The Informativeness of Headlines in Daily Newspapers Printed in Western Balkans

Abstract

This chapter provides a qualitative stylistic perspective on how print journalism encapsulates informativeness as one of the standards of textuality. A sample over a 12-month period from the headlines on the front pages was selected. The dominant lexical features of the sample are initially identified through frequency observation and keying, followed by a qualitative analysis from the standpoint of the stylistic projection of news value. The analysis delineates varying levels of informativeness in the headlines. Headlines embody first-level informative and elliptical characteristics, yet their predominant content presents a specific perspective. The informativeness of these headlines occasionally exceeds the appropriate dimensions, implying an excess of information beyond what would be necessary. Informative models temper or personalize the information interwoven with devices as an attempt for accuracy and informativeness. It reflects on the implications of incorporating various levels of informativeness known in print journalism. A quantitative content analysis method was employed, examining headlines and comparing newspapers. Additionally, a framing analysis was used to scrutinize the positioning and perspective of headlines. Therefore, based on the diversity of people, cultures, and religions in the western Balkans, their distinct approach to headlines was observed, displaying a specific perspective recognized in the media as subjectivity.

1. Introduction

In printed newspapers, the headline often stands as the sole read element of the publication. News headlines craft a visual representation of the extensive written discourse. The overwhelming majority of headlines precisely reproduce the content of the news, especially those informatively significant at the first degree of informativeness. Acording to Datsychyn [1], partially informative headlines offer incomplete information and, for this reason, my reflect a distorted reality. Drawing upon the purpose of placing headlines, which is to attract attention, encouraging and intriguing headlines foster readong and make the reader curious to delve into it. Therefore, the desire for sensationalism shapes trends that often transcend journalistic standards, and consequently, the headline may not consistently mirror the actual news content and may distort facts. Adittionally, the insufficient linguistic and professional competence of journalists contributes to the distortion of information within headlines.

Informativeness, according to scholars, is a pivotal concern in the formulation of headlines, as headlines serve as concise sentences encapsulationg the main idea of e news article. Considering that informativeness is one of the stadards of textuality, and as Beaugrande and Dressler [2], implying the degree of presenting the unexpected or surprising, it can be emphasized that this novelty or surprise manifests in various ways, related to both content and form [3, 4, 5, 6, 7]. The definitions and interpretations provided by these authors make it clear that informativeness is and indicator of the contextual boundaries of a text [8], implying the aspect oof the latest or new information and the readers’ expectations from a text, this suggests that headline of a news article, characterized by informativeness, should be sufficient but not overloaded with information.

2. What does this imply?

This imply that the headline should be communicative, simple, clear, accurate, and have a connection between the text and new knowledge. Based on the straightforward defition provided by Jespersen [9] for headlines, stating, “Headlines… are sentences that move, so to speak, on the boundaries of ordinary grammar” and considering that the freedom of expression and press freedom are fundamental rights supporting the free flow of ideas, journalists and all others have the right te access accurate and objective information [10]. Objectivity implies that the news contains factual information and is written without bias. The aim of news is to be impartial, not reflecting the journalist’s opinion or the media stance and editorial policy. All facts and statements should be supported by reliable sources, and the article should be written without any personal opinion or bias. Discussing this matter, Kovach and Rosenstiel [11] break down objectivity as the removal of prejudices, assisting journalists in informing the public through the method of collecting facts. According to them, objectivity focuses on verifying information based on found facts. However, objectivity is more than “the voice of no one” and “passive language”. Objectivity lies in presenting reality in a created reality. How the issue is presented to readers implies the professionalism of journalist [12]. Therefore, based on accurate and objective information, the informativeness of newspaper headlines is particularly important in the placement of news published in newspapers, as it provides the first information about the news. Always considering the significance of the statement, Kennedy [13] views informativeness as something that can be identified right from the title. As he expressed, informativeness indicates the utility of a statement in answering the discussed question in disourse, hence its importance in that disourse [13]. Otherwise, this phenomenon itself allows both the news and the writing in newspapers to be captured and better understood. In this chapter of this book, informativeness of headlines in Western Balkan newspapers is addressed, utilizing the methodology of analyzing headlines of daily newspapers published in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia. These newspapers have been the subject of several previously published scholarly articles, forming the basis of this study. The selection of newspapers was based on their editorial policies and credibility in the countries where they are published. The selected newspapers were “Veçernje Novosti” and “Danas” in Serbia, “Dnevni Avaz” and “Dnevni List” in Bosnia dhe Herzegovina, “Pobjeda” and “Dan” in Montenegro, “Veçer” in the Macedonian language and “Koha” in the Albanian language in North Macedonia [10]. The reason for choosing to address the informativeness of headlines in these newspapers is to highlight the unexpected in relation to the expected and the unknown in relation to the known. Previous papers have explored their objectivity, subjectivity, and their positioning towards published events, as well as their narration and discourse. While this study employs a quantitative content analysis method, measuring the informativeness of headlines and comparing newspapers among them. Thus, the necessity of a framing analysis is presented to examine the position and perspective of the headlines, as well as to compare the monitored newspapers among them. The research does not dvelve into the grammatical structure of sentences but focuses solely on their informativeness. Criteria for determining informativeness have now been addressed by other scholars, who were consulted and cited in this research. The findings are intriguing and have exceeded our expectations, remaining open for verification at any time. Nevertheless, our study is not without limitations. Firstly, the complexity is an inherent characteristic of this classification framework. Secondly, a quantitative approach may not fully capture some crucial components of conflict representation in the headlines of Western Balkan newspapers, especially when these states have historical ties with each other. Thirdly, despite the relatively broad parameters of the study, our empirical research is constrained by its focus on the prind newspapers of the five Western Balkan countries for a specific sampling period of one year, from beginning of February 2022 to the end of January 2023. Consequently, the space and headlines we have identified may now align with reality, as there might have been more headlines with a different level of informativeness a month earlier or later. Thus, exploratory techniques inevitably lead to solutions dependent on the empirical material studied. The questions that has preoccupied us is: What is the level of informativeness of headlines in the front pages of daily print newspapers in the five Western Balkan countries, and what is their positioning based on the order of words and facts placed in headlines? The goal is clear: to depict a reality of a region where people of different nationalities, languages, religions, and cultures reside. The research objectives aim to demonstrate an attempt to establish professional journalism without discrimination based on nationality, race, religion, etc.

3. Literature review

Various authors have considered and continue to regard journalism as synonymous with public good in achieving the democratic goal of citizen participation, public information, and scrutinity of those in power [14]. Therefore, the information load of headlines and the characteristics of the semanti concept in constructing news headlines play a crucial role. This is because, based on its architectural structure and informative content, the conceptual load is formed, and its perceptual reserves are determined [15]. Hence, when discussing informative content, it should be clarified that factors such as “press language” [16] and “material selection” [17] are not only contributors to the increased or sustained readability of newspapers but also the architecture of the title and the informativeness imparted to the title are among the key factors that attract the attention to the article. Considering the functions of headlines, which, according to Mallette [18], are fourfold: summarizing the news, evaluating the importance of stories, acting as visible elements in page layout, and enticing followers to become readers, headlines should be clear, understandable, concise, and attractive [18]. In this regard, headlines emerge as the most read part of a newspaper, being read five times more than the articles, as researchers suggest. Shaeda Isani, in an article published in 2011, notes that “headlines are scanned not only by initial buyers but also by countless people in their vicinity.” This implies that the importance of the headline is distinctive, as their informativeness determines whether the headline and article will be read or not. When discussing the definition of the headline, Ingrid Mardh in 1980 emphasized that there is no exact definition of the headline. However, various authors have provided definitions that are interconnected with the content, function, and the role of significance that the headline plays in a newspaper article. Although not all researchers agree with these definitions, considering the textual, linguistic, and pragmatic complexity of headlines, it is understandable that attempts to provide a definition are confined to the textual functions of headlines as “artifacts,” as stated by Graddol, cited in Bell and Garrett [19], a perspective that Shaeda, in fact, does not endorse. This researcher proposes a theoretical framework to demonstrate the generic nature of a specific sub-genre and seeks to distinguish between the umbrella genre of “generic headlines” and the sub-genre of “headlines” based on a pragmatic approach and theories of reader accessibility regarding the defining characteristic of the sub-genre, opacity [3, 20]. In the study of headlines, Van Dijk [21] attributes an informative function, determining their essential function of summarizing the content of the article, which should dominate the main theme of the text. This dominance of the main theme is achieved through the level of informativeness provided in the headlines. Meanwhile, Sperber and Wilson [22] view headlines as optimizers of the importance of stories for their readers. Christine Develotte and Elizabeth Rechniewski emphasize that “headlines are particularly revealing of social, cultural, and consequently national representations circulating in a society at a given time” [23]. Therefore, all researchers recognize a particular significance in headlines, as they are the ones that attract attention for reading their content. The allure for reading brings the media closer to the readers. Regarding their editorial independence, there are authors who argue the factors contributing to the loss of media independence [24], while others discuss the use or non-use of social networks by journalists [25]. In Russia, according to Mammudov and Johnson [24], complex economic realities and the growing interest of young financial magnates in media ownership and the consolidation of political influence led the media to lose their independence concerning state politics and private companies. The specific understanding of professionalism among the majority of Russian journalists played a crucial role in the transformation from independent journalism to controlled journalism [24]. This implies that a somewhat greater commitment of media professionals can aid in their independence, especially in the selection of published headlines and their informativeness. Studies have shown that media audiences, depending on the country, provide different responses regarding the role of journalism. For instance, the Danish audience is more open to the role of journalists as constructive intermediaries and moderators in public debates, while the German and British audiences are somewhat more skeptical of such a role, casting doubt on the credibility of a constructive approach [26, 27, 28, 29, 30]. This constructive credibility is undoubtedly influenced by the placement and reading of headlines in newspapers. When discussing the informativeness of news headlines, it should be emphasized that there is a distinction among journalism headlines [31]. Galtung focused on the role of violence and propaganda in shaping public perceptions of conflict, highlighting perspectives promoted by elites and establishments and reducing the construction of the reality of conflict towards its victory and defeat orientation [32]. Consequently, as Galtung also emphasized, no one blames the media for the start of a war, but the media are the ones that initiate a thorough investigation into the events or phenomena created. Because they indeed have the power to contribute to shaping images, always based on one of the standards of textuality, which is informativeness. Often, the impression is created that newspapers are influenced by state policies and public opinion. Why? Because the media receive and provide information about various events, both in times of peace and in times of conflict. At times, conflict reporting is excessively sensationalized and has a negative impact on individuals. It aims to divert the attention of journalists from episodic reports based on events to coverage that highlights the structural causes of the conflict as well as its peaceful transformation. According to Doll et al. [33], this shift could have short-term positive effects on individuals’ perceptions of the credibility of a news article. Since the media extract information from reliable sources and disseminate it to the public, the source of information obtains the information from the source where it was provided. The relationship established between the provider (the source of information) and the recipient (the media), and the provider (the media) and the recipient (the public), occurs consciously in the giving and receiving of information. This is a fact.

Attention to facts, says Ari-Elmeri Hyvönen, is “to tell the truth” [34], and facts, according to Hyvönen, “become a collection of incomprehensible statements if we cease to talk about them from our various perspectives” [34]. This implies that, despite the existence of facts, if we do not act according to the facts, the information we receive is futile. Therefore, this author considers finding facts meaningless unless they are discussed or addressed. Thus, facts exist to be treated, he says. Examining facts streamlines the verification of truth. However, is it the fact that leads us to the truth and the truthfulness of information, and to informativeness? Researchers support the idea that facts lead to the truth and the truthfulness of news. They lead beyond them as well. They lead to informativeness. However, not every piece of news may have truth, and sometimes informativeness is lacking, or it is deficient. Let us recall the U.S. Secretary of Defense, Robert Strange McNamara, who reported to President Lyndon Baines Johnson on the course of the war in Vietnam. He reported one thing in the Oval Office and another entirely in front of journalists. In fact, he declared to the press, “every quantitative measure… shows that we are winning the war” [35], while he had told President Johnson the truth, that the war was being lost. McNamara relied on what he called “the stability of uncertainty,” which influenced the withdrawal of American forces from Vietcong. This was revealed eight years later by a journalist. Therefore, considering this case, we can say that not always does truth imply truthfulness, and not always is informativeness complete. And how true is the fact, and how much truth is in that fact, and what is their relationship?

This resembles the relationship between a cobbler and a clock tower timekeeper.

The Cobbler and the Clock Tower Timekeeper.

What is this story about, and what does it entail?

An old cobbler had a shop facing the city’s clock tower. He would open and close his shop as soon as he received the signal from the clock tower. The clock tower timekeeper was responsible for maintaining and caring for the clock tower, ensuring the accuracy of the time and the ringing of the clock’s bell. Therefore, he took care of the clock’s hands and their precision to indicate the correct time. When the clock’s big hand touched the number 12, the bell would ring as many times as it was precisely the hour. Meanwhile, the cobbler ensured to open or close his shop at the exact time. The shop opened precisely at 7:00 in the morning, closed exactly at 12:00 noon for a lunch break, reopened again at 2:00 in the afternoon when the clock’s hand rang twice, and closed precisely at 7:00 in the evening when the bell rang seven times. So, the cobbler followed the clock’s chimes to open his shop when the clock struck seven times in the morning without any delay every day. He closed the shop for a lunch break when it chimed twelve times at noon. He reopened the shop again at 2:00 in the afternoon when the clock’s hand rang twice, and he closed the shop at 7:00 in the evening when the bell rang seven times. The cobbler expected the clock to chime and open or close his shop at the right minutes. Thus, unknowingly, the cobbler and the clock tower keeper had formed a relationship because the cobbler received information about the accuracy of the time, making it easier for him to adhere to the work schedule. By following the information, the need for information and acting according to the received information arose naturally. The fact is that the cobbler respected the schedule based on the clock tower’s clock hands, which faced his shop, as he was informed by the clock about the exact time. Let us continue with the elaboration of the relationship created by the cobbler and the clock tower keeper, who were known only from a distance. The story goes that a group of people had gone to inquire about the cobbler’s accuracy in opening and closing the shop, and the cobbler’s response was: “I follow the clock at the clock tower. As soon as the big hand touches 12:00, and the small hand is at 7, I open the shop. When both hands meet at the number 12, I close the shop. When the big hand finishes its pause at 12, and the small hand is at 2, I open the shop again, and in the evening, when the big hand is at 12, and the small hand is at 7, I close the shop.” The curious group, after hearing the cobbler’s answer, went to ask the clock tower keeper how he knew exactly when it was 7:00 in the morning, 12:00 noon, 2:00 in the afternoon, and 7:00 in the evening. The clock tower keeper’s response was short and simple: “I have a neighbor, a cobbler, whom I follow every day. He is accurate in time. When I see in the morning that he is approaching the shop door, I understand that it is 7:00 in the morning and adjust the clock according to the cobbler’s actions.”

This fact contradicts the cobbler’s claim that he is informed by the clock tower’s bell ringing. Two facts contradict each other. However, both remain undisputed facts for the actors. Because the fact is that the clock tower keeper was also informed by the cobbler about the action he would take. The fact is that they exchanged information subconsciously, while receiving it consciously, and that information was accurate for them, ensuring that they adhered to that fact. While the cobbler acts according to the clock hands regulated by the clock tower keeper, the clock tower keeper acts based on the cobbler’s actions. This is the unconscious relationship created between the information receiver and the information provider. One gives, and the other takes. But each of them claims to be receiving information, while subconsciously, each of them gives and consumes the information they provide. This demonstrates a truth and the truthfulness of the fact.

4. Hybridization of entertainment and information and the rise of populist politics

Gabriele Cosentino views the changes in the political economy of the media, the hybridization of entertainment and information, and the rise of populist politics as favorable for the current state. Meanwhile, Benkler et al. [36], reflecting on the events of 2016 when Trump won the elections, saw them “as signals that democracy itself was in crisis, bending under the pressure of technological processes that had overwhelmed our collective capacity to distinguish truth from falsehood and reason from its absence” [36]. At the same time, considering the UNESCO report (2020) titled “Facts and Figures: Without Fear or Favor,” it seems that journalists themselves determine what journalism is, deviating from professional and ethical standards [37]. Particularly in this era of technological and internet development, when, in addition to media security and capture issues, the greatest threats come from competition from internet companies, which have not only significantly weakened the sustainability of many media outlets but also diminished their social importance [37]. In the last two decades, efforts have been made in the Western Balkans to build public service media systems, a process that has involved the transformation of former state media into public media [38]. Although these transformations were successful in various states, in Kosovo, such a transformation occurred relatively easily, but later, years afterward, faced significant obstacles and difficulties, particularly on the financial front [38]. These are also facts. Another fact is that information cannot be separated from the community [11] because it is the right of every citizen to be informed and the right of every medium to inform the community. Therefore, the relationship created between the media and the public can be termed a “give-take-give” relationship. This relationship, formed between them, has emerged as a necessity for the dissemination of information and appears to be sustainable. What does “give-take-give” relationship truly imply? The “give-take-give” relationship implies that information is given by the community, taken or accepted by the media, and then given back or returned to the community, becoming part of daily information. In other words, the information given by the public is a naked piece of information that is dressed by the media and, once dressed, is returned to the public. Therefore, their importance is consistently emphasized in news production [39], news distribution, and the creation of public opinion, which, according to Lee [40] and Kruikemeier and Lecher [41], depends on how readers react to media content and constitutes journalistic values. This not only implies, as emphasized by Qin et al., that journalists and media prefer professional community over ideological preferences [42], because real-life experiences demonstrate the opposite. The headlines placed in newspapers reporting on the war in Ukraine challenge the assessment of these authors. In this regard, each piece of information offered or sought has its dimensions, including format, content, length, message, and relevance to the created reality, always without forgetting the function that the media serves, which is to illuminate the environment and play the role of an environment where news coverage is shaped [42, 43]. It all depends on the journalist, editor, or editorial policy regarding what headlines are placed in the published articles and the level of informativeness. However, headlines, as such, encompass format, content, length, message, and relevance. The format pertains to their connection with external and internal factors, such as their internal connections, while the content shows a concise overview of the entire writing. Length relates to the number of words in a sentence, and the message should be as clear and understandable as possible. All of this is intertwined with what is considered current and not outdated. Therefore, as such, newspaper headlines should be specific, as they strive to display certain trends to represent the writing style of newspapers. In short, they aim to capture the readers’ attention. Their form, structure, and word choice play a decisive role in attracting readers. Therefore, the goal of newspapers is to directly influence the increase in the daily circulation of the newspaper through headlines. As such, they occupy a specific position within the discourse of the newspaper language and strive to justify the language of the title, which would be of particular interest.

5. Methodology

For the compilation of this chapter discussing newspaper headlines from five Western Balkan countries, including Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Albania, Montenegro, and North Macedonia, a quantitative content analysis method has been employed, analyzing headlines and comparing newspapers among them. In the study, ten newspapers from the five countries, specifically two newspapers from each state, were analyzed. A total of 135 headlines were selected from their front pages out of the 24,000 headlines monitored on the pages of these newspapers. Additionally, a framing analysis was utilized to examine the position and perspective of the headlines and to compare the monitored newspapers among themselves. During the analysis of the headlines, grammatical sentence structure was not considered; instead, only informativeness or the level of their understanding was taken into account.

In the five Western Balkan countries addressed in this research, there are numerous daily newspapers in print. However, for this study, ten daily print newspapers were selected for each state, from two newspapers. The selection criteria for newspapers were based on their editorial policies and credibility among the public. The studied newspapers were “Danas” and “Večernje Novosti” from Serbia, “Dnevni Avaz” and “Dnevni list” from Bosnia and Herzegovina, “Panorama” and “Gazeta Shqiptare” from Albania, “Pobjeda” and “Dan” from Montenegro, as well as “Večer” and “Koha mk” from North Macedonia.

Approximately 24,000 headlines were read, but not all were analyzed. Only the headlines that were on their front pages and those that mentioned the war in Ukraine were selected for analysis, as we believe these headlines, chosen to be on their front pages and reporting on the war, have more informativeness and attract more attention. The collection of material lasted from February 2022 to the end of January 2023. From February to September 2023, the arrangement and selection of headlines to be analyzed were conducted. In October, another reading was performed, and in November, the compilation of the paper began. Since the number of headlines on the front pages was substantial, we decided to make another selection: to analyze only the headlines of Friday and Monday, marking the beginning and end of the weekend.

6. Findings and discussion

During the first month of the conflict in Russia, daily print newspapers in Western Balkans allocated more attention to this event. However, it appears that interest in this conflict has gradually diminished over subsequent months. Indeed, there is a decline in interest each following month. Particularly after July, the intensity of news coverage of the war in Ukraine has further declined, while other daily events took more prominent places. As these news items were more intriguing to the public, we have highlighted and presented them in tabular forms.

As seen from Table 1, which presents 135 selected headlines from ten newspapers of five Western Balkan countries, both the number of headlines in the headlines and the informativeness level of those headlines vary from newspaper to newspaper and from country to country. For instance, the Serbian newspaper “Danas,” during the first four months of the war in Ukraine, on two weekdays, Monday and Friday, out of nineteen headlines, published eleven with a first-degree informativeness level. It had three with a second-degree, three with a third-degree, and four elliptical headlines. Meanwhile, “Vecernje Novosti,” also from Serbia, out of sixteen news, had eight with a first-degree informativeness level, one with a second-degree, and seven elliptical. “Dnevni Avaz” from Bosnia and Herzegovina, out of seventeen headlines, had ten with a first-degree informativeness level, two with a second-degree, four elliptical, and one titled as a question, categorized as third-degree informativeness. A dilemma title. The other newspaper from Bosnia and Herzegovina, “Dnevni list,” published only seven headlines during this period, from March to June. Out of them, five were with a first-degree informativeness, and two were question titles (dilemma-ambiguous titles-third-degree informativeness) expressing dilemmas and surprises. The Albanian newspaper “Panorama” published only seven titles, five of which had a first-degree informativeness level, and two had a second-degree. Meanwhile, the other Albanian newspaper, “Gazeta Shqiptare,” published seventeen titles, of which fourteen had a first-degree informativeness level, two had a second-degree, and one had a third-degree informativeness. “Pobjeda” from Montenegro published ten news during this time, six of which had a first-degree informativeness level, four elliptical, and one with a preceding degradation. Meanwhile, the other Montenegrin newspaper “Dan” had only six titles, all with a first-degree informativeness. The newspaper “Vecer” from North Macedonia published ten titles, of which nine had a first-degree informativeness level, and one was elliptical. The second newspaper from North Macedonia, “Koha mk,” had the most headlines on the front page, surpassing all researched newspapers. It had twenty-seven titles. Twelve had a first-degree informativeness, four had a second-degree, four elliptical, and seven question titles representing dilemmas.

Newspaper	The first order of informativeness	The second order of informativeness	The third order of informativeness	Ellipse headlines
Danas	11	1	3	4
Vecernje Novosti	8	1	0	7
Dnevni Avaz	10	2	1	4
Dnevni list	5	0	2	0
Panorama	5	2	0	0
Gazeta Shqiptare	14	2	1	0
Pobjeda	6	0	0	4
Dan	6	0	0	0
Vecer	9	0	0	1
Koha mk	12	4	7	4
Total	135	12	14	24

Table 1.

Order of informativeness of headlines of newspapers.

When discussing front-page headlines, it appears that there are headlines with a somewhat obscured meaning, such as “Molitva za mir i blagostanje” (Prayer for peace and prosperity) from Vecernje Novosti on June 3, 2022, or “Zaboravljena Ukrajina, Lepota i Kic” (Forgotten Ukraine, Beauty, and Glory) from Danas on June 6, 2022. These types of headlines fall into the second and third levels of informativeness. It is not that these titles are unintentional, but they lack informativeness. Nevertheless, this lack of informativeness may influence drawing the reader’s attention. Always relying on the informativeness of the titles, in this chapter, we have tended to extract objectivity, subjectivity, and the positioning of newspapers during times of conflicts and wars. Within these principles, it is imperative to discuss the relationships that emerge between the information source and the media, as well as the facts that support a headline in a newspaper article. Additionally, a few words will be dedicated to the credibility and attractiveness of headlines.

A headline like “Ruske snage raznijele porodiliste” published in “Dnevni avaz” in Sarajevo on March 11, 2022, is an informative and objective headline. It indicates an attack on a maternity hospital, a clear act of aggression against the unarmed and innocent civilian population, without expressing a particular stance. This news is illustrated with photographs from the scene, providing a visual representation of the created reality. Objectivity, in this context, pertains to presenting the “created reality” through a transparent approach to evidence, rather than molding it to fit preconceived notions, as described by Kovach and Rosenstiel. The avoidance of personal and cultural biases ensures the accuracy of reporting.

To comprehend subjectivity more straightforwardly, it can be summarized in a single sentence. Subjectivity in journalism is the reporting of information from a specific standpoint, constituting an inseparable part of representing the world through emotions, prejudices, and personal interest. Conceptually, subjectivity is understood as an individual reporter’s desire rather than an objective state. This implies that journalists present the real world as they see it or would like to see it, rather than as it truly is. This transformation causes both headlines and the entire news to shift from the sought objectivity towards the displayed subjectivity of the journalist. This occurs because, firstly, the approach to representing actors and events evades the dual nature of journalism indicators. Secondly, individual dimensions related to the positioning of newspapers are presented. Thirdly, newspapers do not claim that any of their headlines are necessarily more valuable, truer, or more propagandistic than others.

Empirically, we find that the editorial policy of a newspaper dictates the headlines presented on their front pages, and this appears more complex than usual. This phenomenon is easily observed in the headlines of newspapers. For example, the headline of a news article published in Vecernje Novosti (Serbia) on May 30, 2022, reads: “Mein Kampf tani po zhvillohet kundër rusëve” (Mein Kampf is now being conducted against the Russians). This headline is highly subjective and biased, reflecting the editorial policy of the newspaper, which is similar to the policy of the state in which the newspaper operates, in contrast to Russia [10]. How can there be a “Mein Kampf” against Russians when Russians have invaded Ukraine, and the war is taking place on Ukrainian soil? Similarly, the headline of “Pobjeda” in Montenegro on June 6, 2022, reads: “Lufta do të zgjasë sa të jetë Putin në pushtet” (The war will last as long as Putin is in power). This headline also reflects editorial policy, akin to the state where the newspaper operates [10]. These headlines raise doubts about their objectivity and reinforce the skepticism expressed earlier, suggesting that the media is an instigator of war. However, they are not instigating war; rather, with their unverifiable and biased writings and sensational and emotional headlines, they incite uncontrolled actions. From what has been discussed about subjectivity, it is understood that subjectivity in journalism is considered a powerful tool for journalists, as it allows for the presentation of a specific perspective on a narrative. This captivating and personal narrative directs the audience to another viewpoint rather than the one that actually exists. Therefore, this type of presenting the created reality is considered problematic, as it can lead to prejudices and non-action regarding crucial facts. Thus, their demonstrated subjectivity is evident in their front-page headlines.

Based on Table 2, which illustrates the objectivity and subjectivity of headlines in the front pages of newspapers in Western Balkans [10], the newspaper “Danas” had eight headlines categorized as objective out of the total published, while eight others were deemed subjective. In contrast, “Večernje Novosti” had six objective headlines and ten subjective ones. “Dnevni Avaz” from Bosnia and Herzegovina featured nine objective headlines and eight subjective ones, while “Dnevni list” had three objective headlines and six subjective ones. The Albanian newspaper “Panorama” presented five objective headlines and two subjective ones, whereas the other Albanian newspaper “Gazeta Shqiptare” had five objective and twelve subjective headlines. “Pobjeda” from Montenegro published seven objective headlines and three subjective ones, while the other Montenegrin newspaper “Dan” had two objective headlines and four subjective ones. The Macedonian newspaper “Večer” published five objective headlines and three subjective ones, while the second Macedonian newspaper “Koha mk” had eighteen objective headlines and nine subjective ones.

Newspaper	Objectivity headlines	Subjectivity headlines	Total headlines
Danas	8	8	16
Vecernje Novosti	6	10	16
Dnevni Avaz	9	8	17
Dnevni list	3	6	9
Panorama	5	2	7
Gazeta Shqiptare	5	12	17
Pobjeda	7	3	10
Dan	2	4	6
Vecer	7	3	10
Koha mk	18	9	27
Total	70	65	135

Table 2.

Objectivity and subjectivity of headlines [10].

When examining the number of headlines sorted by the objectivity and subjectivity of the information, it becomes apparent that only around 52% of them are objective. Meanwhile, 48% of the headlines display their subjectivity, which is indeed detrimental to professional journalism.

In the headlines of these newspapers, there were also titles indicating proximity or distance towards the parties in the conflict, specifically revealing a stance. This positioning is influenced by the editorial policy of the media outlet, as well as the relationships with the state in which the newspaper operates concerning the parties in the conflict. In this way, positioning is established by maintaining a specific stance in formulating the headlines of the published news. Discussing this positioning inevitably requires examining the number of headlines in these newspapers placed on their front pages, which evidently demonstrates the alignment towards one of the conflicting parties.

As shown in Table 3, out of 135 headlines published on the front pages of these newspapers, 65 headlines exhibit a clear positioning towards one of the warring parties. This is not a positive sign of professional journalism because the audience genuinely seeks objective information rather than biased reporting from newspapers. Nevertheless, it is somewhat reassuring that 63% of the headlines favor the attacked side, but it is concerning that 37% lean towards the attacker. Analyzing the specific positioning for the researched newspapers, “Danas” from Serbia had three pro-Russian headlines and five pro-Ukrainian headlines. Meanwhile, out of the ten headlines published by “Večernje Novosti,” all were positioned towards Russia. “Dnevni Avaz” had eight pro-Ukrainian headlines and none pro-Russian, while the other newspaper from Bosnia and Herzegovina, “Dnevni list,” published four pro-Ukrainian headlines and two pro-Russian ones. The newspaper “Panorama” from Albania did not publish any pro-Russian headlines but had two pro-Ukrainian ones. On the other hand, the other Albanian newspaper “Gazeta Shqiptare” had two pro-Russian headlines and ten pro-Ukrainian ones. “Pobjeda” from Montenegro published one pro-Russian headline and two pro-Ukrainian headlines. Meanwhile, the other Montenegrin newspaper “Dan” published two pro-Russian headlines and two pro-Ukrainian headlines. Regarding the newspapers from North Macedonia, “Večer” published two pro-Russian headlines and one pro-Ukrainian headline. Meanwhile, “Koha mk” published two pro-Russian headlines and seven pro-Ukrainian headlines. As seen in Table 3, out of 135 headlines on the front pages of the ten daily newspapers from Western Balkans, 65 headlines have a specific orientation, implying alignment with one of the conflicting parties. We will not delve deeper into the animosity because, as stated earlier, animosity depends on the editorial policy of the newspaper and the positioning of the state towards the warring sides. This action causes journalists and media outlets to consciously or unconsciously position themselves towards a specific side. Now, comparing the number of headlines based on objectivity, subjectivity, and positioning towards the warring parties that newspapers from the Balkan countries have published on their front pages, it can be said that the space given to headlines for this war on their front pages does not correspond to their presentation and positioning towards the warring parties. There is a significant mismatch, especially in the case of Serbian newspapers, particularly Vecernje Novosti, where there is no clear indication of a “more critical approach to the War” [4]. Relying on the argument and determination for a specific perspective, apart from subjectivity, also reveals their positioning towards one of the parties in the conflict, which deliberately or inadvertently presents and represents the policies of that state.

Positioning of newspaper	Pro-Russian	Pro-Ukrainian	Total positioning headlines
Danas	3	5	8
Vecernje Novosti	10	0	10
Dnevni Avaz	0	8	8
Dnevni list	2	4	6
Panorama	0	2	2
Gazeta Shqiptare	2	10	12
Pobjeda	1	2	3
Dan	2	2	4
Vecer	2	1	3
Koha mk	2	7	9
Total	24	41	65

Table 3.

Positioning of headlines [10].

7. Conclusions

Based on the factor of opacity present in the headlines of Western Balkan newspapers, primarily, the headlines exhibit varying degrees of intensity and informativeness. If we were to refer to the theory of reader accessibility proposed initially by Ariel [3], the semantic (informative)/pragmatic (opaque) equation, which can be analyzed on a scale of three levels—low, intermediate, and high—the headlines on the front pages of these newspapers are diverse. Some have a low semantic/pragmatic equation, while others have a high semantic/pragmatic equation. This implies that the headlines have varying degrees of resistance to understanding. According to Ariel [3], the higher the pragmatic design, the less informative the headline, and the greater the challenge for reader accessibility and vice versa. Drawing on studies by others, opacity makes headlines trustworthy, increases their attractiveness, and draws the attention of readers, as readers’ demand is for attractiveness [29]. Considering that credibility plays a crucial role, it can be stated that headlines on the front pages of newspapers should also be trustworthy and attractive.

In the newspapers of Western Balkan countries such as Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Albania, Montenegro, and Macedonia, it has been observed that, in the headlines, attractiveness takes precedence, especially in the newspapers of Serbia, Macedonia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina [10]. Regarding credibility, Albanian newspapers are the ones that have published the most trustworthy headlines, followed by newspapers from Montenegro. When we discuss the credibility of the headline, we imply the carefully chosen words extracted from the content that are truly credible because they are substantiated with arguments and come from a reliable source of information. Meanwhile, attractiveness merely implies the curiosity gained from the words arranged in the headline or the drawing of the reader’s attention. Not that it is good writing, but the headline makes the reader’s attention be captured and easily retained in memory. Considering the diversity of peoples, cultures, and religions in the Western Balkans, their varied approaches to the war in Ukraine were evident. There were publications with headlines that indicated a specific perspective, known in media as subjectivity. The headlines on the front pages of these newspapers clearly show that newspapers usually present a particular viewpoint. This phenomenon is observed in every Western Balkan newspaper. Considering the informativeness of the headlines, the headlines in these newspapers, as much as they are informative, are also judgmental, revealing bias, positioning, and misinformation, which naturally indicate the potential influence of state policies and public opinion on the media in each Western Balkan country. However, we can conclude that the front pages of daily newspapers in the five Western Balkan countries—Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Albania, Montenegro, and North Macedonia—exhibited a diversity of informativeness in the headlines related to objectivity-subjectivity and positioning towards the warring parties, as well as their attractiveness. Using the quantitative method of content analysis and analyzing and comparing the front pages of newspapers, specific positions and perspectives of the headlines placed on the front page were observed (see Table 3). During the monitoring of the headlines on the front pages of newspapers in the five Western Balkan countries and the analysis of the narrative, discourse, and terminology used, it is evident that there is a thriving tendency in the media, especially in the publication of articles with pompous, sensational, and emotional headlines and photos, which either were made earlier or had no connection with the reality created during the war in Ukraine. Photographs of military planes flying low over buildings in Kiev, taken two years before the start of the war, were displayed in newspapers, indicating that Kiev had suffered significant destruction (www.abc.net.au in Ref. [12]), and the images were not current but were from 2014 when Ukrainians were protesting against their government (www.bbc.com/). Meanwhile, even earlier photographs, about ten years before the start of the war in Ukraine [12], were shown solely for the sake of sensationalism, not to provide objective information.

Usually, Western Balkan newspapers predominantly feature news on their front pages with headlines of a primary degree of informativeness. However, there are cases when the headlines are of the second or third degree of informativeness, and even elliptical. This informativeness sometimes exceeds the necessary dimensions, implying that there is more information than there should be, or even conclusive headlines. Newspapers should avoid such headlines because journalism does not impose but informs. While informing, headlines should be informative and not conclusive. Considering the degree of informativeness of the headlines, it is worth noting that all newspapers prioritized headlines with the first-degree informativeness. Elliptical headlines are the second choice, while headlines with second or third-degree informativeness are the last choice. Since headlines are the part of the text where perhaps a single detail is highlighted from the narrative, which may indicate what the text actually contains, they should summarize the news to capture the reader’s attention. And who makes the headline or article grab the reader’s attention? The informativeness of the headline and the objectivity of the written event in a factual manner.