Components of non‐treated lignocelluloses.
\r\n\tBy definition, risk is the value obtained from the assessment of possible consequences (human losses, direct and indirect damages and costs) caused by incidents or accidents, together with the probability of occurrence of hazardous processes due to the conjunction of the factors involved. Risk is a combination of the probability of unfavorable scenarios and their consequences.
\r\n\tIn this context, it is possible, and advisable, to evaluate the expected value of these consequences, in order to establish, based on scenarios, procedures for forecasting, preventing, controlling and mitigating the effects of these hazardous processes to people and assets, associated with both natural and technological risks.
\r\n\tRisk analysis, risk evaluation and risk management are the main pieces of the process known as ‘Risk Assessment’. Risk assessment can be understood as the joint effort of identifying and analysing potential – future - events, i.e., risk analysis, and evaluating the acceptability of risk based on the risk analysis, while considering influencing factors, i.e., risk evaluation. In short, risk assessment analyses what can go wrong, how likely it is to happen and, if it happens, what are the potential consequences.
\r\n\tSince this is a multi-disciplinary domain involving various scientific areas, among which geography, Earth and environmental sciences, ecology, engineering, law, economics, sociology and political sciences, this book aims to gather contributions with a wide spectrum of topics with regard to their theoretical background and field of application. As part of this process, the resulting assessment of risk may be expressed in both quantitative and qualitative approaches.
\r\n\tVulnerability to risks varies widely, primarily depending on the capacity of societies to integrate them in the management of their activities, to mitigate their effects and to recover from the disaster. Two major parameters are decisive for ensuring the development of these capacities and the consequent reduction in vulnerability - expert knowledge and planning.
\r\n\tIt is within the first parameter that one seeks to discern the magnitude of risks and to test new technologies to support the monitoring, evaluation and communication of threats. The concept of risk has, of course, evolved over time, and is now a basic principle in decision-making by politicians, managers, entrepreneurs, builders and civil protection services, in the definition of safety and security systems, completed in safety and emergency plans, and is integrated in crisis management programs associated with accident situations.
\r\n\tRisk assessment is an inherent part of an overall risk management strategy, which attempts to introduce, after a risk assessment, control measures to eliminate or reduce any potential risk-related consequences. This concept is linked today to a new paradigm, in which the technological, social and communicational aspects gain even more relevance.
Plants collect sunlight energy through photosynthesis and store it as a variety of polymeric saccharides. Polymeric saccharides are converted into monomeric saccharides, which are then converted into energy in all living organisms. Thus, saccharides are energy‐storage substances which are produced from CO2 and easily converted to energy along with CO2 emission. Therefore, saccharides have highly potential resources to produce renewable energy. Bioethanol production from starch of maize, sugarcane, and sugar sorghum is the most typical method to provide renewable liquid fuel [1, 2]. Recently in order to avoid the direct competition with food sources, cellulosic materials have been widely recognized as one of the promising sustainable resources to produce second‐generation bioethanol [3]. However, the ethanol concentrations (<5.0 %) were still too low to separate by distillation at a low‐energy cost [4]. On the other hand, gaseous H2 is spontaneously isolated from reaction mixtures without operations to separate. Therefore, H2 production from saccharides and biomass‐derived materials is one of the economical approaches to biofuels [5].
\nIn this chapter, I will show the photocatalytic reforming over titanium dioxide (TiO2) using saccharides, glycerol, and amino acids, which are derived by hydrolysis of lignocelluloses, lipids, and Chlorella, respectively. This will lead to construct the sustainable energy system alternatives to petroleum‐based fuels.
\nA general procedure of biomass reforming is started by the production of water‐soluble materials from biomass through biological treatment as well as chemical reaction. The resulting water‐soluble materials are converted to biofuels such as ethanol, methane, and hydrogen through various catalytic reactions involving methane fermentation and steam reforming. It was demonstrated that the photocatalytic H2 production from biomass‐derived materials had an advantage compared with other thermal catalytic reforming by Shimura and Yoshida in their review in 2011 [6].
\nOur biomass reforming was performed in aqueous solution through enzymatic and chemical hydrolysis of biomass (lignocelluloses, lipids, and Chlorella) followed by photocatalytic reaction of water‐soluble materials (saccharides, glycerol, and amino acids) over TiO2 under UV‐irradiation (Figure 1). Saccharides were produced by enzymatic hydrolysis of lignocelluloses using cellulase and xylanase. Glycerol was obtained by transesterification of lipid with methanol. Amino acids were obtained from hydrolysis of Chlorella by protease. These water‐soluble materials were served as sacrificial agents for the photocatalytic H2 production in aqueous solution. Details of each process were described in the following sections.
\nOutline of photocatalytic reforming of biomass.
For biological reaction, a cellulase from Acremonium cellulolyticus (Acremozyme KM, Kyowa Kasei, Osaka, Japan) [7] was selected among commercially available cellulases. A xylanase from Trichoderma longibrachiatum (reesei) (Sumizyme X, Shin Nihon Chemicals, Anjyo, Japan) was selected from commercially available enzymes. Proteins were hydrolyzed by protease (protease A AmanoSD, Amano enzyme, Nagoya) at 50°C in a phosphate buffer (0.1 M, pH 7.6) which was prepared by dissolving Na2HPO4 (2.469 g) and NaH2PO4 (0.312 g) in 100 mL of water.
\nThe cell suspension of Saccharomyces cerevisiae was prepared as follows. S. cerevisiae NBRC 2044 was grown at 30°C for 24 h in a basal medium consisting of glucose (20.0 g/L), bactotryptone (1.0 g/L, Difco), yeast extract (1.0 g/L), MaSO4 (3.0 g/L), and NaHPO4 (1.0 g/L) at initial pH 5.5 [7].
\nCellulose and hemicellulose (holocellulose), which were composed of glucan and xylan, were hydrolyzed to glucose and xylose by the enzymatic saccharification (SA, Eq. 1). The powdered and pre‐treated lignocellulose (4.0 g) was dispersed in an acetate buffer solution (80 mL, pH 5.0, 0.1 M) which was prepared by mixing 0.808 g acetic acid and 3.05 g sodium acetate in 500 mL of water. Cellulase (200 mg) and xylanase (200 mg) were added to the suspension of lignocellulose. The SA was performed by stirring the solution vigorously with a magnetic stirrer at 45°C for 120 h. After centrifugation of reaction mixture, the supernatant solution involving glucose and xylose was analyzed by HPLC and used as sacrificial agents in the following photocatalytic reaction.\n
Also, lignocellulose could be turned into ethanol and xylose through simultaneous saccharification and fermentation (SSF, Eq. 2) using cellulase and xylanase as well as S. cerevisiae as follows [8]. An acetate buffer solution (10 mL, pH 5.0, 0.1 M) was added to pre‐treated lignocelluloses (3.0 g) in the reaction vessel. The reaction vessel was autoclaved at 120°C for 20 min. After cooling, cellulase (180 mg) and xylanase (120 mg) in an acetate buffer solution (8.0 mL) and the cell suspension of S. cerevisiae (0.36 mL) were introduced into the reaction vessel. After air was purged with N2 stream for 15 min, the SSF was performed at 34°C under stirring vigorously with a magnetic stirrer. The evolved CO2 was collected by a measuring cylinder to monitor the volume of CO2 gas. The SSF reaction was continued for about 96 h until CO2 evolution ceased. After unreacted biomass was removed from the reaction mixture by centrifugation, the supernatant solution was analyzed by gas chromatography (GC) and high‐performance liquid chromatography (HPLC) to determine the concentrations of ethanol and saccharides, respectively. Ethanol was collected from the SSF solution by evaporation under reduced pressure while the residual xylose was subjected to the photocatalytic reaction.\n
Another process to convert lignocellulose to ethanol is simultaneous saccharification and co‐fermentation (SSCF). A recombinant Escherichia coli KO11 which can ferment xylose was used. Glucan and xylan in lignocellulose are turned to ethanol by SSCF using cellulase, xylanase, yeast, and E. coli KO11. An example is an SSCF process of the low‐moisture anhydrous ammonia (LMAA)‐treated Italian ryegrass (Section 6.1), which produced ethanol in 84.6% yield [9]. In this case, it was not necessary to undergo the photocatalytic process.\n
TiO2 is a white powder material which is thermally stable, non‐flammable, and no health hazards. Therefore, TiO2 has been used for many years in industrial and consumer goods, including paints, coated fabrics and textiles, cosmetics, and so on. The photocatalytic H2 production was performed by use of an anatase‐type TiO2. It has a semi‐conductor structure whose band gap is known to be 3.20 eV, which corresponds to 385 nm. Therefore, TiO2 can be excited by 366 nm‐emission from a high‐pressure mercury lamp. Irradiation induces charge separation into electrons and holes on the TiO2 [10]. Electrons (e‐) reduce water to generate H2, while holes (h+) oxidize hydroxide anions to hydroxyl radicals (Figure 2) [11]. In most cases, noble metals (Pt, Pd, and Au) were loaded on TiO2 to accelerate the reduction of water by electrons. We used a Pt‐loaded TiO2 (Pt/TiO2) throughout the present investigation.
\nHydrogen evolution on Pt/TiO2 under irradiation.
Moreover, it was well known that the use of sacrificial agents remarkably accelerates H2 production because the hydroxyl radical is consumed by them. Especially, we have elucidated that sacrificial agents with all of the carbon attached heteroatoms (O and N) are superior sacrificial agents because they continued to serve as electron sources until their sacrificial ability was exhausted [12, 13]. Glucose, xylose, glycerol, and glycine meet this requirement. The photocatalytic H2 production using sacrificial agents is called “sacrificial H2 production.”
\nFor photocatalytic reaction, almost researches have continued to use a P25 (Degussa Co. Ltd, Germany) and a ST01 (Ishihara Sangyo Co. Ltd., Japan). The P25 is prepared through hydrolysis of TiCl4 and composed of 75% of anatase and 25% of rutile, while the ST01 was prepared through hydrolysis of TiOSO4 and composed of 100% of anatase.
\n\nThe Pt‐loaded TiO2 (Pt/TiO2) was prepared by the method reported by Kennedy and Datye [14] as follows. An aqueous solution (400 mL) containing TiO2 (4.0 g, ST01, particle size 7 nm and surface area 300 m2g‐1), K2PtCl6 (200 mg), and 2‐propanol (3.06 mL) was introduced into a reaction vessel which is illustrated in Section 4.3. After O2 was purged by N2 gas, the solution was irradiated by a high‐pressure mercury lamp with stirring for 24 h when the gas evolution reached over 100 mL. After the irradiation, water was entirely evaporated. The resulting gray precipitate was moved on a filter and washed with water and then dried and ground to produce Pt/TiO2 powder. The Pt‐content on TiO2 was optimized to be 2.0 wt% from the photocatalytic H2 evolution by various Pt‐content TiO2 using glucose as a sacrificial reagent. Identification of Pt/TiO2 was usually performed by an XRD pattern and TEM image [15]. Figure 3 shows a TEM image and an X‐ray diffraction pattern of a P/TiO2 (2.0 wt% of Pt content).
\n(A) TEM images of Pt/TiO2 (2.0 wt% of Pt content). (B) X‐ray diffraction of a P/TiO2 (2.0 wt% of Pt content). Mark * was the peak for Pt. Mark # was the peak for impurity of Teflon removed from the stirrer chip.
The photocatalytic H2 production was performed using a photo‐irradiation apparatus (Figure 4). The catalyst (100 mg) and the given amounts of aqueous solution of sacrificial agent were introduced into a reaction vessel. The volume of the reaction solution was adjusted to 150 mL with water. The reaction vessel was connected with a measuring cylinder through a gas‐impermeable fluororubber tube to collect the evolved gas. A high‐pressure mercury lamp (100 W, UVL‐100HA, Riko, Japan) was inserted into the reaction vessel, which was set in a water bath to keep it at a constant temperature (usually 20°C). After O2 was purged from the reaction vessel by N2 gas for 15 min, the reaction mixture was irradiated with vigorous stirring using a magnetic stirrer until the gas evolution ceased. The evolved gas was collected by a measuring cylinder to measure the total volume of the evolved gas. The evolved gas (0.5 mL) was obtained using a syringe and was subjected to the quantitative analysis of H2, N2, and CO2, which were performed on a Shimadzu GC‐8A equipped with a TCD detector at a temperature raised from 40 to 180°C using a stainless column (3 mmΦ, 6 m) packed with a SHINCARBON ST (Shimadzu). In the absence of sacrificial agents, the H2 evolution from water was small (<2 mL).
\nApparatus for photocatalytic reaction.
Theoretically, the photocatalytic reaction can convert glucose and xylose to 12 and 10 equivalents of H2 (Eq. 4). Indeed, the photocatalytic reaction using glucose and xylose produced 11.8 and 10.0 mol of H2 from 1 mol of glucose [15] and xylose [16], respectively.\n
I show a method to determine the amounts of H2 evolved from 1 mol of sacrificial agent. A typical example is the photocatalytic H2 production using saccharides obtained from enzymatic saccharification of Napier grass. Although the saccharides contained not only xylose but also glucose, the evolved H2 and CO2 were plotted against the moles of xylose in a mixture of xylose and glucose, as shown in Figure 5A. Gas volumes of H2 and CO2 increased with the increase of xylose. However, the molar ratios of H2 to xylose (H2/xylose) were not constant to the amount of xylose used. It was speculated that the colored material in the solution and the carboxylic acids formed during the photocatalytic reaction may lower the activity of photocatalyst. Therefore, the H2/xylose ratio was plotted against the molar ratio of xylose to catalyst (xylose/catalyst), as shown in Figure 5B. As the xylose/catalyst ratios decreased, the H2/xylose ratios increased. The intercept of the plots was equaled to H2max, which is the limiting mole amount of H2 produced from one mole of xylose (sacrificial agent) at an infinite amount of catalyst [17]. Thus, the total molar amount of H2 was calculated by the equation: H2max × (moles of sacrificial agent).
\nThe TiO2‐photocatalytic H2 production using a mixture of xylose and glucose obtained from the enzymatic saccharification of Napier grass. (A) Dependence of volumes of H2 () and CO2 (◇) against the mole of xylose. (B) Plots of H2/xylose () and CO2/xylose (◇) ) against xylose/catalyst.
Similar plots of CO2/xylose against the xylose/catalyst were performed, giving the CO2max values from the intercept of the plots. Other gasses such as methane and CO were not detected in evolved gas.
\nTotal energy recovery efficiency (Eff) from biomass to biofuels was calculated using combustion energy: Eff = 100HF/H0 where H0 and HF were the combustion energies of biomass and biofuels, respectively. The combustion energies of sacrificial agents such as glucose, xylose, and glycerol are 2803 [18], 2342 [19], and 1654 kJ/mol [18], respectively. The combustion energies of biofuels such as ethanol and H2 are 285 and 1367 kJ/mol [18], respectively. In the case of lignocellulose, the H0 value was combustion energy of glucose and xylose at the complete hydrolysis of glucan and xylan which were determined by the National Renewable Energy Laboratory (NREL) [20].
\nLignocellulosic biomass was composed of cellulose, hemicellulose, lignin, and other components. The components of glucan, xylane, lignin, ash, and others in non‐treated lignocelluloses are summarized in Table 1. Since the contents of cellulosic components in lignocelluloses were in the range of 41.0–66.5 wt%, only a half of lignocelluloses were utilized for production of H2. The method to determine the content of each component was shown as follows.
\nLignocelluloses | \nContents (wt%) | \n|||
---|---|---|---|---|
Holocellulosea | \nLignin | \nAsh | \nOthers | \n|
Italian ryegrass | \n50.1 (35.1, 15.0) | \n23.5 | \n12.9 | \n13.5 | \n
Napier grass | \n48.2 (31.3, 16.9) | \n12.6 | \n13.9 | \n28.7 | \n
Bamboo | \n66.5 (39.5, 26.4) | \n26.2 | \n1.4 | \n5.9 | \n
Rice straw | \n47.8 (27.9, 19.5) | \n20.3 | \n17.7 | \n14.2 | \n
Silver grass | \n41.0 (30.8, 10.0) | \n21.7 | \n4.0 | \n33.3 | \n
Components of non‐treated lignocelluloses.
aThe values in parenthesis are the contents of glucan and xylan in holocellulose.
Lignocelluloses were cut by a cutter and dried at 70°C for 72 h. The dried matter was powdered by a blender until the powder passed through a sieve with 150 μm of mesh. The powdered lignocellulose (30 g) was treated with a 1% aqueous solution of NaOH (400 mL) at 95°C for 1 h. The reaction mixture was centrifuged and filtered to isolate the holocellulose (a mixture of cellulose and hemicellulose) as a pale yellow precipitate. The supernatant solution was made acidic (pH 5.0) with a dilute HCl solution to isolate dark brown precipitate which was identified as lignin. The precipitate was collected via centrifugation at 10,000 rpm for 10 min.
\nThe contents of saccharides in holocellulose were analyzed according to the methods published by NREL [20]. Sulfuric acid (72 wt%, 3.0 mL) was added slowly to holocellulose (300 mg) in a reaction vessel and kept at 30°C for 1 h. Water (84 mL) was added to the reaction vessel so that the concentration of sulfuric acid became 4.0 wt%. Acid hydrolysis was performed by autoclaving at 121°C for 1 h in an autoclave. The treated solution was neutralized with CaCO3 and was centrifuged. The supernatant solution (ca. 87 mL) was concentrated to 30 mL by evaporation. The solution was analyzed by HPLC to determine the amounts of glucose and xylose. The amounts of glucan and xylan were determined from the amounts of glucose and xylose. The ash component in lignocellulose was obtained by the burning of the lignocellulose (2.0 g) in an electric furnace (KBF784N1, Koyo, Nara, Japan) for 2 h at 850°C.
\nThe pre‐treatments to promote an enzymatic digestibility of the cellulosic components and to remove the lignin component were usually performed. Alkali (AL) treatment is a popular method to remove lignin from lignocelluloses [21]. A powdered lignocellulose (30 g) was added to a 1% aqueous solution of NaOH (400 mL). The mixture was heated under stirring at 95°C for 1 h. The reaction mixture was subjected to centrifugation at 10,000 rpm for 10 min. The lignin remained in the supernatant solution. The holocellulose, which is a mixture of cellulose and hemicellulose, is isolated as a pale yellow precipitate, which was washed by dispersion in water to remove the contaminated lignin. After the pH adjustment to 7.0, the washed precipitate was collected by centrifugation and dried. Thus, lignin‐removed holocellulose was obtained. The AL treatment is effective for saccharification of the lignocellulose with higher lignin contents. However, in the case of lignocelluloses with low lignin content such as Napier grass, the AL treatment retarded the yeast‐fermentation rate because AL treatment removed not only lignin but also nutrients to help yeast fermentation [22].
\nAnother useful pretreatment of lignocelluloses is LMAA (low‐moisture anhydrous ammonia pretreatment), described as follows [23]. Dry powdered lignocelluloses (100 g, volume 320 mL) were mixed homogeneously with water (100 g) in a flask (1 L). The flask containing wet lignocellulose was evacuated with a pump and then gaseous NH3 was introduced into the flask repeatedly until the atmosphere inside the flask was entirely replaced with NH3 gas. The moist powdered lignocellulose was kept under an NH3 gas atmosphere at room temperature for 28 days. After NH3 was removed with an evaporator, the treated lignocellulose was washed with water to liberate the brownish aqueous alkali solution of the lignin. This washing operation was continued until the pH became below 7.7. The treated lignocellulose was dried at 60°C. Here, NH3 served for transformation of the cellulose crystal phase to a highly reactive structure toward enzymatic degradation rather than the removal of lignin [24]. As a special pretreatment method, TiO2‐photocatalytic pretreatment was developed by our group [25].
\nThe photocatalytic reforming was applied to lignocelluloses such as Italian ryegrass [26], Napier grass [26], bamboo [27], rice straw [27], and silver grass [27]. The results are summarized in Table 2. The SA→PR method is a process through the enzymatic saccharification (SA) of the pretreated lignocelluloses into glucose and xylose which were then used as sacrificial agents for the photocatalytic H2 production over Pt/TiO2 (PR). For example, the dried Italian ryegrass (2.00 g) was subjected to the AL treatment to give the AL‐treated Italian ryegrass (1.00 g) which was turned into 554 mg of glucose and 193 mg of xylose by SA. The SA of xylan was more inefficient than that of glucan. Glucose and xylose were turned into H2 (78.7 mg) by PR. As a result, the total energy recovery efficiency (Eff) from AL‐treated Italian ryegrass to H2 was calculated to be 71.9% (Figure 6). In the case of Napier grass, dried Napier grass (2.075 g) was subjected to the AL treatment to give the AL‐treated Napier grass (1.00g) which was turned into 487 mg of glucose and 197 mg of xylose by SA. The PR of glucose and xylose gave 84.0 mg of H2, which corresponded to 77.0% of Eff.
\nBiomass | \nProcessa | \nBiofuels | \n\n | ||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Lignocellulose | \nPTb | \nWGc (mg) | \nWXc (mg) | \nH0d (kJ) | \nEtOH (mg) | \nH2 (mg) | \nHFe (kJ) | \nEfff (%) | \n|
Italian ryegrass | \nLMAA | \n480 | \n206 | \n11.96 | \nSSCF | \n333 | \n0 | \n9.90 | \n82.7 | \n
Italian ryegrass | \nAL | \n700 | \n300 | \n15.58 | \nSA→PR | \n0 | \n78.7 | \n11.20 | \n71.9 | \n
Italian ryegrass | \nLMAA | \n480 | \n206 | \n11.96 | \nSSF→PR | \n250 | \n17.3 | \n9.89 | \n82.7 | \n
Napier grass | \nAL | \n651 | \n350 | \n15.60 | \nSA→PR | \n0 | \n84.0 | \n12.0 | \n77.0 | \n
Napier grass | \nLMAA | \n398 | \n214 | \n10.68 | \nSSF→PR | \n177 | \n21.0 | \n8.25 | \n77.2 | \n
Bamboo | \nAL | \n594 | \n396 | \n17.30 | \nSSF→PR | \n213 | \n44.5 | \n12.68 | \n73.4 | \n
Rice straw | \nAL | \n756 | \n238 | \n17.30 | \nSSF→PR | \n364 | \n34.8 | \n15.76 | \n91.1 | \n
Silver grass | \nAL | \n749 | \n253 | \n17.28 | \nSSF→PR | \n323 | \n35.7 | \n14.68 | \n85.0 | \n
Biofuel production from lignocelluloses.
aSSF = simultaneous saccharification and fermentation using cellulase and yeast. SA = enzymatic saccharification. PR = photocatalytic H2 production over Pt/TiO2. SSCF= Simultaneous saccharification and co‐fermentation using cellulase, yeast, and recombinant E. coli KO11. Referred from reference [9].
bPT, pretreatment; LMAA, low moisture anhydrous ammonia pretreatment; AL, alkali pretreatment.
cWG and WX were the amounts of glucan (G) and xylan (X) per 1 g of the pretreated lignocellulose.
dThe total combustion energies (H0) of xylose and glucose theoretically derived from 1.0 g of the pretreated lignocelluloses were calculated according to the following equation: H0 =2803 × WG/162 + 2342 ×WX/132.
eTotal combustion energy (HF) of biofuels (ethanol and hydrogen).
fEnergy recovery efficiency (Eff) = 100 ×HF/H0.
AL→SA→PR process of Italian ryegrass.
In the case of the SSF→PR method, the LMAA treatment of the dried Italian ryegrass (1.458 g) gave the LMAA‐treated Italian ryegrass (1.0 g) which was turned into ethanol (250 mg), xylose (121 mg), and glucose (19 mg) by SSF process. Ethanol was removed from SSF solution, whereas the residual xylose and glucose were converted to H2 (17.3 mg) by PR. The Eff value of H2 combined with ethanol was 82.7% from the LMAA‐treated Italian ryegrass. We have reported the ethanol production through an SSCF process of Italian ryegrass [9]. The Eff value was 82.7%. These Eff values showed similar values. In the cases of Napier grass, the LMAA treatment of the dried Napier grass (1.637 g) gave the LMAA‐treated Napier grass (1.0 g) which was turned into ethanol (177 mg), xylose (167 mg), and glucose (13 mg) by SSF process. After ethanol was removed from SSF solution, the residual xylose and glucose were converted to H2 (21.0 mg) by PR. The Eff value of H2 combined with ethanol was 77.2% from the LMAA‐treated Napier grass. In the cases of bamboo, rice straw, and silver grass, the AL treatment of bamboo (1.656 g), rice straw (2.092), and silver grass (2.439 g) produced the AL‐treated lignocelluloses (1.00 g). They were turned into ethanol and H2 by the SSF→PR process with Eff of over 73.4%.
\nBiodiesel (BDF) is one of new sustainable energy alternatives to petroleum‐based fuels. BDF market has significantly increased in Europe to adhere energy and climate policies [28]. BDF (methyl alkanoate) is produced by transesterification of vegetable oil or animal fats with methanol under basic conditions [29]. However, glycerol as co‐production and unreacted methanol was not utilized and went to waste. Glycerol has a potential to produce H2 in maximum theoretical yield of seven equivalents (Eq. 5). Also methanol can produce three equivalents of H2. Hydrogen transformation of glycerol and unreacted methanol isolated from the BDF synthesis was performed by sacrificial H2 production over a Pt/TiO2 [30].\n
As starting material, we used vegetable oil which was mainly composed of oleic acid (C17H33CO2H) triglyceride. The average molecular weight of vegetable oil was thought to be 884 g/mol. Vegetable oil (150 mL, 136.5 g, 0.154 mol) was set in a reaction vessel. Methanol (30 mL, 23.8 g, 0.743 mol) was mixed with NaOH (0.485g, 0.012 mol). About half of the mixture of methanol and NaOH was poured into a reaction vessel and then kept at 61°C for 1 h. Moreover, the remaining mixture of methanol and NaOH was added into the reaction vessel and the reaction mixture was kept at 61°C for another 1 h. After cooling, the reaction mixtures were separated into a lower layer and an upper layer. The procedure of the follow‐up process is shown in Figure 7. The lower layer (GL layer) contained glycerol (GL, 0.113 mol) and methanol (0.214 mol). The upper layer (BDF layer) was washed with water (300 mL) to give BDF (114.5 g, 0.387 mol) and the aqueous washing solution which contained 0.137 mol of methanol. The total recovery yield of unreacted methanol was 47.5%. The yields of GL and BDF were 73.3 and 83.7%, respectively.
\nOutline for preparation of BDF and the follow‐up process.
The photocatalytic reaction was performed by irradiation of aqueous solution containing Pt/TiO2 powder (100 mg, 1.25 mmol) and GL layer, which was added to the reaction vessel so that the amounts of GL became 0.25, 0.50, 0.75, 1.00, and 1.25 mmol. The limiting mole amount of H2 (H2max) per 1 mol of GL was obtained from the plots of the H2/GL against the GL/catalyst. Similarly the photocatalytic reaction was performed for the washing solution, which contained methanol. Using H2max values, it was calculated that 2.82 and 0.28 g of H2 was obtained from the GL layer and washing solution, respectively. The Eff value of H2 was determined to be 100.8% using HF of H2 (444 kJ) and the sum of combustion energy of glycerol (H0 = 187 kJ) and unreacted methanol (H0 = 255 kJ).
\nChlorella is single‐cell green algae with 2–10 μm diameter and multiplies rapidly, requiring only carbon dioxide, water, sunlight, and a small amount of minerals [31]. Chlorella is mostly composed of proteins (45%), lipids (20%), saccharides (20%), and minerals (10%). Thus, the content of saccharides is low, suggesting that ethanol production is inefficient.
\nWe examined the photocatalytic H2 production from Chlorella [32]. The frozen Chlorella was thawed and dried in a drying machine and then ground. Gas evolution did not occur from the non–enzymatic‐treated solution, which was prepared by magnetic stirring of the Chlorella powder (10 g) in a phosphate buffer (60 mL) for 48 h at 50°C. Therefore, the enzymatic hydrolysis of Chlorella powder (10 g) was performed using protease (1.0 g) in a phosphate buffer (0.1 M, pH 7.6, 60 mL) under stirring at 50°C for 48 h to give the enzymatic hydrolyzed solution. The solution was subjected to centrifugation to remove the precipitate. The supernatant solution (EH solution) was collected. The EH solution was subjected to freezing‐drying in order to weigh the water‐soluble components in the EH solution. It was determined to be 117 g/L. Since the weight of the solid was 167 g/L before hydrolysis, more than 70% of the solid was hydrolyzed into water‐soluble components. The EH solution was composed of 98.0 g/L of amino acids and 18.3 g/L of glucose which were determined by colorimetric analysis using ninhydrin and by HPLC analysis, respectively.
\nThe photocatalytic H2 production was performed using the EH solution (0.10 – 0.50 mL) over a Pt/TiO2 (100 mg) in 150 mL of water. The limiting volume of H2 per 1 mL of the EH solution (H2max) was determined to be 119 mL/mL from the plots of the H2/(EH solution) against the (EH solution)/catalyst. We successfully produced 579 mg of H2 from 10.0 g of dry Chlorella (Figure 8). This yield is higher than 394 mg for the H2 production through AL treatment, saccharification, and photocatalytic H2 production from non‐treated Italian ryegrass (10.0 g) [25, 27]. Thus, the photocatalytic reforming is applicable to not only saccharides but also amino acids.
\nMass balance for the H2 production from Chlorella.
Chlorella includes colored materials such as chlorophyll which may disturb the light absorption by the catalyst. Therefore, dried Chlorella (20 g) was subjected to refluxing in ethanol (100 mL) for 6 h to remove the colored materials. Almost all amount of colored materials remained in the ethanol solution. However, the decolorization did not affect the amount of H2 but could shorten the irradiation time.
\nWe examined photocatalytic H2 production using sacrificial saccharides, glycerol, and amino acid derived from lignocelluloses, lipids, and Chlorella. As a conclusion, the photocatalytic reforming of biomass has the following features:\n
The photocatalytic reforming can be performed in aqueous solution as well as in biological treatment.
Gaseous H2 can spontaneously isolate from aqueous reaction mixtures without operations to be separated.
Although it is not easy to produce ethanol from saccharides other than glucose since they are not fermented by yeast (S. cerevisiae), sacrificial hydrogen production is applicable to a variety of water‐soluble materials.
The photocatalytic reforming of biomass is one of the promising approaches because biomass is abundant, clean, and renewable. If sacrificial H2 evolution is practically accomplished by the use of solar radiation, this method will provide new ways to produce sustainable energy.
In this chapter, biohydrogen production was discussed from the viewpoints of feedstock and methodology to transform biomass to fuels. This will help life recycle assessment (LCA) to evaluate CO2 emission during cultivation, transportation, and manufacturing, as performed for bioethanol from cellulose [33].
\nThis study was supported by a Grant‐in‐Aid for Scientific Research (C) No 24610055 from the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science, and Technology of Japan.
\n“Freedom of expression” has a long history in human civilization, yet it is one of the problematic terms that has emerged in the history of mankind and is still in our contemporary life. The problematic aspect of this term, from my viewpoint, is not related to its intended meaning, but it relates to its interpretations and practices and to the way these practices are opposed to individual and institutional practices and laws. Universally, Article 19 of the United Nations Human Rights Declaration (UNHR) is widely considered as the main principle and reference of press and media freedom. Article 19 defined freedom of expression as: “Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers” [1].
\nTerminology wise, freedom of expression is considered as a political, economic, philosophical, and general moral concept with multiple and complex connotations, all of which require a certain level of identification and definition. There is freedom of religion, freedom of expression, freedom of information, freedom of press, freedom of trade, etc. In this context, the Encyclopedia of Politics defines freedom of expression as “the right of any citizen to express his/her opinion in all public matters without any punishment, and it is guaranteed in the most democratic countries. Freedom of expression takes many different forms and frames, from writing to literary, to artistic freedom, thus including freedom of the press and the media” [2].
\nDefinition of freedom of the press depends on the philosophy and concepts of freedom of expression but with more specific practical issues related to the field of media and its practitioners. Dictionary of Media and Communications defines freedom of the press as “freedom to publish anything without censorship before or after. Freedom of the press has been debated since modern printing began in the 1400s. Some governments place limits on this freedom, fearing the power of words to spur people to act against them” [3].
\nThe freedom of the press is an important and debatable issue, and it is considered as one of the main international discourse worldwide today. UNESCO urges all member states to “promote the free flow of ideas by word and image,” and since 1993 this international organization proclaimed third of March every year as “World Press Freedom Day” (WPFD) to enhance all developments related to freedom of the press [4].
\nFrom the researcher’s point of view, the definition by Stevenson of the press freedom is a more rational and balanced one: “Freedom of the press is the right to speak, broadcast, or publish without prior restraint by or permission of the government, but with limited legal accountability after publication for violations of law. It may also encompass legal guarantees of (i) reasonable access to information about government, business, and people, (ii) a right of reply or correction, (iii) a limited right of access to the media, and (iv) some special protections for journalists [5].
\nThe latest UNESCO report entitled “World Trends in Freedom of Expression and Media Development 2017/2018” focused on four main trends worldwide and how these trends affect freedom of expression and freedom of the press. The four trends are [6]:
Press and media freedom
Press and media pluralism
Press and media independency
Journalists’ safety
In brief, the report confirms that freedom of the press and media is decreasing internationally even with some positive developments on the right of information accessibility. According to the UNESCO report, press pluralism is still limited worldwide, and types and degree of pressure which affect media and press independency were increased internationally [6].
\nIn the course of pursuing freedom or achieving some of its degrees, nations and peoples have fought great battles, and individuals pay high prices. The struggle in this aspect is still open and continuous, because political, social, and cultural freedoms that were acceptable and satisfactory in a given period will not remain so in another time and in different contexts. A recent study published by Ronning on freedom of expression in Norway, which is classified as “free” in freedom of expression index according to many international reports, indicates that: “Freedom of speech is dependent on tolerance and that is not something that is a given. It is a tenet that must be constantly defended. Freedom of speech is not guaranteed anywhere; it is the result of a constantly on-going struggle” [7].
\nFreedom of the press and media is an important measure of the level and degree of freedom of opinion and expression in any society. Freedom of the press and the media is usually linked to legislative and legal frameworks, policies governing media work, as well as the actual practices of journalism, newsrooms, and the nature of contents delivered to the audience. Because of that, it is possible to measure the level of freedom of the press and media by analyzing the legislative framework to determine the degree of freedom granted by these legislations to the various media and those who work in them. Also, it is possible to explore the attitudes of media professionals to identify practices and actions that affect negatively or positively the degree of freedom granted to them.
\nStudies and reports by some international organizations on the freedom of the press are widely available. Although the criteria for measuring the degree of freedom of the press and the media vary in these reports, they often agree on one outcome. Some of these reports have gradually gained prominence in good segments of public opinion and have become the subject of discussion and debate among intellectuals, journalists, and media professionals. Governments refrain from commenting on such reports—especially the negative ones. However, the impact of such reports on the relevant government entities cannot be ignored when it comes to compare their practices and activities internationally with other countries and regions.
\nAs freedom of expression, corruption also is as old as humankind. According to some researchers, corruption was first mentioned or indicated indirectly in the second century BC in the Hammurabi Law [8].
\nTanzi argued that corruption is not a new phenomenon, but it became a more attractive issue than in the past because of several reasons including “increase of democratic governments and free and active media and the growing role of some nongovernmental organizations such as Transparency International in fighting corruption, etc.” [9]. The World Bank president James Wolfensohn in 1996 described corruption as “cancer” and defined it as “the abuse of public or corporate office for private gain” [10].
\nBegovic ([11], p. 2) describes corruption as: “Intentional on-compliance with arms’-length principles aimed at deriving some advantage for oneself or for related individuals from this behavior.” Begovic listed three main types of corruption that normally include different levels and areas of corruption, and these are [11]:
Corruption for achieving or speeding up materialization of some specific right that the citizen or legal entity is entitled to corruption without theft
Corruption that violates the legal rules or a very biased enforcement of the rules
“State capture,” a corruption that is aimed at changing the rules and regulations into rules and regulations that favor the interests of the corruptor
These main types of corruption from my own perspective are wide and general and under each resides many detailed and small corruption activities. I would argue that studying corruption both in public and private sectors will not be far from these main types. Media and journalists are normally attracted to reveal and publish about the corruption’s activities, reflecting their role as society “watchdog.”
\nStudies from different parts of the world examined the freedom of the press and levels of corruption, and most of them confirmed that the correlation is very strong between the high degree of freedom of the press and the reduction of corruption. A study by Starke et al. analyzed data for 157 countries in 10 years’ time (2003–2013) to examine the impact of media freedom, Internet access, and governmental online service delivery on corruption. The study confirmed that free media play a vital role in curbing corruption, but the media role cannot be effective alone [12]. Another study by Mothasedi and Phiri, examined the correlation between mass media and corruption in South Africa and analyzed data of the “Corruption Perception Index” and the “World Press Freedom Index” in the period from 2002 to 2014. The most important conclusion of this study emphasized that “greater press freedom can lead to less corruption in South Africa but not vice versa” [13].
\nThis study focuses on the relationship between the level of freedom of the press and the degree of corruption in six Arab member states and founders of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) since 1981: the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Oman, Qatar, and Kuwait. The Council’s Primary Law consists of 22 articles, and the objectives stipulated in Article (4) include [14]:
To affect coordination, integration, and interconnection between member states in all fields in order to achieve unity between them
To deepen and strengthen relations, links, and areas of cooperation now prevailing between their peoples in various fields
To formulate similar regulations in various fields
Politically, the six GCC states are royal governments, and some of the ruling families in the region date back to the eighteenth century, as in the case of Oman. In addition, there is no real political opposition in the form of political parties except in the case of Bahrain, which turned into a constitutional monarchy allowing the establishment of the political parties since 2002.
\nThe total population of the GCC states according to the latest statistics for 2018 is approximately 57.455.396 million: the United Arab Emirates (9,682,088), Bahrain (1,637,896), Saudi Arabia (34,140,662), Oman (5001.875), Qatar (2,743,901), and Kuwait (4,248,974) [15].
\nMedia environment in the GCC states is very similar in terms of ownership, policies, and laws regulating media work and the most widespread practices, as well as contents. Governments in the GCC states have their own media outlets, such as newspapers, radio and TV stations, and electronic websites, but these governments also influence privately owned media through a set of rules and procedures that govern policies and content.
\nThis study is based on its theoretical framework for understanding and interpreting the relationship between press freedom and corruption on the literatures of the theory of media social responsibility founded in the United States after World War II. The origins of this theory were based on a report by the Commission on the Freedom of the Press in 1947, which emphasized the notion of press freedom and for the first time added the concept of social responsibility, which meant press is free to report but at the same time it is socially responsible toward individuals, community, and deferent societal powers [16].
\nThe commission, which was headed by Robert M. Hutchins, identified the main requirements to practice a free and responsible press:
A truthful, comprehensive, and intelligent account of the day’s events in a context which gives them meaning
A forum for the exchange of comment and criticism
The projection of a representative picture of the constituent groups in the society
The presentation and clarification of the goals and values of the society
Full access to the day’s intelligence [17]
This theory was an attempt to balance freedom of expression with the interests of society. One of the most important sources in this area is the book by Siebert et al. [18]. The book defined four theories that explain the interrelationships between governments and the press: authoritarianism, liberalism, communism, and social responsibility. The four theories seem clear, but the fundamental distinction remains between liberal and authoritarian theories.
\nWithin the liberal theory, the press and the media are seen as an independent and free institution and should have full authority to inform the public about the activities of the society, government, and the various authorities in the society. In contrast, the press and the media within the authoritarian theory are used to support the political systems, the ruling elites, the authorities, or the various forces in society. Within this theory, the government or the executive authority has the right to decide who can or cannot use the press and other media, and therefore the freedom of the press expands or narrows according to the positions and desires of that authority. The media social responsibility theory represented a middle vision between the two theories of liberalism and authoritarianism. McQuail points out that media social responsibility theory is based on a set of principles, the most important of which are [19]:
The media have obligations to society, and media ownership is a public trust.
News media should be truthful, accurate, fair, objective, and relevant.
The media should provide a forum for ideas.
The media should be free but self-regulated.
Media should follow agreed codes of ethics and professional standards.
Under some circumstances, society may need to intervene in the public interest.
Within the theory of social responsibility, an important theoretical concept is developed, namely, the “watchdog,” which means that mass media monitors and reports all societal events that are going on in both directions: positively or negatively. Within this concept also, the media and its employees are seen as the “eyes” and “ears” of the audience and communities, and they reported all activities and events of the society and its various forces with great care, sensitivity, and independence.
\nOne researcher identified some mechanisms by which journalism practices the watchdog role, which includes [20]:
Holding institutions accountable
Looking after audience interests first and foremost
Encouraging interaction and feedback from audience
Practicing “watchdog” on itself through an in-house ombudsman or readers’ advocate
Implementing newsroom ethics codes
Separating between editorial and advertising
If the theory of social responsibility is the most appropriate theoretical framework for understanding the relationship between freedom of the press and fighting corruption in this study, the question remains: Does journalism and the media in the GCC countries exercise their functions according to this theory? Or do media and journalism in this region work under a different theoretical framework?
\nThis chapter analyzes the relationship between the degrees of freedom of the press and corruption in six Arab countries, namely, the GCC member states: the United Arab Emirates, the Kingdom of Bahrain, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the Sultanate of Oman, Kuwait, and Qatar, according to reports published by two international nongovernmental organizations—Freedom House (FH) and Transparency International (TI). The chapter provides a critical reading on the relationship between press freedom and corruption in the abovementioned countries as reported by the two international organizations in 5 years’ time (2013–2017). The researcher did not include 2018 because at the time of writing this study, the Freedom House Report of 2018 had not yet been issued.
\nThe researcher does not aim to achieve new detection or reading and analysis of what is unknown to researchers and interested peoples, but the study is a kind of brainstorming to stir more discussion and positive dialogue in two issues of great importance in the world in general and in the Arab World in particular. The study could also provide practical and effective ideas on how to deal with these two issues in the future to improve the performance of these countries in the freedom of the press and the fight against corruption.
\nThe importance of this study is highly related to the nature of both freedom of the press and corruption that present nowadays an important discourse locally, regionally, and internationally. Both freedom of the press and corruption are leading to serious discussions about their importance in influencing the image of any state and the efficiency of its various institutions. The critical reading by this study might provide a better understanding of the working mechanisms of international organizations regarding freedom of the press and corruption.
\n\n
What are the degrees of press freedom in the six Arab GCC countries as reported by the FH in the last 5 years (2013–2017)?
What are the degrees of corruption in the six Arab GCC countries as reported by the IT in the past 5 years (2013–2017)?
What are the main themes and topics of the FH reports on the six Arab GCC countries in the last 5 years (2013–2017)?
What is the correlation between press freedom and corruption as reported by the FH and IT in the six Arab GCC countries in the last 5 years (2013–2017)?
This study depends on qualitative content analysis of the FH reports on freedom of the press in the six Arab GCC countries in the last 5 years (2013–2017). The analysis will identify the issues and topics these reports focused on to provide a close picture of the press freedom in these countries. Before the qualitative analysis, however, statistical indications on press freedom and corruption in the six Arab GCC states will be presented hereafter. The researcher chose the reports of the following international nongovernmental organizations in the areas of press freedom and corruption:
\nThis section of the study provides answers to the study questions based on a qualitative reading of the reports by two international organizations on press freedom and corruption in the six Arab GCC countries in the last 5 years (2013–2017), as follows:
\nTable 1 shows the scores of the press freedom in the GCC countries in the last 5 years (2013–2017), according to Freedom House reports. The organization normally grants three types of status on press freedom: free, partly free, and not free.
\nNo | \nCountry | \n2013 | \n2014 | \n2015 | \n2016 | \n2017 | \nAVG. | \nStatus | \n
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1 | \nBahrain | \n86 | \n87 | \n87 | \n87 | \n87 | \n87 | \nNot free | \n
2 | \nUnited Arab Emirates | \n74 | \n76 | \n76 | \n78 | \n78 | \n76 | \nNot free | \n
3 | \nSaudi Arabia | \n84 | \n83 | \n83 | \n86 | \n86 | \n84 | \nNot free | \n
4 | \nOman | \n71 | \n71 | \n71 | \n71 | \n71 | \n71 | \nNot free | \n
5 | \nQatar | \n67 | \n67 | \n67 | \n69 | \n70 | \n68 | \nNot free | \n
6 | \nKuwait | \n59 | \n59 | \n59 | \n59 | \n60 | \n59 | \nPartly free | \n
Press freedom scores (2013–2017) in the GCC according to FH (points 0–100), the lowest is more free and the highest is not free.
The results in Table 1 indicate that the press in five GCC countries is classified as not free opposite to only one country: Kuwait which is classified as partially free. Statistically, the results confirm that press in 83% of the GCC countries is not free (five out of six countries) compared to 17% which is partly free (one of six countries). The results reflect the similarity of political, social, and cultural values and principles adopted by these countries. On the political aspect, these countries are inherited rule states under the rule of certain families. The GCC states are totalitarian regimes despite development efforts that have covered many areas including the establishment of parliaments and representative institutions. However, these development efforts need longer periods of time and ongoing reforms in order to achieve more objectives and goals. Bahrain has represented a different political experience among the countries in the GCC region as it is considered the only Gulf state that allowed the formation of political parties since 2002. However, this exclusivity did not help Bahrain achieve better levels of freedom of press. Freedom House reports for the years 2013–2017 indicate that press freedom in Bahrain is the weakest among the six Arab GCC states. On the other hand, Kuwait has benefited from its political and parliamentary experience and the level of political freedom in achieving a better degree in freedom of the press. Freedom House has classified it as partially free for 5 consecutive years 2013–2017.
\nFrom a sociocultural perspective, the GCC societies are described as traditional or conservative societies, despite the Internet-led information revolution that reaches the highest level in the Middle East. The latest Internet statistics for 2017 indicated that the percentage of Internet users in the GCC countries are as follows: UAE (94.82%), Bahrain (95.88%), Saudi Arabia (82.12%), Oman (80.19%), Qatar (95.94%), and Kuwait (98%) [23].
\nFrom the researcher’s point of view, the GCC societies are currently living in a state of great contradiction between the traditional conservative society with which they have long been associated and the open society through the Internet and the search engines. These societies are also contradicted between how they are living in real and direct realms and practices in the virtual world. These contradictions should be studied by sociologists, media, and cultural experts to understand many transformations occurring in the GCC societies.
\nAs mentioned in Table 1, reports indicate that the level of freedom of the press in the GCC countries is more of a stable status. In a country like Oman, the score of press freedom was 71 in five consecutive reports 2013–2017. The degree of press freedom in Kuwait in 5 years ranged between 59 and 60. On the other hand, there is a situation of negative development in the levels of freedom of the press in most of the Gulf states, according to FH reports in 2013–2017, even if these developments are slight and inconceivable. These states of stability and negative developments in the levels of press freedom in the GCC states can be interpreted by more than one explanation: first, the lack of practical actions is taken by both governments and media professionals in these countries to increase and develop their levels of press freedom, and second, this may also be related to the ignorance of the concerned entities in these countries, governments, or civil society organizations, with these international reports and their observations. Many governmental and private institutions in a number of Arab countries tend to underestimate the importance and usefulness of these reports and sometimes even describe them as conspiracy reports on countries and are used to put more pressure on them.
\nIt should be noted here that the six Arab GCC states that this study focused on belong to a larger political, sociocultural, and geographical framework, namely, the Arab World or the so-called today in many international reports Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Freedom House reports in the last 5 years (2013–2017) covered 17 Arab countries, including the 6 Arab GCC states. Press in only 5 out of 17 countries in this region is classified as “partially free,” namely, Kuwait, Lebanon, Morocco, Tunisia, and Jordan.
\nIt is clear that the levels of freedom of the press in the Arab countries, according to FH reports, are generally weak, as no Arab country has achieved until today the level of “free” press. Although this does not justify the decrease in the press freedom level in the GCC states as indicated in Table 1, it is important to understand that the GCC countries are part of the Arab World and share many political, social, economic, and cultural conditions.
\nBut the researcher believes that the conditions of the GCC states, their political experience, economic capabilities, and development projects, are different and could enable them to achieve better levels of freedom of expression in general and freedom of the press in particular.
\nOn the political aspect, the six Arab GCC states established the Gulf Cooperation Council in 1981 and were the only regional system in the Arab world—after the Arab League, which has a limited number of members and managed to survive until today compared to some other regional councils in the Arab world which were formed but did not last. On the economic aspect, the GCC states have enormous economic potential, as these countries produce almost 32% of the world’s oil and export 45% from the total amount worldwide. GCC states represent 30% of the world oil [24]. Both political and economic capabilities of the GCC states have helped to launch large-scale development projects in these countries.
\nTable 2 shows the degrees of corruption in the six GCC Arab as reported by Transparency International in the last 5 years (2013–2017).
\nNo | \nCountry | \n2013 | \n2014 | \n2015 | \n2016 | \n2017 | \nAVG. | \nStatus | \n
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1 | \nBahrain | \n48 | \n49 | \n51 | \n43 | \n36 | \n45 | \nCorrupted | \n
2 | \nUnited Arab Emirates | \n69 | \n70 | \n70 | \n66 | \n71 | \n69 | \nPartly corrupted | \n
3 | \nSaudi Arabia | \n46 | \n49 | \n52 | \n46 | \n49 | \n48 | \nCorrupted | \n
4 | \nOman | \n47 | \n45 | \n45 | \n45 | \n44 | \n45 | \nCorrupted | \n
5 | \nQatar | \n68 | \n69 | \n71 | \n61 | \n63 | \n66 | \nPartly corrupted | \n
6 | \nKuwait | \n43 | \n44 | \n49 | \n41 | \n39 | \n43 | \nCorrupted | \n
Corruption scores (2013–2017) in the GCC according to TI (points 0–100).
The lowest is more corrupted and the highest is not corrupted.
Figures in Table 2 indicate that four out of six Arab GCC states suffer from corruption according to TI in the last 5 years (2013–2017), as Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Oman, and Kuwait did not reach even 50 degrees of a scale consisting of 100 degrees in 5 consecutive years; and the best average for these four countries in the last 5 years was 48 points in Saudi Arabia.
\nWhile Oman maintained its low level of transparency in the last 5 years’ reports, Bahrain and Kuwait fell in 2016 and 2017, and Saudi Arabia’s position slightly improved in 2017. It is surprising that reports in the last 5 years as seen in Table 2 show the low results achieved by Kuwait annually, despite the fact that this country is the only country in this region having more open political and media environment than the others. It is enough to recall many debates and controversial issues raised by the Kuwait’s parliament and the Kuwaiti media. This can be further explained by more of a deep analysis of the themes and topics focused on by the TI reports on Kuwait and other GCC countries—as will be done in the next section of the analysis—to understand the whole picture and go beyond these numbers and statistics.
\nIn contrast, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar scored more than 50 points of the total score out of 100 in the last 5 years (2013–2017), with averages that reached 69 for the UAE and 66 for Qatar. More important, the two GCC states achieved advanced positions in the last 2 years’ reports of TI.
\nThe UAE ranked No. 24 in the 2016 report out of 176 countries covered by the report, and Qatar ranked 31 in the same year. In 2017, the two countries improved their positions globally. The UAE ranked 21 among 180 countries and Qatar ranked 29 in the same report. These are important and encouraging results for other GCC states and even for the Arab countries to benefit from the experience of the two countries and their levels in reducing cases of corruption.
\nTable 3 shows the ranking of 18 Arab countries in 2016 and 2017 reports by the TI in order to understand the context the GCC countries.
\nNo | \nCountry | \n2016 rank | \n2017 rank | \n
---|---|---|---|
1 | \nUnited Arab Emirates | \n24 | \n21 | \n
2 | \nQatar | \n31 | \n29 | \n
3 | \nSaudi Arabia | \n57 | \n57 | \n
4 | \nJordan | \n62 | \n59 | \n
5 | \nOman | \n64 | \n68 | \n
6 | \nBahrain | \n70 | \n103 | \n
7 | \nKuwait | \n75 | \n85 | \n
8 | \nTunisia | \n75 | \n74 | \n
9 | \nMorocco | \n90 | \n81 | \n
10 | \nAlgeria | \n108 | \n112 | \n
11 | \nEgypt | \n108 | \n117 | \n
12 | \nLebanon | \n136 | \n143 | \n
13 | \nMauretania | \n142 | \n143 | \n
14 | \nIraq | \n166 | \n169 | \n
15 | \nLibya | \n170 | \n171 | \n
16 | \nSudan | \n170 | \n175 | \n
17 | \nYemen | \n170 | \n175 | \n
18 | \nSyria | \n173 | \n178 | \n
Arab countries’ corruption ranks (2016–2017) according to TI.
The six Arab GCC countries achieved good levels in combatting corruption compared to other Arab countries, especially in the 2016 report by TI. The 2016 report included 18 Arab countries of which the six Arab GCC countries scored among the top seven Arab countries. Although all the Arab countries in the report, with the exception of UAE and Qatar, scored 50 points out of 100 according to the TI, the GCC states were in a better position than 11 other Arab countries included in that report.
\nIt should be noted that the very weak scores of combatting corruption in countries such as Syria, Yemen, and Libya (173, 170, 170, respectively) are closely related to the state of war and the long standing of political and social instability. However, other Arab countries are not suffering from wars and living a more stable situation but have lagged behind the world rankings in Transparency International in 2016 report, such as Morocco, which scored 90, Algeria 108, Egypt at the same position, and Lebanon 136 globally.
\nIn a 2017 report, which also included 18 Arab countries, Kuwait and Bahrain fell to eighth and ninth places among other Arab countries, although their global ranking is generally weak. Kuwait ranked 85 and Bahrain ranked 103 globally. It should be mentioned here that these negative indicators of corruption in the Arab countries are only stated to understand the context in which the six Arab GCC countries belong to, but not to justify the poor scores achieved by most GCC countries internationally. According to TI reports, the best Arab experiences are the UAE and Qatar, which belong to the GCC states and share with the rest of the countries of this region many characteristics and political, economic, social, and cultural conditions. Therefore, there is nothing to prevent other Gulf countries from achieving better scores in the fight against corruption in the international context.
\nAnalysis in this section will reveal the main themes and topics that were highlighted by the FH reports on the Arab GCC countries in the last 5 years (2013–2017). Table 4 summarizes the main themes and topics addressed by these reports in each country in this region.
\nNo | \nCountry | \nMain topics and themes | \n
---|---|---|
1 | \nBahrain | \n\n
| \n
2 | \nUnited Arab Emirates | \n\n
| \n
3 | \nSaudi Arabia | \n\n
| \n
4 | \nOman | \n\n
| \n
5 | \nQatar | \n\n
| \n
6 | \nKuwait | \n\n
| \n
Topics and themes of the press freedom in the GCC according to FH (2013–2017).
FH reports in the last 5 years (2013–2017) addressed many themes and topics of press freedom in the six Arab GCC states. Most of these themes and topics were similar with few exceptions. Similar topics include:
Criticism of Islam, rulers, ruling families, and governments and carrying out of acts that threaten national security
Physical and psychological violence and arrests of journalists and bloggers who criticize governments and ruling regimes
Control of local and international publications
Control of the private media
Intensified Internet censorship
The abovementioned themes were repeated in the FH reports on freedom of the press in the six Arab GCC states over the past 5 years (2013–2017). FH reports focused on specific cases that occurred in these countries when referring, for example, to the arrest or torture of journalists in this country or that. Examples of cases of censorship and control of the media in the GCC states were also reported. FH considered the control of governments in these countries or ruling families or individuals who have direct relationships with these systems as evidence of control over the media, even if they are privately owned.
\nFH reports on press freedom in the GCC states indicate that the Internet provides important options for accessing information and exchanging views on many issues and that the spread and penetration of the Internet in these countries are high, as mentioned earlier in this chapter. However, the Internet, according to the FH reports, is subject to “constant,” “tight,” and “intensive” control and censorship. FH generally uses these provisions in many reports without presenting specific cases or examples. When attempting to bring the picture closer to such censorship, it cites cases of cybercriminals or activists who have been arrested or charged as a result of publishing in the media or disseminating info through social media.
\nFH repeatedly emphasized that themes of “criticism of Islam, regimes, governments, and threats to national security” are affecting press freedom in these countries. The researcher believes that criticizing Islam to achieve better levels of press freedom is out of context or at least does not reflect a good and deep understanding of how the states and societies in this region are structured. In these countries Islam is a comprehensive life system and an essential component in the national constitutions. Furthermore, the sociocultural framework in these societies often does not accept the reference to the Islamic religion in a negative or critical manner, and those who dare to do so are heavily attacked by official institutions, societies, and even ordinary individuals. Islam is a very sensitive and restricted theme in this region and cannot be compared easily with other themes. Societies and individuals in this region, in my point of view, can be more flexible and tolerant when criticizing ruling families, governments, regimes, etc., but not Islam or Islamic Law.
\nReports by FH also criticized some administrative procedures related to media and press institutions as well as to professional practices in this field. FH considered pursuing license to practice journalism from official bodies as an obstacle to freedom of the press. However, such procedures have taken their legal validity from laws issued in these countries, and therefore their implementation is not considered an offense. Civil society associations and individuals could criticize these frameworks and call to change or improve them, but it would not be possible to accept a violation of explicit legal provisions on the grounds that this would establish better press freedom.
\nThe FH reports on the GCC states in the last 5 years, 2013–2017, focused on themes related to specific countries in this region. For example, reports mentioned “self-censorship” in Oman and Qatar and how this kind of censorship negatively affects the freedom of the press. In practicing this kind of censorship, journalists and media establishments avoid addressing many issues because they are very sensitive and might impact negatively both on journalists and their institutions.
\nThe FH reports have also mentioned how the press and media coverage sometimes ignore coverage of some local events and even some geographical areas like in Saudi Arabia and Qatar because of written or oral directives. Reports indicated the phenomenon of harassment of foreign journalists in Qatar and the UAE by subjecting their news stories and articles to intensive supervision. Punishments for those who are not obeying rules and directives include termination of contracts and sometimes deportation from the country without proper procedures. However, these reports sometimes refer to one single event or avoid referring to any particular names or events in which foreign journalists have been punished without appropriate procedures, thus referring to this subject in a general form that lacks more evidence, which are not available in these reports.
\nOne of the topics in which these reports singled out a country was Saudi Arabia in the issue of transformation of media accountability from courts to the Ministry of Culture and Information, in a way that negatively affects press freedom. The researcher believes that the opposite is happening in many countries worldwide, including some Arab countries that transformed the administrative accountability to the court system. In the court system, journalists and media establishments should feel more confident because the judiciary institution is more independent and trusted. In contrast, the administrative accountability is conducted by official entities supervising media and journalism establishments. Administrative accountability is not in journalists and media’s favor because it is most likely affected by the conflict of interests between different institutions especially the public sector.
\nThe researcher noted that the content of FH reports on freedom of the press in the GCC states in the last 5 years, 2013–2017, is repeated, and some of these reports of successive years are identically similar, and the differences were minor between them year after year. The reports focus on the elements and frameworks of legal, environment, political, and economic systems and address the topics under each of these frameworks and related observations. Repeatedly, FH considers that the legal framework governing media and press in these countries negatively affects freedom of the press. FH successive reports also indicate that the practices of the executive bodies in these countries within the political framework are another factor affecting press freedom. The researcher believes that focusing on specific issues and referring to them repeatedly year after year may help the concerned countries deal easily with them. Countries and related institutions can read and analyze these reports and take appropriate action to improve the level of freedom of the press. States may also provide clarifications and “corrections,” if they are available, on some information provided by FH reports.
\nIn its reports on freedom of the press in the last 5 years (2013–2017), FH has classified Kuwaiti press as “partially free,” with only four Arab countries, namely, Tunisia, Lebanon, Morocco, and Jordan. FH reported a number of positive signs on press freedom in Kuwait, as follows [25]:
Censorship in practice does not regularly interfere with or restrict access to news.
Kuwaiti media are more critical and outspoken than many others in the region.
More in-depth reporting and a greater diversity of opinions appear in newspapers.
Atmosphere of increased governmental intolerance toward critical reporting is evident.
International news is widely available, and a number of foreign media outlets maintain bureaus in Kuwait.
All Arabic and English language newspapers are privately owned, largely independent, and diverse in their reporting.
Private media have relatively transparent ownership and their own press houses.
These positive signs on press freedom in Kuwait in the last 5 years’ (2013–2017) reports by FH are very important in many respects. First, Kuwait shares many political, economic, social, and cultural characteristics with other GCC states, which can therefore use these positive signs to achieve better scores on the scale of the world press freedom.
\nSecond, the researcher also found that some of the positive signs made by FH reports on press freedom in Kuwait have a suitable and similar ground in other GCC states. The private sector in these countries owns the largest proportion of daily newspapers, so these newspapers can imitate the Kuwaiti press practices and methodology in dealing with public affairs issues in more independent and objective ways. Institutions that supervise media and press institutions in these countries can also be encouraged to benefit from the positive indicators reported by the FH on the Kuwaiti press to improve the levels of press freedom in the rest of the GCC countries.
\nThe correlation between press freedom and corruption in GCC states was measured by using two techniques, statistical and un-statistical ones. Table 5 presents—statistically—the Pearson correlation coefficients between press freedom and corruption for each country. It is very clear that no significant correlation is found between the two variables for all countries, except for Qatar. For Oman, the correlation cannot be computed as one of the variables has constant values (press freedom).
\nNo. | \nCountry | \nCorrelation coefficient | \nSig. | \n
---|---|---|---|
1 | \nBahrain | \n−0.241 | \n0.696 | \n
2 | \nUAE | \n−0.186 | \n0.764 | \n
3 | \nSaudi Arabia | \n−0.512 | \n0.378 | \n
4 | \nOman | \nNA | \nNA | \n
5 | \nQatar | \n−0.880* | \n0.049 | \n
6 | \nKuwait | \n−0.623 | \n0.262 | \n
Pearson Correlation Coefficients between Press Freedom and Corruption Scores (2013-2017) in the GCC according to FH and TI.
Indicates the correlation is significant at 0.05 significant level.
The absence of a statistical strong correlation coefficient between the two variables, as shown in Table 5 between the degrees of freedom of the press and level of corruption in the GCC states, can be due to multiple reasons. First, the set of data under analysis is small, covering only 5 years, considering that statistical analysis is more effective with a big set of data. Second, the similarities obtained by countries in this study and the frequency of the same result year after year, whether in the field of freedom of the press or in the field of corruption, do not help to detect a strong or clear correlation coefficient between the variables. The most prominent example of this is Oman, in which correlation between the two variables cannot be detected statistically because it has obtained a score of 71 in the freedom of the press for 5 consecutive years.
\nBut the indicators provided by the two international organizations on freedom of the press and corruption indicate that there are un-statistical correlations between the two variables freedom of the press and corruption in three out of six countries in this region. Table 6 summarizes, un-statistically, the relationship between press freedom and corruption in the six Arab GCC countries, according to two international organizations, FH and TI, in the last 5 years (2013–2017).
\nNo | \nCountry | \nPress freedom | \nCorruption | \n||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
2013 | \n2014 | \n2015 | \n2016 | \n2017 | \nStatus | \n2013 | \n2014 | \n2015 | \n2016 | \n2017 | \nStatus | \n||
1 | \nBahrain | \n86 | \n87 | \n87 | \n87 | \n87 | \nNot free | \n48 | \n49 | \n51 | \n43 | \n36 | \nCorrupted | \n
2 | \nUAE | \n74 | \n76 | \n76 | \n78 | \n78 | \nNot free | \n69 | \n70 | \n70 | \n66 | \n71 | \nPartly corrupted | \n
3 | \nSaudi Arabia | \n84 | \n83 | \n83 | \n86 | \n86 | \nNot free | \n46 | \n49 | \n52 | \n46 | \n49 | \nCorrupted | \n
4 | \nOman | \n71 | \n71 | \n71 | \n71 | \n71 | \nNot free | \n47 | \n45 | \n45 | \n45 | \n44 | \nCorrupted | \n
5 | \nQatar | \n67 | \n67 | \n67 | \n69 | \n70 | \nNot free | \n68 | \n69 | \n71 | \n61 | \n63 | \nPartly corrupted | \n
6 | \nKuwait | \n59 | \n59 | \n59 | \n59 | \n60 | \nPartly free | \n43 | \n44 | \n49 | \n41 | \n39 | \nCorrupted | \n
Relationship between press freedom and corruption scores (2013–2017) in the GCC according to FH and TI.
According to the figures inTable 6, the six Arab GCC states can be divided into three main categories:
Countries in which the correlation between the decline in press freedom and high levels of corruption has been consistent (Oman, Bahrain, and Saudi Arabia)
Countries in which the correlation between the decline in press freedom and low levels of corruption has been contradicted (UAE and Qatar)
Countries in which the relationship between the medium level of freedom of the press and the high level of corruption (Kuwait) has been contradicted
Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, and Oman represent the worst case in the region, although it is a normal and predictable situation, because it reflects a kind of consistency between press freedom decline, and corruption levels rise according to international reports. In these countries, the press is not allowed to play its role in fighting corruption. It is not possible to claim that the press is a decisive factor in reducing levels of corruption. Media and press involvement in fighting corruption can send very important messages to the public about how serious and transparent these countries are in dealing with various corruption issues.
\nThe countries of the second category, namely, the UAE and Qatar, represent an incomprehensible contradiction between the decline in press freedom and the decline in levels of corruption. This contradiction can be interpreted in many ways. This contradiction shows that there is no correlation between press freedom and the rise or fall of corruption levels and therefore the two issues should not be linked. Although this interpretation is important, it does not seem logic in comparison to situations around the world, where the relationship is always inverse between the high degree of press freedom and low levels of corruption. In addition, TI corruption reports focus on media as one of the main themes in corruption, whether it concerns the media itself or the role of these media in dealing with corruption issues.
\nThe third category of the GCC states, represented only by Kuwait, also shows another contradictory relationship between freedom of the press and levels of corruption. FH categorized Kuwaiti press as “partially free,” but corruption levels, according to TI reports, are very high internationally. This discrepancy between the degree of freedom of the press and the level of corruption may reflect the absence of a relationship between both issues. It might also reflect a kind of disability to invest Kuwait’s success in the field of press freedom in fighting corruption and confronting it, especially since the Kuwaiti press has a stronger and better influence than other Arab GCC countries.
\nIn general, the researcher believes that the GCC countries in the second and third categories that posed a kind of contradictory relationship between freedom of the press and the levels of corruption are important examples that should be supported and benefited from. Countries’ experiences that have achieved advanced regional and international levels in the fight against corruption, namely, the UAE and Qatar, should be used and imitated by other GCC states in order to improve their stance in fighting against corruption. Meanwhile, UAE and Qatar should be encouraged to improve their performance of press freedom regionally and internationally. Kuwait is the only GCC state that has achieved better press freedom, so other GCC countries should benefit from this experience and make use of many important positive signs on press freedom in Kuwait as mentioned above, to improve press freedom in all GCC states. Nevertheless, Kuwait should also improve its situation in fighting against corruption regionally and internationally.
\nGCC countries with good performances and best practices in press freedom (Kuwait) and regional and international records in fighting against corruption (UAE and Qatar) can be viewed favorably with the hope that the freedom of the press and the fight against corruption in the GCC region can be improved in the future. To achieve this task, both legislative frameworks and practical actions should be considered and implemented in both areas: press freedom and fighting against corruption, thus benefiting from successful experiences and best practices regionally and internationally.
\nThe results of this study confirmed the weakness of the freedom enjoyed by the mass media in GCC countries except for Kuwait, where media is classified in a number of international reports, including the FH report as “partially free,” while the media in the rest of the GCC countries classify as “not free” over successive years.
\nThe weakness of freedom of the mass media in this region is linked to a number of reasons, perhaps dominated by the control of political systems over the media through the laws and regulations. Political systems also directly or indirectly finance and own mass media institutions. These mechanisms of control by political regimes in the GCC countries are also applied by many regimes in the rest of the Arab countries and many third world countries as well. By applying these mechanisms of control, governments want to be sure to use media in achieving their goals and interests and avoid any kind of interference by the media against policies and programs approved by these governments.
\nThe political systems in the GCC states recognize that ensuring better or greater freedom of mass media can transform the media into an independent and influential force on many policies and decisions relevant to people and communities. From a political and organizational point of view, many of the mass media in the GCC states remained official and governmental, even if they were private in terms of ownership. Mass media outlets in this region are linked to the governments and political systems in mutually beneficial interests. They control the mass media to avoid criticism or at least ensure media “silence” and “neutrality.” On the other hand, the mass media has always benefited from the financial support provided by governments and political systems in many different forms, including periodic subsidies, advertisements, subscriptions, and tax exemptions. Accordingly, the freedom of the press in GCC states and elsewhere in many Arab countries is always weak.
\nAs the fight against different types of corruption through the media needs a better and stronger level of freedom, the media failed to play its role in fighting corruption or reported it to the public except in exceptional cases passed through to achieve certain agendas or goals: political, social, or for sending some international messages abroad. To illustrate this, one can argue that although there are high levels of corruption in many GCC countries, as reported by TI, corruption cases are absent and rarely raised in many mass media in the region. The researcher believes that the weakness of the role played by mass media in fighting against corruption is linked to a traditional vision in these countries that confrontations against corruption must be held in closed rooms and take its way to the institutions of justice rather than become a public opinion issue through the media. This vision reflects the attitude toward mass media outlets, which are seen in these countries as means and tools of development. According to this traditional view, authoritarian theory is the most suitable framework by which to interpret media practice in the region.
\nMass media in the GCC states were—and still are—a force controlled by the political systems in these countries. The researcher argues that if the media continues to practice its duties under the full control of the political systems, it will be very difficult to predict future positive changes in the media environment, policies, and content in this region. Mass media institutions are always in need of high degrees of independence and freedom to enable them to objectively consider and report on various authorities within the community, including the executive authority. The question that can be raised here is how the traditional mass media in the GCC countries can consider and deal with issues of corruption independently, as the media in this region follows the executive authorities or are under its control. Moreover, the issues of corruption are linked to authorities, institutions, and individuals, so another question is how mass media can take independent positions from these authorities while it’s practicing its role under the control of these authorities.
\nThe researcher argues that the low ratings of the freedom of the mass media in most GCC states, according to FH reports, have led—and will always be—to high levels of corruption in these countries as confirmed by TI reports. The political systems and governments in these countries decided not to use media outlets in combating corruption. The decision is mainly political and media in this region always obey the controlling power. In order to change that situation, there must be structural changes of the mass media environments in these countries. There must be also some important and powerful initiatives from the mass media institutions to practice and play their roles as independent powers.
\nThe new media, particularly social media, carry better future hopes to practice pressure on two directions. In the first direction, these networks can operate as a pressure force on traditional mass media to deal with some sensitive and mostly avoided issues such as corruption. In the second direction, the new media can put some pressure on governments to take more vigorous measures in dealing with corruption and involve the public in such issues. Although there are no scientific studies—as far as the researcher is aware—which confirm such analogy, the researcher believes that through follow-up and continuous direct observation, social media in this region is putting real pressures in the two directions referred to above.
\nThe results of this study confirmed the correlation between the low levels of freedom of the press and the high level of corruption in most GCC countries, namely, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, and Oman. But the study also pointed a contradictory result between the degrees of freedom of press and levels of corruption in some of these countries. While the press and the media in countries such as the UAE and Qatar are classified as “not free” according to FH reports, the two countries have advanced global ranks in the fight against corruption as reported by TI. This result on one hand can be seen as proof that there is no kind of correlation between the freedom of the press and fighting against corruption. On the other hand, this result may be used positively to encourage the two countries to improve their level of freedom of the press to enhance their international positions in the fight against corruption.
\nAnother contradictory finding in this study also was related to the freedom of the press in Kuwait, which according to FH is classified as “partly free,” while the level of corruption is very high compared to other GCC countries. Kuwait is ranked fifth in the level of corruption among the six GCC states.
\nBased on these results, it is necessary to think in the future of more analytical studies on the relationship between the media systems in the GCC countries and corruption. There is also a need for a comparative analysis of the degree of attention given by the media in the GCC countries to the corruption issues and the type of cases covered. Moreover, studies are needed on the investigative journalism in these countries and types of the issues that are exposed in this kind of journalism that can contribute to the fight against corruption.
\nIssues of corruption should also be considered in the future as they are reported and portrayed by social media in this region. Such studies, however, will provide more information and better understanding on the relationship between the freedom of the press and corruption in the GCC states and clarify whether there will be better future horizons for the relationship between freedom of the press and the fight against corruption in this region.
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