (YPU). In-depth interviews were held with pastors and lay workers of the AFM in Manicaland North and Manicaland Central Provinces. These sampling techniques proved useful to elicit data from pastors and lay leaders. I considered this group of informants as experts in the ongoing dynamics of power in the church under review. According to Duve and Maitireyi [1], ‘data are the facts, figures and other materials, past and present, that serve as the basis for study and analysis’. Literature on the AFM in Zimbabwe and grey literature on power struggles in the AFM were reviewed, based on their advantage of appraising this study with current and existing dynamics relating to the power contestation being experienced in the AFM. The inclusion criteria for selecting literature on Google involved key concepts such as AFM power struggles. Also, as an active member of the church under review for a period amounting to 24 years, I used my experience as well as my research findings to reach the conclusion that disrespect of seniority which is symbolised by the relegation of the traditional institutionalised leadership succession planning trend, the appreciations, among other issues precipitated widespread power contestation and unrest in the AFM.

3. Statement of the problem

Conflict of power is becoming evident within the AFM’s top leadership ranks. It also seems the conflict of power that is affecting the leadership succession process of the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe (AFM) is further complicated by appreciations. If the legitimacy of the top leader is contested and the appreciations are not managed well it engenders strife in the church. It also triggers appellate court appeals, break-ups, tarnishes the image of the church, and generates civil unrest in the body of Christ. Some church members backslide and those who want to join the church will not be able to do so. The key research question is, how can power be transferred amicably and appreciations managed well in a way that does not degenerate into hostility, appellate courts appeals, and schisms?

4. The rationale for studying the AFM in Zimbabwe Church

According to Ndlovu ([2], pp. 1-4) is presently one of the fastest-growing Pentecostal churches in Zimbabwe. It is also considered to be the mother of Pentecostalism in Zimbabwe [2, 3]. AFM is an offshoot of the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa (AFMSA) (Hwata, 2015; [2, 3, 4, 5, 6]). Ndlovu ([2], p. 119) further argues that;

Langton Kupara became the first A.F.M.Z.’s black Superintendent in 1983. According to Madziyire and Risinamhodzi (2016, p. 73) Pastor Gashwend officially handed over A.F.M. to local leadership in 1983. During the occasion Gashwend gave Langton Kupara a golden watch, making the complete transformation of A.F.M.S.A. into A.F.M.Z.

Several studies that have been undertaken from within the context of the AFM have both directly and indirectly alluded to the leadership crisis that is becoming evident in the AFM [2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10]. It is also worth noting that right at the beginning of this work to this present day, AFM has been characterised by innuendos that suggest that the gigantic Pentecostal movement is embroiled in its worst power contestation ever since it became an indigenous church ([2], pp. 1-4; [3, 5, 8]). According to The AFM New Life Assembly Church of Chitungwiza, Harare, website: ‘The work of the AFM in Zimbabwe is said to have begun in 1915 in Gwanda through the preaching of Zacharias Manamela, a convert of the AFM of South Africa.’¹ Similarly, Chivasa [7] observes that, “It has long been recognised that the Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM) in Zimbabwe church is the mother of Pentecostalism in Zimbabwe (Hwata 2005, p. 27; [4], p. 18; [3], p. 31; [6], p. 2). In 2015, the AFM in Zimbabwe celebrated 100 years of active ministry across Zimbabwe (Madziyire & Risinamhodzi 2015, p. 105; Murefu 2015, p. 1) and the denomination claims to have more than two million members (http://www.pindula.co.zw) in a population of 13 million people ([4], p. 17).”

Additionally, several young churches look up to AFMZ as a role model of Pentecostalism that is not only pastoring its members only but it is pastoring other churches too. Machingura [4] further posits that, “The interest on AFM cannot be overlooked considering the number of followers that the church commands, yet surprisingly not much has been done by scholars in terms of research save to mention in passing its existence as one of the biggest Pentecostal churches” [4]. The motivation to conduct this analysis was sparked by two factors. The first was the prevalence of leadership succession-related power contestation in the AFM. The second was that no efforts to date have been made to examine the change of the traditional model of transferring power as the main contributing factor to the widespread power contestation that has engendered incessant schisms in the church under review. As such the current study attempts to fill this gap and it makes a case for the need to resurrect the traditional institutionalised leadership succession planning trend as well as advocates for the responsible management of appreciations as the panacea to the conflict of power that is currently rocking the AFM in Zimbabwe. To interrogate the conflict of power, this research was guided by the following three questions: What evidence is there that there is a conflict of power associated with leadership succession in the AFM? Which factor(s) mainly contributed to the widespread conflict of power in the AFM? How significant is the traditional model of transferring power and appreciations at the top level in the AFM?

5. Overview of organisational conflict and leadership succession in the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe (AFM)

The findings of this study show that there is a nexus between organisational conflict and leadership succession in the AFM. Of late there has been considerable interest in leadership succession issues in the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe (AFM) ([3], Nhumburudzi and Kurebwa 2018). To give up-to-date examples of the most typical leadership-related conflict of power experienced in the AFM from 2015 to 2019, I refer to seven articles elicited by the Google search mentioned in the previous paragraph. These eight articles were carried in local newspapers in Zimbabwe:

• AFM Factions Come Close To Blows In Milton Park [12]

• AFM Top Brass Suspended [13]

• AFM leadership wrangle persists [14]

• WATCH: ‘Jambanja MuChurch!’—DRAMA As FIST FIGHT Breaks Out In ‘AFM Church’ Over Power Struggle [15].

• AFM power wrangle rages [16].

• AFM church saga deepens [17]

• AFM remains in limbo [18]

• AFM remains in limbo [19]

• Overstaying AFM leader splits church [20]

• AFM church hires NIKUV to rig pastors’ election [21]

• AFM church in dirty election rigging: Court papers [22]

At the time of this study, the ongoing leadership succession-related conflict of power in the AFM have since spilled into the court of law that is yet to decide on who is the legitimate leader of the AFM as reported by the following contribution on Good Morning Zimbabwe of 17 February 2019 which thus elaborates, “This (leadership succession contestation)… resulted in the two factions electing parallel leaderships with one led by Rev. Madawo and the other siding with Rev. Chiangwa. The legitimacy battle has since spilled into the courts and is yet to be decided” [23].

The above-mentioned conflict of power has also yielded undesirable consequences both for the image of church organisation in general and the well-being of the ordinary church members in particular. The study further stresses that resurrecting the traditional model of transferring power and managing the appreciations will help the church to address the leadership succession power contestation that has arguably led to the AFM’s first wholesale schism since it became an indigenous church in 1983. This schism occurred on the 22nd of September 2018. The AFM split is confirmed by the following report which thus elaborates;

AFM’s total split was yesterday confirmed with the holding of elections by the faction led by Reverend Cossum Chiangwa held at the church’s Rufaro Conference Centre in Chatsworth. The faction aligned to Rev. Chiangwa participated in the elections that were held on Saturday putting a stamp to the split with the Reverend Aspher Madziyire grouping [24].

The history of the traditional model of transferring power in the AFM cannot be fully comprehended without linking it to the history of transferring power in the AFMSA. AFM is an off shoot of AFMSA (Hwata, 2015; [2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 10]). Since this research is based on insights that were gained from the field research conducted in pursuance of a doctoral programme [25] part of my PhD, both the AFM gatekeepers and the University of KwaZulu-Natal provided ethical clearance. Ethical approval to conduct the study was obtained from the University of KwaZulu-Natal, Humanities and Social Sciences Research Committee (reference no. HSS/1768/017D).

There is a need to examine the model of transferring power and the management of appreciations in the AFM to know how best to address the current standoff. To do this, examining the history of the leadership succession trend in both the AFMSA and the AFM is critical as it provides the bedrock for addressing the conflict of power rocking the AFM. It seems right from their inception both the AFM and AFMSA followed the model of transferring power at the top level that valued seniority. Nhumburudzi [3] posits that the AFM of South Africa was founded in 1908 by two American Missionaries, who are John Graham Lake and Thomas Hezmalhalch. Nhumburudzi [3] further postulates that, “When the Mission was formalised, Thomas Hezmalhalch was elected the first President of the Apostolic Faith Mission Church on 27th May 1909 while John G. Lake was the Vice President, probably because Hezmalhalch was older than Lake.” In support of the traditional model of transferring power alluded to above, Nhumburudzi [3] categorically states that it was the AFM of South Africa deputy president, Lake who succeeded Hezmalhalch as president as narrated below; “By the end of 1910, Thomas Hezmalhalch had returned to the U.S.A after serving a one year term and John G. Lake became the President for three years until 1913 when he also went back to U.S.A.”

Coming to the AFM, Nhumburudzi [3] notes that, “The history of the AFM presidential succession has mostly seen the Deputy President succeeding the President. Reverend J. Mvenge was Deputy to the first black AFM in Zimbabwe leader, Reverend Langton Kupara and succeeded him after his death. Reverend Mvenge was also succeeded by his deputy Reverend Stephen Mutemererwa.” Rev. Mutemererwa was also succeeded by his deputy Manyika and up to the time of this study it is only Rev. Manyika and Rev. Madziyire who have not been succeeded by their deputies and somehow the above shows a violation of the institutionalised leadership succession trend. Similarly, Ndlovu ([2], p. 120) reinforces that;

After his departure, his then Deputy Superintendent, Rev. Jeffries Mvenge was appointed the next A.F.M.Z. According to Madziyire and Risinamhodzi (2016, p. 93) Mvenge retired in 1996 and his Deputy President Rev. Stephen Mutemererwa was elected the President.” Ndlovu ([2], p. 121) adds that, Reverend Enos Manyika was Stephen Mutemererwa’s Deputy President and was elected his successor in the year 2000 after Mutemererwa’s retirement.

Related to the foregoing, Murefu [26] posits that, “The correct position is that the previous presidents were actually elected from among the then executive council members by the executive council itself and mandated by the workers’ council. We then went for an electoral college with equal representatives from the provinces to elect Rev. Enos Manyika then Rev. Madziyire respectively.” Murefu further clarifies that, “the term executive was used before it became apostolic council. There were only 6 provinces then, then the bible college principal and other heads of departments” [26]. So from the time, the AFM in Zimbabwe became an indigenous church in 1983 ([3], p. 34) and during the successive years up to the time of the immediate past president, the church followed a traditional model of transferring power at the top level which saw the outgoing presidents always being succeeded by his deputy president up to the time of Manyika. This model of transferring power enabled older, senior, experienced and mature leaders to assume leadership at the top level. In support of the traditional model of transferring power, C. Reus-Smit [27] reinforces that, “In a nutshell, the concept of binding institutions suggests a constitutional order that helps to lock-in a set of rules that will outlast change in the distribution of power. In the same vein, E. Frantz and E.A. Stein [28] posit that, “institutionalised succession rules hamper coordination efforts among coup plotters… by assuaging the ambition of some elites who have more to gain with patience than with plotting.”

My analysis revealed that it is mainly the changing of the traditional model of transferring power which valued seniority which has triggered a widespread conflict of power in the AFM. This is an analysis of the fourth chapter of my doctoral thesis on the dynamics of power and its implications on leadership succession, governance and peacebuilding in the Apostolic Faith Mission in Zimbabwe (AFM).

Both the print and electronic media are rife with stories relating to conflict of power that is becoming evident in the AFM. Consequently, for the past couple of years, AFM has been characterised by innuendos that suggest the prevalence of conflict of power which have since spilled into the secular courts [2, 3, 8]. In support of the above standpoint, Nhumburudzi [3] echoes identical sentiments when he contends that, the immediate past president’s “Administration has suffered the most break-aways ever experienced in the history of the AFM church.”

Although, conflict of power is common within organisations including Christian organisations, it is a cause for great concern that the conflict of power that the church has been experiencing over the past couple of years has finally resulted in the church’s worst split ever since it became an indigenous church. The conflict of power that is becoming evident in the AFM is linked to appreciations. Historically, from the time that AFM started in Zimbabwe until 2003, leadership succession in the AFM followed a trend that saw the deputy president succeeding the outgoing president. This ensured smooth transfer of power as leadership easily changed hands from one senior pastor onto another senior pastor. However, both in 2003 and 2018, relatively young presidents took over the leadership of the gigantic Pentecostal movement and this has sparked conflict of power in the church. The church has since split into two major factions, the Madawo and the Chiangwa factions. Chiangwa is a relatively old senior pastor who is also a former long-time provincial overseer and deputy president of the AFM while Madawo is a relatively young pastor who is a former long-time provincial overseer and general-secretary of the AFM. During the in-depth interviews, the informants reported that the traditional model of transferring power valued seniority. Even though the Constitution and Regulations outline how the president is elected from among the overseers who have served for at least two terms [3], all the respondents who were interviewed in this study strongly believed that revisiting the traditional model of transferring power that valued seniority leadership appointment at the top level and managing appreciations are the panacea to the leadership difficulties being experienced in the church.

6. Conceptualising conflict of power and resurrection

6.1 Conflict of power

To a greater extent, this study concurs with Mapuranga [29] who conceives conflict of power as a struggle for power that occurs between individuals and among groups. She further argues that the general conception that power struggles are associated with secular politics only is erroneous. She adds that wherever we find a contest for power between individuals and groups, dynamism of power is present. She further contends that there is nothing amiss in problematizing power struggles occurring in the church or analysing it using a political lens, hence this study [29].

6.2 Resurrection

To avoid the ambiguity associated with the use of terms in everyday usage, this study relied on the following dictionary definition of resurrection which is proffered by the Cambridge Dictionary to mean, “the act or fact of bringing someone back to life, or bringing something back into use or existence” [30]. Similarly, the Merriam Webster Dictionary defines the concept resurrection to mean, “to bring to view, attention, or use again” [31].

7. An evaluative discussion of traditional models of transferring power in faith-based organisations

Chivasa [32, 33] laments that; it is adversarial conflict resolution that has engendered unrest in the AFM. However, this study proposes the need to revisit the traditional model of transferring power as the panacea to the leadership difficulties that are being experienced in AFM for a plethora of reasons. First, the ballot system is believed to have led to the appointment of novices. Resonating with the findings of this study, in his study Nhumburudzi [3] notes that the election system has led to the election of ungroomed leaders. Similarly, Ndlovu ([2], p. 140) observes that;

It was found that the leadership wrangles, church politicking and association of leadership positions with financial benefits have led to great complications in the patterns of successions within A.F.M.Z.

Commenting on the advent of elections in the AFMZ, Ndlovu ([2], p. 68) reinforces that from its inception the AFMZ used an institutionalised leadership succession trend which used the appointing system before it transitioned to the ballot system. He thus elaborates that;

The A.F.M. Church from its inception used to appoint its leaders in positions of authority. The system of appointing leaders in positions later proved to be problematic and the church opted for elections through secret ballots (Madziyire and Rinamodzi, 2016, p. 91).

Nhumburudzi [3] further observes that the;

The history of the AFM reveals that schism within the AFM started in the early years of the Church in South Africa under the leadership of Reverend Le Roux, John G. Lake’s successor, who was elected President in 1913, a role he filled until 1943. According to Horn (2006), in 1919, under Le Roux’s leadership, the black African Zionist Church withdrew accusing the AFM leadership of practicing racism in the church.

Although by and large his study decries the shortcomings of the ballot system due to its manipulability by the incumbency, and the unprecedented strife that it has caused and so on, Nhumburudzi [3] surprisingly seems to proceed to endorse the same ballot model by claiming when he claims that:

The responses indicated that the election succession system ensured stability to the church during leadership changes when Pentecostal leadership power was transferred from one leader to another. The AFM Church in Zimbabwe had continued to survive through four successive leadership power transfers in the past by using the ballot. ([3], p. 8)

Chivasa concurs that the ballot has caused discord in the AFMZ but he does not argue well how this leadership succession power contestation that has spilled into the court of law can be addressed serve for the institution of dispute resolution mechanisms which he proposes. However, to me Chivasa’s Dispute Resolution Framework is an attempt to address the fruits and not the root causes of the power contestation in the AFMZ [8]. Similarly, Machingura [9] laments the prevalence of win-lose conflict resolution that is practiced in the AFMZ and has seen some pastors being pushed out of the church but he again does not seem to offer any feasible solution about how the prevalent power contestation can be addressed.

However, it is on record that, by and large Ndlovu ([2], p. 68) categorically castigates the ballot system when he posits that;

This study made an enquiry to assess the reliability of the use of elections within the A.F.M.Z. today. Responding to the question of how they observe the use of elections as a system of appointing leaders into positions of authority, the respondents revealed that this has created untold problems.

Ndlovu ([2], p. 68) elaborates that the;

The idea of holding elections was never there in the A.F.M.Z. Initially, we were told that the man in charge would order people to pray, after prayer the Spirit of God will lead the church to the right leader. This was possible because the church was still growing and there were less complications. Since then the church opted for the conduction of elections. However, it has turned to be a problem again. Respondent E.M48 observes that elections have created a lot of challenges within the church. In the run-up to elections, many people are deliberately doing ungodly things in order to get into power or remain in power. As a result, a lot of dirty dealings, unimaginable, are happening in the church to the extent of some being victimized and tainted so that they do not contest the elections (Respondent E.M48). In support of this observation Respondent M.G52 points out that there is are a great number of campaigns and pulling down each other during election years. Hence this puts the unity of the church in a compromised position.

However, after immaculately observing the shortcomings of the ballot, Ndlovu [2] proceeds to make insinuations that suggest that the leadership-succession-related power contestation that is being experienced in the AFMZ can only be sufficiently addressed if the existing constitution is amended with the active participation of all the key stakeholders. It is however noteworthy that Ndlovu ([2], p. 197) recommends that, “More research is recommended in coming up with an effective, transparent and accountable system of appointing leaders into positions within the Pentecostal churches in Zimbabwe” and this is a gap that this study has attempted to fill.

The majority of the participants who took part in this study expressed the view that the changing of the traditional model of transferring power gave rise to the handpicking of a successor by the outgoing president.

The former president (Rev. Manyika) influenced the election of the incumbent president Bishop (Rev. Madziyire) and now Bishop Madziyire now wants to facilitate the appointment of his successor (Rev. Madawo) who would protect his interests and also the interests of his predecessor. At the time that the incumbent Bishop was elected to be the president he was not the best leader. There were other more deserving more experienced, more senior and more mature leaders who included, Rev. T.I. Murefu who was the then General Secretary of AFMZ and the renowned late Evangelist Phanuel Chiweshe who were expected to take over the reins of power. Chiweshe was appointed in America [34]

The data collected in this study suggested that in 2003 Manyika used the ballot to facilitate the handpicking of his preferred successor. The above-mentioned handpicking of a preferred successor is also alleged to have been done by Madziyire in 2018. Madziyire is alleged to have delayed the elections to allow his preferred successor Madawo to attain the minimum age of 50 years. Chivasa [8] argues that the minimum age required for one to become the president in the AFMZ is 50 years. It is also possible that the relegation of the ILST was facilitated by the fact that according to Nhumburudzi [3] “Both president and his deputy, were retired in 2003 when their ages hit the 65 line.” Nhumburudzi ([3], p. 35) further claims that consequently, “a young president was voted in 2003.” According to Murefu [35], the president (2003–2018) “served his probation under his predecessor (Rev. Manyika) in Bulawayo.” The findings of this research demonstrate that the election of the president (2003–2018) was received with mixed feelings in the church. A focus group discussion with elders suggested the above handpicking of the successor. One elder said;

It’s Rev. Manyika who cooked the whole controversial top leadership succession which led to the election of the immediate past president (Rev. Madziyire). At the time he was elected the immediate past president (2003–2018) was little known and when he was elected everyone expressed dismay. There were other more senior and experienced leaders who were better qualified to become president the likes of Rev. T.I. Murefu and the late renowned Evangelist Rev. Chiweshe [36].

Another elder who participated in the focus group discussion was of the view that, “The president (2003–2018) is the project of the immediate past president. It is the immediate past president who facilitated the election of the incumbent president” [37]. It is therefore possible that one of the most senior pastors Rev. T.I. Murefu who was the then general secretary of the AFM and was highly expected to succeed Rev. Manyika was possibly side-lined from the leadership succession race consequent to the allegation of sexual misconduct that was levelled against him. According to Chivasa [7] alleged acts of misconducts such as sexual misconducts of pastors are not taken lightly in the AFM. He however does not unpack how the handling of pastoral misconducts could be linked to leadership succession power contestation in the AFM. In addition to his seniority, it also seems Rev. Titus Murefu qualified to succeed Manyika by virtue of his being the then general secretary of the AFMZ. The fitness of the general secretary in the leadership succession equation is observed by Nhumburudzi [3] notes that some of the participants he interviewed in his study on leadership succession on ZAOGA categorically stated that, the Secretary-General appeared to be the second favourite to the succession of the ZAOGA leadership post after Mai Guti. The fitness of the Secretary-General in the top leadership succession equation is also reinforced by Magaracha and Masengwe [38] in their study on the leadership succession in the Johane Marange Apostolic Church where they argue that the church’s secretary Mushati was also expected to succeed Johane Marange. The other favourable candidate who was heir apparent was Evangelist Chiweshe. According to the former Secretary-General of AFM in Zimbabwe who is the incumbent president (Rev. Madawo), “Evangelist Chiweshe had been an evangelist since 1985 and he also worked as a pastor in the United States between 2001 and 2003” [39]. So it seems when the elections were held in May 2003, Evangelist Chiweshe had been away for nearly 2 years which made it very difficult for him to make it even if he participated in the elections. However, upon returning from America an informal discussion that was held between the late Evangelist and the researcher, the late renowned Evangelist Chiweshe [40] claimed that in America he had been appointed at a non-existent congregation by the then president Rev. Manyika and the above suggests relegation of some sort. However, it is no secret that late Evangelist Chiweshe is highly regarded in the history of the AFMZ as reported below, “We last heard of AFM crusades during the days of the late Rev Masiyambiri and the late great general of God Rev. Chiweshe” [41]. It, therefore, seems it was through the side-lining of both Murefu and Chiweshe that Manyika managed to create room for his preferred handpicked successor.

The foregoing discussion sought to illustrate how the research participants in this study think that the AFM president (2003–2018) was handpicked to become the president against the ILST of the AFMZ which valued seniority. Related to the foregoing, commenting on the premature election of the president (2003–2018), Ndlovu ([2], p. 123) posits that, “In 2003, he (immediate past president 2003–2018) was elected Overseer of Bulawayo Province and the same year he was elected the A.F.M.Z. President, a post he never expected to hold at that time (Madziyire & Risinamhodzi, 2016, p. 101).” In support of the above, Madziyire and Risinamhodzi (2016) echo that the long-time serving president (2003–2018) was elected to become president at a very young age in 2003.The importance assigned to the institutionalised leadership succession trend in the AFMZ is further emphasised by an Elder [42] who was one of the research participants who pointed out that the immediate past bishop (2003–2018) was not the rightful candidate for the post of president. He thus elaborated; “The president is too junior. The leadership succession trend was such that the more senior would lead. While in the secular world it is acceptable for a junior to lead a senior in church it is not acceptable for a junior to lead a senior.”

The supremacy of the traditional model of transferring power is authenticated by the below-mentioned findings that came from the research participants who participated in this study.

• When the AFMZ became an indigenous church it did not follow the constitution in electing its top leaders. Consequently, the late Reverend Kupara who is the first black superintendent was not elected using the ballot but he was simply appointed based on age, leadership experience, seniority and maturity [43].

• Rev. Kupara was appointed based on seniority. In the past the one who was appointed first would be the leader. It had become the tradition of the church that the president is succeeded by his deputy president [44].

• It had become our tradition in A.F.M.Z that the deputy will always succeed his senior. Reverend Kupara was appointed based on seniority. The failure to respect seniors started in Harare when the late Rev. Mazadza was removed from leadership by Rev. T.I. Murefu. It then spread to other provinces [45].

• In the past people used to have a lot of respect for their leader in the church because leadership was earned through seniority. People would look forward to lean more from them. It seems people do not have much to learn from the current president (2003–2018). The precedent that has been set is enabling novices to assume key leadership positions and this is creating problems [46].

• Moreover, the current president is too junior. He did not do anything to qualify for that top position. In the secular world some junior people are qualified to lead adults by virtue of their education, training and skills [47].

• The president (2003–2018) is too junior. The leadership succession trend was such that the more senior would lead. In the past people used to have a lot of respect for their leaders in the church because leadership was earned through seniority [46].

• The leadership succession was such that the more senior would lead. But after president Manyika a more junior president took over and this caused leadership problems in the AFMZ [47].

• The church was supposed to use its traditional way of appointing leaders [48].

• In the past it was easy to predict that so and so was going to become the next leader [49].

A closer examination of the above-mentioned key research findings that came from the research participants who participated in this study show that they unanimously concur that the traditional model of transferring power was the best as it valued seniority and also made it possible for the deputy to succeed the president. It may be possible that one weakness of the ILST was that it made no provision for the situations where the president retired together with his deputy. Nhumburudzi [3] claims Manyika retired together with his deputy. Madziyire also cites similar allegations that his deputy Chiangwa who was also supposed to retire together with him in 2018, altered his birth certificate to reduce his age. The above sentiment of self-qualification is echoed by the remarks that were made by a Bishop who was interviewed in this study who categorically stated that, “The system of electing leaders has been hijacked and those who do not qualify want to qualify themselves” [50].

In the foregoing discussion, it was argued that the ILST was practiced in both the AFMSA and the AFMZ. According to Leavy and D. Wilson [51], institutionalised leadership succession patterns dominate unless crisis (real or manufactured) force the hand of change. While an elder who participated in this study alluded that the changing of the traditional model of transferring power was caused by the generation gap that was mainly necessitated by the absence of pastors who were in their 60’s who would replace Manyika [44], this view was refuted by a Bishop who was interviewed in a separate interview in this study, who instead argued, “The sitting leaders kill others who have potential and thereby create an artificial leadership vacuum so that there is no one who qualify to take over from them” [52].

In the same line of thought, Ndlovu ([2], p. 68) posits that “The A.F.M. Church from its inception used to appoint its leaders in positions of authority. The system of appointing leaders in positions later proved to be problematic and the church opted for elections through secret ballots (Madziyire and Risinamhodzi, 2016, p. 91).”

It however seems both Murefu, and Ndlovu [2] do not elaborate on what went wrong with the traditional model of transferring power in the AFM. However, somehow, discarding the traditional model of transferring power, Ndlovu ([2], p. 142) alludes that, “there was always a tendency to centralise authority in a few figures or councils.” Similarly, Musariri [5] argues that the ILST was dropped because it ended up being manipulated by a few but still he does not elaborate on how the manipulation occurred.

In support of the traditional model of transferring power that ensured the election of mature senior leaders, Musariri ([5], p. 36) argues that, “It has been discussed in various AFM WhatsApp chart groups such as AFM national pastors’ forum and AFM in Zimbabwe Gotekwa where AFM is accused by some for failing to play a fatherly role to avoid splits.” In support of the traditional model of transferring power, where leadership changed hands from the president to the deputy president, Musariri ([5], p. 17) notes that:

In 1983 Rev. Gashwend officially handed over AFM to Langton Kupara to mark the complete transformation of AFM South Africa into AFM in Zimbabwe. The church continued to rapidly grow all over the country until now. Rev. Jeffries Mvenge became the next AFM president taking over from Langton Kupara and was succeeded by Steven Mutemererwa. Mutemererwa was succeeded by Enos Manyika and Aspher Madziyire tookover.

Related to the foregoing, Ndlovu ([2], p. 119) reinforces that;

Langton Kupara became the first A.F.M.Z.’s black Superintendent in 1983. According to Madziyire and Risinamhodzi (2016, p. 73), Pastor Gashwend officially handed over A.F.M. to local leadership in 1983. During the occasion Gashwend gave Langton Kupara a golden watch, making the complete transformation of A.F.M.S.A. into A.F.M.Z.

Furthermore, Ndlovu [2] categorically states that;

After his departure (Rev. Kupara), his then Deputy Superintendent, Rev. Jeffries Mvenge was appointed the next A.F.M.ZAccording to Madziyire and Risinamhodzi (2016, p. 93) Mvenge retired in 1996 and his Deputy President Rev. Stephen Mutemererwa was elected the President. Reverend Enos Manyika was Stephen Mutemererwa’s Deputy President and was elected his successor in the year 2000 after Mutemererwa’s retirement.” ([2], pp. 120-121).

In the same vein, Nhumburudzi [3] posits that;

When the Mission (AFMSA) was formalized, Thomas Hezmalhalch was elected the first President of the Apostolic Faith Mission Church on 27th May 1909 while John G. Lake was the Vice President, probably because Hezmalhalch was older than Lake [3]. The history of the AFM presidential succession has mostly seen the Deputy President succeeding the President. //Reverend J. Mvenge was Deputy to the first black AFM in Zimbabwe leader, Reverend Langton Kupara and succeeded him after his death. Reverend Mvenge was also succeeded by his deputy Reverend Stephen Mutemererwa [3]

The foregoing supports the research findings which stated that the traditional model of transferring power saw the outgoing president being succeeded by his deputy president. The traditional model of transferring power suffered a major blow when it was replaced by the ballot system which led to the election of juniors’ key positions of influence which is believed to have engendered leadership difficulties in the AFMZ. Resonating with the above standpoint, Ndlovu ([2], pp. 2-7) states that currently AFMZ is facing leadership challenges which are “fast destroying the great work done by those who shouldered it first.”

Ndlovu ([2], p. 140) further argues that, It was found that the leadership wrangles, church politicking and association of leadership positions with financial benefits have led to great complications in the patterns of successions within A.F.M.Z.

Ndlovu ([2], p. 140) further reveals the secret behind the traditional model of transferring power as follows, “succession tended to be bestowed on those who most imbibed the ethos of the Pentecostal movement.” Similarly, scholars also confirm the pattern through which leadership changed hands in both the AFMSA and the AFM. According to Nhumburudzi [3] it was the AFMSA deputy president, Lake who succeeded Hezmalhalch as president as follows; “By the end of 1910, Thomas Hezmalhalch had returned to the U.S.A after serving a one year term and John G. Lake became the President for three years until 1913 when he also went back to U.S.A.” ([3], p. 32) So it can be safely argued that the top leadership succession trends of both AFMSA and AFM followed a pattern that saw the deputy president succeeding the president.

In support of the institutionalised leadership succession trend, Govea & Holm ([53], p. 130) posit that, “the leadership succession system conforms to a set of predetermined and widely acceptable rules. Legitimacy is claimed by the process of selection to the extent that it honours those rules.” Similarly, Habisso concludes by recommending that to eradicate the leadership succession woes there is a need to ensure:

In conclusion I wish to emphasize that any country, organization or institution worth its name and reputation should have a well-defined, regulated and transparent system for determining leadership succession. Such an institutionalized system is a key requirement for good governance.

In the same vein, C. Reus-Smit [27] reinforces that, of some elites who have more to gain with patience than with plotting.” “In a nutshell, the concept of binding institutions suggests a constitutional order that helps to lock-in a set of rules that will outlast change in the distribution of power.” In the same line of thought, Frantz and Stein [28] assert that, “institutionalised succession rules hamper coordination efforts among coup plotters… by assuaging the ambition”.

Related to the foregoing, Nhariswa [54] castigates the ballot system as a viable means of effecting leadership succession. He further claims that elections can be manipulated and consequently engender strife in the Church and he recommends the need to have institutionalised leadership succession planning systems.

It also goes without mentioning that although Nhumburudzi [3] immaculately observes that; “It was established that in previous elections, only 3 candidates out of over 1000 pastors would be eligible to contest for the Presidency. Voters were thus forced to come out with a president from the few presented qualifying candidates,” it seems he failed to appreciate how the traditional model of transferring power made it possible for only one person that is the deputy president to qualify to succeed the outgoing president. Consequently, there was virtually no need to have many qualifying candidates. However, one elder [44] who was interviewed in this study argued that the violation of seniority did not first occur at the national level but it first occurred at the provincial level as explained below, “the violation of the seniority-based top leadership succession started in Harare when Rev. T.I. Murefu removed Rev. M. Mazadza as overseer and it then spread to other provinces” [45].

The above resonates with Ndlovu ([2], p. 62) who categorically states that his study, “…also noted the leadership succession patterns as a concern today.” In light of the foregoing discussion, it is the position of this study that it is mainly the change of the traditional model of traengendered strife in the AFMZ. The above explains why, Ndlovu ([2], pp. 2-7) is of the conviction that currently A.F.M.Z is facing acute leadership challenges which are “fast destroying the great work done by those who shouldered it first.” Ndlovu ([2], p. 3) further laments that;

The A.F.M.Z conducted and celebrated its centennial existence in style in August 2015 at Rufaro National Conference Centre2 in Chatsworth, Masvingo. The event was meaningful but the researcher observed many areas of concern in the church’s managerial and leadership preparedness to face the future and remain spiritually effective. However, the imminent danger is the collapse of the unique spiritual culture and ethos within the Pentecostal churches if they do not keep themselves focused and aligned with the apostolic vision.

Ndlovu ([2], p. 5) adds that, “It was found that the leadership wrangles, church politicking and association of leadership positions with financial benefits have led to great complications in the patterns of successions within A.F.M.Z.” It, therefore, seems it is the above scenario that led Ndlovu ([2], p. 197) to conclude his study by recommending that, “More research is recommended in coming up with an effective, transparent and accountable system of appointing leaders into positions within the Pentecostal churches in Zimbabwe” and this study attempted to fill that gap.

To this end, it can be firmly stated that from its inception until 2003, AFM followed a traditional model of transferring power that valued seniority and ensured that the outgoing president was succeeded by his deputy president. As shown above, the traditional model of transferring power made it possible for senior and mature leaders to assume leadership at the top level of the church. These leaders who were appointed using the traditional model of transferring power did not emphasis appreciations. Consequently, there was little or no widespread conflict of power which was triggered by the love for appreciations by the top-level leaders in the AFM and the church experienced relative peace.

8. An evaluative discussion of management of appreciations in faith-based organisations

A close analysis of the findings of this study shows that in addition to the changing of the traditional model of transferring power, conflict of power in the AFM was also triggered by appreciations. Up to the time of this study, some pastors, all the overseers, and the president in the AFM have access to hefty monetary benefits called ‘appreciations’. It is argued that the leadership succession patterns in the AFM are being complicated by appreciations ([3]; Nhumburudzi and Kurebwa, 2018). The appreciation is also cited as having triggered the dynamics of power in the AFM [2, 5]. Similarly, Ndlovu [2] reinforces those appreciations are causing strife and hatred in the AFM. He proceeds to lament that the concentration of monetary benefits is creating divisions and economic disparities among pastors and engendering unethical practices in managing resources. This is harming followers in the AFM ([2], p.138). Chivasa [33] defines conflict as an expressed struggle for scarce rewards among other contributing factors. According to Baser and Ozerdem [55] many scholars agree that for any peace process to be successful, it must address the underlying causes of the conflict in question [55]. This section will explore the conflict of power in the AFM. A closer examination of the above-mentioned research findings clearly shows that there is power conflict in the AFM. The prevalence of conflict of power in the AFM is also alluded to by scholars who include, but are not limited to, Nhumburudzi (2017), Nhumburudzi and Kurebwa (2018), Chivasa and Mupangwa and Chirongoma (2020), Musariri [5], and Chivasa [33] who are cited above among other writers. The conflict of power in the AFM is triggered by the financial benefits that are associated with the positions of overseer and president [2, 5]. All the respondents who were interviewed in this study alluded to the conflict of power that is becoming evident in the AFM. It is also highlighted that the conflict of power is a result of financial benefits that are popularly known as “Appreciations” in the AFM. Resonating with the findings of this study, Ndlovu ([2], p. 140) argues that appreciation-related power struggles are “complicating the leadership succession patterns in the AFM.” According to one Pastor B (not his real name, interviewed, 31 May 2018), “The love for appreciations has engendered conflict of power. Right now we have overseers and president whose term of office has expired and they are clinging to power” [56].

In the same vein, Elder E who was also interviewed in this study had the following to say “There is power contestation as to whether we should start with elections or reforms” [57]. Resonating with the findings of this research, Chivasa [8] notes that “The increasing number of disputes involving leadership in the AFM in Zimbabwe has been so dramatic.” Resonating with the findings of this study on the prevalence of the conflict of power in the AFM, Musariri [5] advances that conflict of power is prevalent in the AFM. He, however, seems to blame the young pastors who broke away from the AFM as power-hungry. He, therefore, does not argue well how the senior pastors also exuded power-hungry tendencies to remain in positions of authority for extended periods. “It was announced during AFM (National Workers Council) in 2016 that the church leadership has been taken to secular courts by people who were challenging the legibility of 2015 national elections. Hunger for power may result in splits in the AFM because of its system” ([7], p. 42).

Additionally, indirectly alluding to the conflict of power existing between the clergy and the lay workers in the AFM, Musariri [5] argues that:

Overseer Nhira in an interview says that in AFM after the missionaries left, the congregations were led by elders because the pastors were very few. These elders were not hungry for title and even for money because they served without receiving any payment from the church. However, they were willing to work for free because they did it on a part-time basis. The current AFM constitution does not allow any pastor to be employed in a secular job except after being given written permission from the Apostolic Council (AFM constitution Chapter 15.30.1). This can also be a reason for pastors to end up manipulating the Scriptures for personal gain especially during the time of scarcity of resources like in the current Zimbabwean economic instability. An attempt to control them may end in a split.

However, it is noteworthy that the majority of the male participants who were interviewed in this study considered the above conflict of power as having been engendered by the competition for financial resources. It is argued that the leadership succession patterns in the AFM are being complicated by appreciations ([3]; Nhumburudzi and Kurebwa, 2018). The appreciation is also cited as having triggered the dynamics of power in the AFMZ [2, 5]. It is therefore suggested that there is a need to revisit the appreciation in the AFMZ.

Gathogo [58] belabours to convince his readers that Afro-Pentecostal churches need money to acquire new technology and advises that people should not be quick to condemn the churches on monetary grounds [58]. However, while he advocates for the need for a balance in handling of church and personal finances he does not seem to offer practical solutions about how that balance can be attained. All the respondents across the subgroup divide alluded to the hefty appreciations associated with the position of the president as triggering conflict of power in the AFM. It is, therefore, important for the AFM to find a way of managing the finances that are raised towards the president’s office. The church ought to encourage people to mobilise resources towards the presidential office and not towards the individual who is occupying the office. Resonating with the findings of this study, and writing from within the context of the AFM, Ndlovu ([2], p. 140) argues that appreciation-related power struggles are “complicating the leadership succession patterns in the AFM.” Again, similar to the findings of this research, (Kurtz 1982), argues that the reasons why there are tension and struggle in churches are because of money, power, values and beliefs, and factions among other issues. He adds that ensuring an equitable distribution of resources in the church will go a long way in resolving conflicts. The above sentiment is supported by the remarks that were made by the Pastors wife during an interview that was held on the 31st of May 2018. She had the following to say, “Power is sweet and there are benefits attached. The AFM church system has a lot of money especially for the top leaders and this brings problems. The issue of money is causing a lot of problems” [59]. Similar sentiments were echoed by Elder F who argued that “The appreciation is the major source and reason why people fight for positions. Overseer’s appreciation is at both the local assembly level and provincial level. The president is appreciated at the assembly, provincial and a very large scale at the national level” [44].

The observation that was made in this study about appreciations is in line with the findings of Musariri [5]. Writing from within the context of AFM, Musariri [5] argues that, “The Overseer, who is the leader of the province, is now being appreciated at provincial conferences and the same also happens to the president.” Musariri [5] also posits that while in the past AFMZ experienced doctrinal difference-related schisms the current schisms are mainly engendered by “power and money issues.”

Similarly, Ndlovu [2] reinforces those appreciations are causing strife and hatred in the AFM. He proceeds to lament that the concentration of monetary benefits is creating divisions and economic disparities among pastors and engendering unethical practices in managing resources. This is harming followers in the AFM ([2], p. 138). Taking the debate further, Ndlovu ([2], p. 197) further notes that the fight for appreciations has bred the preaching of false and heretic gospel which is now rife in Zimbabwe.

On the origin of appreciation in the AFM, Elder E who was interviewed in this study had the following to say;

The issue of financial benefit came during the period of president Manyika and from there, people took leadership as an opportunity to make money. The mobilisation of resources towards the individual(s) is believed to have started during the time of Rev. Manyika as the president and it was implemented at a grand scale during the time of Madziyire” [60].

Alluding to the origin of appreciation, Rev. Madziyire claimed that when the AFMZ started there was no appreciation. The triple appreciation of pastors per annum was then introduced in the AFMZ (The Daily News Live, 13 January 2019). However, contrary to the remarks that were made by an Elder G, who participated in this study, Elder F has the following to say “When the president (2003–2018) came into power it is him who started mobilising and channelling funds towards an individual” [61]. Ndlovu ([2], p. 121) further argued that Rev. Mutemererwa’s administration introduced the appreciation of pastors at the local assembly level in the AFM. In the same vein, Chitando [62] argues that as a result of the emphasis placed on money by preachers, they end up valuing and worshipping “those members who have money and class” [62].

While the majority of the participants spoke against appreciations, the deputy overseers hoped to assume these lucrative positions for them to be appreciated as well. This is shown below, “I am tired of raising money for someone else, I also need that opportunity to become an overseer. At the moment, we are saying God stop heaven, so that we also have our opportunity to enjoy here on earth” [63]. Similar sentiments were echoed by an Elder who argued that “The deputy president is the one who organises the president’s appreciation in the hope that he is going to be the next president. The enthusiasm is driven by the fact that he hopes to be the next leader” [47]. It, therefore, follows that if those hopes of the deputy chairman becoming the chairman are shattered through the handpicking of successors by the outgoing leaders, dynamics of power are created. This seems to be what occurred in the AFM where Rev. Manyika president is believed to have handpicked his preferred successor, hence altering the traditional model of transferring power.

In resonance with the claim made above about the appreciations, Obiakor [64] argues, “African leaders misinterpreted the concept of western leadership, equating it to amassing of wealth by the leader” [64]. It seems it is because of the laity’s great distaste for appreciations that Elder D suggested that “The incoming president need to find a compromising ground. He has to leave the issue of appreciations” [65].

In the same vein, Masengwe and Machingura (2010) concur that;

In the Apostolic Faith Mission Church in Zimbabwe, most gospreneurs engage in questionable ministerial practices. Related to the foregoing, Shoko & Chiwara (2013, pp. 226-227) reinforce that the church minister, expects his adherents to come back to him with some appreciation packages to acknowledge that they would be blessed with the miracle of prosperity. They expect their clients to come back and offer some token of appreciation for services rendered to them.

Similarly, A. Chitando [62] notes “one of the most contentious characteristics of newer Zimbabwean Pentecostalism is the emphasis on wealth. Members and visitors are encouraged to give generously to the “man of God” for the God of the “man of God” to bless them.”

In addition to the above, Togarasei (2005) notes that in one other Pentecostal church, people are graded according to their monetary contributions. In the same line of thought, Fainos Mangena & Samson Mhizha (2013, p. 144) argue that “Seeding to the life of the “Man of God” includes his “Birthday Gift.” In one Pentecostal church, members contribute money as a birthday gift for their church leader annually.”

The moral blameworthiness of appreciations is best summed up by Kretzschmar (2015, pp. 6-7) who contends that;

Those who enter the ministry because they do not know what else to do, see it an opportunity to have a comfortable existence, or exercise power over others. These ought not to be ordained. The church can ill afford ministers who… misuse church money… and… are uncaring and bring the church into disrepute.

Of all the participants who took part in this study, only two male respondents held different viewpoints on the issue of appreciations. One of the two respondents said “The issue of money is not a problem in the church but how the money is managed.” He added that “Appreciations should continue only that they should also be subject to the 50/50 centralization system” [66]. By 50/50 the deacon believed that the proposed centralisation system should only take 50% of the local assembly resources and 50% should remain at the local assembly to cater for the local assembly development.

It is worth noting that although the appreciations were introduced in the AFMZ before the president (2003–2018) came into power, a closer analysis of the data that was collected shows that appreciation was popularised by him in the AFM. It is during his tenure of office that the collection of the appreciation started to be well-organised at the national level where even corporate bodies that exhibited during the national conferences were also expected to take part in giving appreciation [65].

To this end, it can be reiterated that conflict of power which is mainly caused by the need to access appreciations by those who hold or want to assume key positions of influence is rife in the AFM. The conflict of power is also affecting peaceful co-existence in the AFM.

9. Conclusion and recommendation

The question that this article sought to address was how best the AFM in Zimbabwe transfer power and manage appreciations associated with those who occupy leadership positions at the top level in a way that does not engender widespread strife? As results indicate, conflict of power in the church under scrutiny altered the traditional model of transferring power which saw old, senior, and mature leaders assuming power at the top level that did not popularise appreciations. The changing of the above-mentioned model saw the church embracing a new model that is associated with the ritual use of elections in the handpicking of preferred successors. This resulted in the election of young leaders at the top level who popularised appreciations. For the church to maintain its unity the transferring of power at the top level and the financial benefits that are raised towards the office and not towards the individual who is holding the office. This article argues that the transferring of power in the church should not be left to chance and there is a need to stick to the traditional model of transferring power and managing appreciations as a way of minimising discord in long-time churches. The AFM must revisit the traditional model of transferring power and also manage the appreciations associated with top leadership offices as a way of uniting the fragmented church. Moreover, based on the biblical texts that value respect for seniority in leadership appointment and equitable distribution of resources, the AFM must revisit its traditional model of transferring power and also manage appreciations responsibly in a manner that does not engender conflict. Given the above, the article suggests that it is imperative for the AFM in Zimbabwe councils to integrate its traditional model of transferring power, as well as the management of appreciations in its constitution. Additionally, its theological education colleges should deliberately integrate leadership succession and financial stewardship courses in their curriculums. The article argues that the traditional model of transferring power and responsible management of appreciations are a valuable tradition for the church and must be respected if the church is going to attain lasting peace, growth, and development. In addition, this study argues that the church is a traditional institution and therefore as much as it wants to keep in step with constantly changing environments, it should endeavour to remain faithful to its tried and tested model of transferring power and also manage its appreciations well as failure to do so will trigger a conflict of power. As alluded to above, one option is to integrate the institutionalised leadership succession trend and responsible management of appreciations in the church’s constitution. The advantages of the traditional model of transferring power and responsible management of finances are many. The findings of this study show that both clergy and lay workers have great respect for the traditional model of transferring power and the responsible management of appreciations. This minimises the chances of novices to assume power and power contestations that spill into the courts of law causes strife in the church and it also mitigates the conflict of power that is associated with competition to assume positions of authority that are associated with appreciations.