Loneliness in the Baltic-Nordic Region

Abstract

This book chapter investigates loneliness among older adults (67+) in Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Sweden, Denmark, and Finland, aiming to identify demographic trends in loneliness within these Baltic and Nordic populations. The findings indicate a higher loneliness rate in the Baltics, with Latvia at 45%, compared to lower rates in Denmark and Finland at 17% and 20%, respectively. The overall loneliness prevalence in the Baltic countries is 34%, significantly higher than the 22% in Nordic countries. Gender differences are evident, with women more likely to report loneliness, especially in the Baltics (41% for women vs. 27% for men in the Nordics). Additionally, the study notes age disparities, highlighting that individuals 76 and older in the Baltics are more prone to loneliness (40%) than their Nordic peers (28%). These patterns underscore the need to consider gender and age in addressing loneliness among the elderly, shedding light on the varying experiences of loneliness across these regions.

1. Introduction

Loneliness is a pervasive concern that transcends geographical boundaries and has garnered global attention for its far-reaching impact on individuals and communities. However, among the myriad dimensions of loneliness, the plight of older adults emerges as a particularly pressing and substantial public health concern, with distinct nuances and heightened relevance, notably in the Baltic and Nordic regions.

The experience of loneliness among older adults in these regions is influenced by a complex interplay of social, economic, and demographic factors, creating a distinctive landscape of vulnerabilities and resilience [1]. A study conducted by researchers using data from the European Social Survey explored factors influencing loneliness among older adults aged 60 and over in 20 countries [2]. The research revealed that the type of welfare regime in a country had a notable impact on loneliness levels among older adults. Nordic, Anglo-Saxon, and Continental welfare regimes were associated with lower levels of loneliness, whereas Southern and Eastern regimes showed higher levels of loneliness. Furthermore, the study highlighted that the influence of individual resources on loneliness varied depending on the welfare regime. Specifically, in the socially enabling Nordic regime, older individuals were less dependent on individual resources to combat loneliness, in contrast to regimes where family and social ties played a more significant role in mitigating loneliness. These findings emphasize the intricate relationship between individual characteristics and societal-level factors in the context of understanding and addressing loneliness among older populations, as discovered by the researchers.

The challenge of addressing loneliness among older populations is significant in both Baltic and Nordic countries, yet a comprehensive understanding of the precise connections and effective remedies for this problem remains limited. Loneliness, a prevalent issue among older individuals, has been associated with adverse health outcomes, including chronic illnesses, cognitive decline, and even mortality [3, 4, 5]. The impact of loneliness on mental and physical well-being is well-documented [6, 7].

Conversely, fostering social connections and active engagement in older adults can promote healthy aging and enhance overall quality of life [8]. Additionally, factors such as gender, marital status, employment, and educational background can significantly influence the extent of loneliness experienced among older individuals [7, 9, 10, 11]. These insights highlight the importance of addressing loneliness in older populations and the potential benefits of social engagement and support systems in promoting healthy aging and well-being.

In our exploration of loneliness in the Baltic and Nordic regions, several studies have provided valuable insights. In Estonia and Latvia, research by Aslan and Zengin [12] and Pasupathy et al. [13] point to financial difficulties and disrupted family communications as key contributors to higher levels of loneliness. Latvia, in particular, has been the focus of studies by Reine and colleagues [14, 15, 16] that found increased loneliness linked to the lack of contact with family.

The Nordic countries present a different picture, as highlighted in studies referenced by the European Parliament [17] and Nygård et al. [18]. Here, loneliness is influenced by the frequency of social interactions and living arrangements. In Sweden and Denmark, concerns about neighborhood safety and in Sweden and Finland, worries related to income have been noted. Denmark, Finland, and Sweden also face issues regarding the scarcity of emotional support.

In Sweden, older individuals who experience loneliness have been shown to use outpatient healthcare services more frequently, indicating a broader impact on healthcare systems [9, 19].

1.1 The impact of COVID-19 on loneliness and social isolation in older adults

The COVID-19 pandemic has profoundly impacted the social dynamics of older adults, particularly in the Baltic and Nordic regions, which are characterized by unique demographic and cultural attributes. The pandemic’s restrictions, such as limited gatherings and reduced face-to-face interactions, have exacerbated loneliness and social isolation issues. This situation is especially pronounced in regions known for their strong social support systems and welfare provisions, highlighting the intricate nature of loneliness in these contexts.

The pandemic has caused significant disruptions in traditional social interaction patterns. Mandated social distancing measures and lockdowns have led to a substantial decrease in physical social interactions, intensifying feelings of loneliness and isolation among older adults [15]. As Brooke and Jackson [20] and others have noted, this shift is more than a temporary inconvenience; it poses a severe risk to the mental health of this demographic [21].

The rapid transition to digital communication during the pandemic has not been uniformly smooth for older adults. The digital divide became more evident, with some individuals struggling to adapt to new technologies for social interaction, thereby heightening feelings of isolation [22].

The mental health impacts of these reduced social interactions are significant. Research by Andrade et al. [23] indicates an increase in anxiety and depression among older adults during this period, linked to the isolation and fear caused by the pandemic. Moreover, community services, crucial for the social life of many older adults, were disrupted, as Gerst-Emerson and Jayawardhana [24] highlight. These services, which provide essential social contact and routine, were severely affected by pandemic-related closures.

Furthermore, health concerns due to the increased risk of COVID-19 among older populations led to further reluctance in social interactions. As outlined by Armitage and Nellums [25] and van der Velpen et al. [26], these concerns resulted in an increase in social isolation.

Family dynamics also changed, as noted by Berg-Weger and Morley [27]. The restrictions on visiting older family members and the changes in household routines due to lockdowns affected regular family interactions and support systems. The long-term effects on the social behavior of older adults, including potential lasting impacts on their willingness to engage in social interactions post-pandemic, remain a concern, as Courtin and Knapp [28] have discussed.

Despite these challenges, some older adults have shown resilience and adaptability. Balzarini et al. [29] observed that older individuals have adopted new technologies for communication and found innovative ways to maintain social connections within the confines of safety protocols.

This situation in the Baltic and Nordic countries is further complicated by their rapid population aging. These regions are known for their exceptional quality of life and robust social welfare systems, yet they are facing rising rates of loneliness among their older populations. While the Nordic countries have a rich history of research on loneliness, the Baltic states have seen less attention in this area. However, the emergence of the COVID-19 pandemic has catalyzed research efforts in the Baltic states, focusing on factors associated with loneliness among older adults [15, 22, 30].

These studies are crucial for proposing policy recommendations to address loneliness within the region [13]. Additionally, the comparison of loneliness in Iceland with that in Nordic countries is a significant aspect of our study, aiming to understand regional nuances in the experience of loneliness [16, 30]. The COVID-19 pandemic has intensified these issues, particularly in the Baltic states, with studies like that by Pasupathy et al. [13, 21] highlighting increased anxiety and disrupted familial interactions as notable predictors of loneliness during this period.

1.2 Impact of the Soviet Regime in the Baltic States

The Soviet era in the Baltic states (Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania) was marked by significant social and political upheaval. Policies of Russification, forced migrations, and deportations led to the disruption of traditional family structures and community bonds. These historical traumas have long-lasting effects on the social networks of those who lived through this period, potentially contributing to greater feelings of loneliness in their later years [31].

Under the Soviet regime, employment patterns and economic structures were radically altered. Post-Soviet transitions also brought economic hardships and instability. Such shifts likely affected the retirement and pension systems, impacting the financial security and, consequently, the social well-being of the older population.

The Soviet period left a cultural and psychological legacy characterized by mistrust of state institutions and a reluctance to seek social support outside of immediate family and close friends. This mindset may influence the willingness of older adults in these countries to engage in broader social networks or seek help for loneliness [32].

1.3 Welfare regimes in the Nordic countries

In contrast, the Nordic countries (Sweden, Denmark, Norway, and Finland) are known for their robust welfare regimes. These systems have historically provided comprehensive social support, including well-developed healthcare, social services, and pension schemes. Such support structures can mitigate the impact of loneliness by ensuring social security and opportunities for social engagement among the older population [33].

The cultural norms in the Nordic countries often emphasize individual independence and collective responsibility. These values are reflected in their social policies, which promote active aging and community participation among older adults, potentially reducing the incidence of loneliness [34].

The Nordic model is characterized by economic stability, low levels of income inequality, and high levels of gender equality. Such factors contribute to a generally higher quality of life and social cohesion, which can positively impact the mental well-being and social connectedness of the older persons.

The social and cultural context in the Baltic and Nordic regions plays a pivotal role in shaping the experiences of loneliness among older adults. As we delve into this exploration of loneliness among older adults in these regions, we confront a critical public health issue that has significant implications not only for individual well-being but also for the broader societal fabric. It is within this context that we seek to elucidate the multifaceted nature of loneliness, with the aim of informing effective interventions and policies tailored to these distinct cultural and regional contexts.

2. Population, methodology, and the aim

The research was carried out using data from the eighth wave of the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (SHARE) conducted between June and August 2020. SHARE is a prominent and influential social science panel study that has significantly elevated research standards and scientific data collection practices. Its impact extends beyond the European Union, as it not only comprehensively covers all EU member countries with rigorous harmonization but also contributes to a broader network of related studies worldwide, spanning from the Americas to Eastern Asia [35].

The study population comprises older adults aged 67 and above in the Baltic-Nordic region, including Sweden, Denmark, Estonia, Lithuania, Finland, and Latvia. The total sample size for the study is 5313 individuals, with 2377 individuals from Nordic countries and 2936 individuals from Baltic countries. Additionally, the study assesses the household’s ability to make ends meet, with a total sample size of 3925 individuals, including 1748 individuals from Nordic countries and 2177 individuals from Baltic countries.

In order to compare the older populations of Latvia and Iceland effectively, researchers employed a unified methodology to guarantee the consistency of data. This approach included participants aged 67 and above and utilized the SHARE dataset for Latvia and the HL20 dataset for Iceland. Essential demographic variables such as gender, age, marital status, education, employment, financial stability, and health were aligned across both datasets. Additionally, the categorization of responses was standardized for uniformity, a process elaborated in previous research [16]. This methodological strategy, initially applied to Latvia and Iceland, has now been expanded to include other populations in the Nordic-Baltic region, thereby widening its application and deepening the understanding of aging in varied cultural and socioeconomic settings.

In essence, the careful alignment of data sources and the establishment of a uniform age benchmark have allowed this study to effectively utilize both SHARE and Icelandic data. This approach facilitates a comprehensive and meaningful analysis of the prevalence of loneliness and its related factors among older adults in the Baltic-Nordic region and Iceland, ensuring the credibility of the results and enabling valuable cross-regional comparisons.

The study aims to investigate the prevalence of loneliness among older adults in the Baltic-Nordic region. It seeks to understand the association of demographic, social, and economic factors on loneliness in this population. The research will utilize a quantitative approach to analyze the data collected from the SHARE survey of older adults. The study will employ cross-sectional analyses to examine the relationship between loneliness and various sociodemographic factors. The findings of the study will contribute to a better understanding of the prevalence and potential predictors of loneliness among older adults in the Baltic-Nordic region. The results will have implications for the development of interventions and policies aimed at addressing loneliness and promoting social connectedness in this population.

For the statistical analysis, the study employed IBM SPSS Statistics v.27, Jamovi v. 2.3.18, and R v.4.3.0. The research utilized descriptive statistics and the Pearson Chi-square test to examine differences within and between countries or regions. A significance level of P < 0.05 was established for the analysis.

3. Prevalence of loneliness on the Nordic-Baltic region

3.1 Key outcome variable

The principal outcome variable in this study was loneliness, categorized according to the specific measures available in each participating country. The study employed distinct loneliness indicators that slightly varied by country. For Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Sweden, Finland, and Denmark, loneliness was assessed with the question, “How often do you feel lonely?” Meanwhile, in Iceland, the approach was slightly different, with the question framed as, “Would you say that you are lonely?” This nuanced distinction in question framing was critical for accurately capturing the essence of loneliness as experienced in each country, thus allowing a more tailored and precise analysis.

3.2 Standardization of demographic variables

A methodical approach was taken to standardize essential demographic variables for comparative purposes. These variables included gender, age groups, marital status, education level, employment status, and household financial stability. This standardization was imperative to ensure uniformity and comparability across datasets from different countries.

To accomplish this, the research team thoroughly reviewed the response options for each variable, aiming to align them across the various country datasets. Following this review, the responses were graphically reorganized to create new and consistent response categories, applicable uniformly across all participating countries. This process of reorganizing and standardizing response options, as detailed in Reine et al. [16], was pivotal for the study’s coherence and reliability.

3.3 Comparative analysis

This rigorous approach to data standardization was crucial in facilitating a coherent and reliable comparative analysis of loneliness among older adults across different national contexts. This methodology allowed for an insightful examination of disparities in loneliness between the SHARE countries and Iceland, as reported in prior research by Reine et al. [16].

The methodology used for this comparative analysis, focusing on aligning and harmonizing data from the Baltic and Nordic countries, is further elaborated in Miķelsone et al. [30]. This approach was instrumental in accurately capturing and comparing the nuances of loneliness and social isolation in these diverse geographic and cultural settings.

When comparing the three Nordic countries (Sweden, Denmark, and Finland) with the three Baltic states (Estonia, Lithuania, and Latvia) based on participation in SHARE, it was observed that in Latvia, a notable percentage of older individuals, approximately 45%, reported experiencing frequent or occasional loneliness.

In contrast, Denmark had the lowest rate of loneliness among older individuals at 17%, followed closely by Finland at 20% (Figure 1). This data highlights a noticeable contrast between the Baltic and Nordic regions. In the Baltic countries, 34% of older individuals reported feeling lonely often or occasionally, while in the Nordic countries, this figure was notably lower at 22%. Statistical analyses have confirmed that these differences between the two regions are statistically significant.

Figure 1.

Prevalence of loneliness in the Baltic and Nordic countries.

These findings are consistent with prior research [36, 37, 38] that has shown variations in loneliness levels among older adults across different cultural and regional contexts. In summary, older individuals in the Baltic region tend to experience higher levels of loneliness compared to their counterparts in the Nordic region.

3.4 Loneliness and gender

Loneliness in older women tends to be more frequent and severe than in older men [20]. Even when the quantity and quality of their social networks are similar, older women experience loneliness more frequently [11]. This suggests that women may be more sensitive to feelings of loneliness or social dissonance.

Gender composition among respondents revealed substantial distinctions between the regions. In Latvia, 67% of respondents were women, while, on average, 66% were women in the Baltics. In contrast, the Nordic countries exhibited a lower proportion of women, accounting for 53% of respondents. These statistically significant gender differences underscore the importance of considering gender dynamics when interpreting loneliness patterns.

Figure 2 illustrates that loneliness is a prevalent issue among individuals of both genders in both the Baltic region and the Nordic countries. What stands out is the consistent trend of women reporting more frequent feelings of loneliness compared to men in both regions. This gender difference in loneliness is particularly pronounced in the Baltic region, where women report feeling lonely often or occasionally at a rate of 41%, in contrast to 27% among women in the Nordic countries.

Figure 2.

Loneliness among women and men in the Nordic-Baltic region.

Interestingly, this pattern of higher loneliness levels among women is observable in both regions, suggesting a commonality in the experiences of women across different cultural and regional contexts. These findings highlight the importance of considering gender-specific factors and interventions when addressing loneliness among older individuals in these regions.

The relationship between gender and loneliness in old age is a complex and multifaceted topic, as numerous studies have explored it across different age groups, cultural contexts, and gender dynamics. These studies collectively contribute to a more nuanced understanding of how gender and age intersect with experiences of loneliness. It is essential to use diverse measurement tools, consider global and cultural perspectives, and examine gender dynamics across the lifespan to fully grasp the intricate relationship between gender and loneliness in old age.

Given the higher frequency and potential severity of loneliness in older women, it can be inferred that loneliness may have a more significant impact on their health [11]. Therefore, healthcare for older women should take into account the potential health implications of loneliness and address this issue as a relevant factor in their medical care.

3.5 Under global studies on loneliness and gender disparities

Barreto et al. [36] conducted a comprehensive global study focusing on loneliness, with particular attention to age, gender, and cultural disparities. This study revealed a nuanced relationship between gender and loneliness, suggesting that women, particularly in older age groups, may experience higher levels of loneliness compared to their male counterparts. This finding highlights the importance of considering gender effects when examining loneliness across diverse age groups and cultural contexts.

In their meta-analysis, Hansen and Slagsvold [39] explored the gender differences in loneliness throughout the lifespan. Their findings indicated a pattern where males tend to be slightly lonelier than females during childhood, adolescence, and young adulthood. However, these small gender differences seem to vanish in middle adulthood and old age. This pattern underscores the evolving nature of loneliness across the lifespan and its relation to gender.

3.6 Factors behind higher loneliness levels in older women in Baltic and Nordic regions

The traditional gender roles and societal expectations in these regions could impact men and women differently in their later years. This might contribute to the gender disparities observed in loneliness, with older women potentially being more affected due to their traditional roles and societal expectations.

To explore the potential cultural, societal, or historical reasons behind the higher levels of reported loneliness among older women in both the Baltic and Nordic regions, we need to consider various factors that may contribute to this phenomenon. In many societies, including those in the Baltic and Nordic regions, traditional gender roles often dictate that women are the primary caregivers and emotional support providers in families. These roles can lead to an increased sense of responsibility and emotional burden, which may contribute to feelings of loneliness, especially in older age when family dynamics and personal roles undergo significant changes [40].

Women’s socialization often emphasizes close interpersonal relationships and emotional expressiveness, potentially making them more sensitive to changes in social networks as they age. Disruptions or losses in these networks, which are more likely to occur in older age, might thus have a more profound impact on women’s sense of loneliness [41].

Statistically, women have a longer life expectancy than men. This often leads to higher rates of widowhood among older women, resulting in a significant change in their social dynamics and an increased risk of loneliness. This aspect is particularly relevant in the context of the Baltic and Nordic countries, where societal norms may not always support remarriage or new romantic relationships in older age [42].

Historical and societal factors influencing women’s participation in the workforce can affect their social networks. In many cases, women might have had interrupted careers or lower-paying jobs due to traditional gender roles, impacting their financial independence and social opportunities in later life.

Cultural attitudes toward mental health and seeking help can vary. In some societies, there may be a stigma associated with acknowledging feelings of loneliness, particularly among women, which could lead to underreporting in certain regions and overreporting in others where such stigma is less pronounced.

Exploring the historical contexts, particularly the impact of the Soviet regime in the Baltic states and contrasting it with the welfare regimes in the Nordic countries, can shed light on the different experiences of loneliness among older persons in these regions.

In summary, a multifaceted array of cultural, societal, and historical factors plays a role in the higher levels of loneliness reported by older women in the Baltic and Nordic regions. Understanding these complex dynamics is crucial for developing targeted interventions and policies to address loneliness in this demographic.

3.7 Loneliness across older age groups

The perception that loneliness is more common among older individuals is not consistently supported by research. Studies have shown varying findings on the relationship between age and loneliness. Some indicate no significant age differences in loneliness, while others suggest that younger people may experience more loneliness than older individuals, with a decrease in loneliness as age increases. Additionally, several studies point to a U-shaped curve, where both young adults and older people report more loneliness than those in middle age. However, it is important to note that these findings are derived from a limited number of cultures, which raises questions about the universality of these age-related differences in loneliness.

3.8 Understanding the drivers of loneliness across ages

Research investigating the drivers of loneliness at the individual level can shed light on how loneliness varies with age. Loneliness appears to be influenced by a mix of developmental and sociocultural factors. Previous research [36, 43] indicates that these factors play a crucial role in determining the experience of loneliness across different age groups.

When examining specific age groups, a notable difference in loneliness prevalence emerges between the Baltic region and the Nordic countries, especially among older respondents aged 76 and older. In the Baltic states, 40% of this age group reported experiencing loneliness often or occasionally. In contrast, in the Nordic countries, the reported rate of loneliness in the same age group was lower, at 28% (Figure 3). This disparity underscores a significant difference in loneliness levels among the oldest generation, suggesting that older individuals in the Baltics experience higher levels of loneliness compared to their Nordic counterparts.

Figure 3.

Loneliness among older age groups in the Nordic-Baltic region.

3.9 Demographic composition and its impact on loneliness

Furthermore, it is observed that older individuals aged 76 and above consistently report higher levels of loneliness in both the Nordic countries and the Baltic states compared to the 67–76 age group. However, the composition of survey respondents must be acknowledged as a potential influencing factor. In the Baltics, a larger proportion of the sample consisted of individuals aged 76 and above (55%), whereas in the Nordic countries, this age group made up 45% of the sample. This demographic difference could contribute to the variation in reported loneliness levels among these age groups. Such a comprehensive approach provides valuable insights into the nuanced nature of loneliness across different demographic groups in the Baltic and Nordic regions.

Significant variations in loneliness were observed among different age groups within individual countries and across the regions studied. Particularly in Latvia, those aged 76 years and older reported the highest levels of loneliness, with 50% of respondents in this age bracket expressing feelings of isolation. This highlights the acute challenges faced by the oldest members of society in terms of social connectivity and emotional well-being.

3.10 Factors contributing to loneliness in older age

Loneliness among older individuals is often linked to a variety of factors, including the loss of social connections due to retirement or bereavement, living alone, and reduced mobility due to health conditions. The impact of these challenges on social connection can vary significantly among different age groups, suggesting that the nature and experience of social isolation may differ across various age cohorts. Understanding these contributing factors is vital for developing effective interventions and support systems that cater to the specific needs of older adults in different age groups and cultural settings.

In our analysis of Figure 3, which shows variations in loneliness among different age groups in the Baltic and Nordic regions, several key factors emerge that warrant further discussion. These factors offer potential explanations for the disparities observed and have significant implications for policy and intervention strategies.

3.11 Historical and cultural contexts

The contrasting historical experiences of the Baltic states, marked by the Soviet regime, and the stable welfare systems of the Nordic countries provide a backdrop to understand the observed loneliness trends. In the Baltic states, societal upheavals and disruptions in family dynamics during the Soviet era may have long-lasting effects on the social networks and support systems of older adults, potentially leading to higher loneliness levels. Conversely, the Nordic countries’ cultural emphasis on independence and community engagement might contribute to their lower rates of loneliness among the older population.

Economic stability and the nature of social welfare policies differ markedly between the Baltic and Nordic regions. The disparity in pension systems and social welfare could influence the financial security and access to social and health services for older adults. These factors are critical in providing opportunities for social engagement and maintaining good health, both of which are essential in combating loneliness.

3.12 Loneliness and marital status

Marital status of individuals in several Baltic and Nordic countries specifically shows the percentage of individuals who are not living with a partner versus those living with a partner (Figure 4). In the studied six countries, people who do not live with a partner generally feel lonelier than those who do. The difference is quite big in each country, with Denmark having the least lonely people among those living with partners and Latvia having the most among those who live alone. Latvia has the highest percentage of lonely people who do not have a partner. Lithuania shows a big difference in loneliness between those with and without partners.

Figure 4.

Loneliness and marital status in the Nordic-Baltic region.

In all countries, people living without a partner feel lonelier than those who have one. The findings are statistically strong, meaning they are likely to be true and not just by chance. Sweden has a middle-ground situation where those with partners are not as lonely as in some countries, but not as content as in others.

The numbers show that having someone to share your life with might help with feeling less lonely.

The data indicates that a larger percentage of individuals in the Baltic countries are not living with a partner compared to in the Nordic countries, where a larger percentage are living with a partner.

Expanding on the potential reasons and societal factors that contribute to differences in loneliness based on partnership status in the Baltic and Nordic regions requires a multifaceted analysis of cultural, social, and economic contexts.

In both regions, societal attitudes toward marriage and partnership play a significant role in influencing loneliness. Cultural perceptions that highly value being in a partnership could lead to increased feelings of isolation, both social and emotional, for individuals living without a partner. Especially in older age groups, societal pressure to adhere to traditional family structures might exacerbate loneliness among single, widowed, or divorced individuals.

The level of support available to single individuals is also crucial. The Nordic countries, known for their robust welfare systems, might offer better support for single individuals, potentially reducing loneliness. In contrast, the Baltic states may have less developed support systems, possibly leading to higher loneliness among singles due to limited access to social and community resources.

Economic factors, including the ability to achieve financial stability and independence, significantly impact loneliness. In regions where it is challenging to maintain an independent lifestyle without a partner, single individuals might face more significant hardships, contributing to increased loneliness. This is intertwined with the capacity to engage in social opportunities and community activities, which are vital for mitigating feelings of loneliness.

Urbanization trends and living arrangements also influence loneliness. In urbanized areas where individualistic lifestyles are prevalent, single individuals might experience less loneliness due to more social interaction opportunities. However, in rural areas or communities where living with a partner is the norm, being single might lead to greater isolation.

Furthermore, the historical and cultural legacy of these regions, such as the impact of the Soviet era in the Baltic states, may have lasting effects on partnership statuses and family dynamics. These historical influences can shape current societal attitudes and practices, affecting how loneliness is experienced by those without partners.

Understanding these societal factors provides a deeper insight into the complex nature of loneliness in the Baltic and Nordic regions. It highlights the need to consider these multifaceted influences in developing targeted interventions and policies to address loneliness, particularly among individuals based on their partnership status.

3.13 Cultural influences and historical contexts

The study’s findings also invite an exploration of cultural norms and societal expectations, especially in how they shape the loneliness experiences of those living alone. In the Baltic states, historical influences like the Soviet regime’s legacy could play a role in reshaping family dynamics, leading to increased loneliness among the older populations. These insights underscore the need for targeted interventions, particularly for older adults living alone and older women. Future research could beneficially explore the effectiveness of social support systems and cultural attitudes toward aging and loneliness in these regions.

3.14 Loneliness and education

In our analysis, we observed a significant connection between educational attainment and employment and their influence on loneliness levels in both the Baltic and Nordic regions. This connection is crucial for understanding the dynamics of loneliness.

Educational attainment often leads to better employment opportunities, which in turn play a significant role in reducing loneliness. Employment fosters essential social interactions and a sense of belonging, a phenomenon highlighted in our comparative study between Latvia and Iceland. This association between employment and reduced loneliness, especially among individuals with higher education, mirrors findings in the broader context of the Baltic and Nordic regions [39].

Figure 5 displays the distribution of educational attainment levels across both regions. The Nordic region has a higher percentage of individuals with both none/primary education and tertiary education compared to the Baltic region.

Figure 5.

Loneliness and education in the Nordic-Baltic region.

In both the Nordic and Baltic regions, people with less education tend to feel lonelier than those with more education (Figure 5). However, the Baltic region has more people feeling lonely across all education levels compared to the Nordic region. The difference in loneliness between people with the most and the least education is bigger in the Baltic region. Estonia had the lowest percentage of the population with none or primary education and the highest with secondary/postsecondary education.

A comparative study conducted in Latvia and Iceland found that employment appeared to be associated with reduced loneliness among older adults [16]. Specifically, individuals with higher levels of education were significantly less likely to experience loneliness, with a loneliness rate of 46.1% among this group in Latvia. However, educational attainment did not show significant differences in loneliness among older adults in Iceland. These findings suggest that employment and education may play distinct roles in mitigating loneliness in the two countries.

The variations in educational systems and labor market conditions between these regions may influence this relationship. For instance, in the Baltic region, a wider range of loneliness across educational levels could be linked to different employment opportunities and societal perceptions of education.

Higher educational attainment tends to enhance social networks and improve social skills, which are key in preventing loneliness. This is particularly evident in the Nordic region, where individuals with tertiary education benefit from expanded social networks and developed skills.

Cultural and societal attitudes toward education and employment in these regions might also impact loneliness experiences. In societies where higher education and employment are highly valued, individuals with lower educational attainment might experience increased feelings of loneliness due to a sense of marginalization or reduced social worth.

Lastly, the role of education in social inclusion in the Baltic States further underscores its importance in mitigating loneliness. The impact of education on social networks and inclusion is a significant factor in understanding loneliness in these regions.

Through this discussion, we aim to provide a nuanced understanding of how educational attainment and employment are interlinked and collectively influence loneliness levels in the Baltic and Nordic regions. This approach not only enriches our analysis but also offers insights for developing targeted interventions to address loneliness in these culturally diverse areas.

3.15 Loneliness and employment

In the empirical analysis of labor market participation within Northern Europe, the statistical data presents a compelling narrative of employment trends across various geopolitical entities. This analysis encapsulates the employment rates across Sweden, Denmark, Finland, Estonia, Lithuania, and Latvia, providing a granular understanding of regional economic engagement.

Sweden’s labor force participation rate stands at 91%, indicative of robust economic policies facilitating high levels of employment. Denmark mirrors this trend marginally lower at 90%, potentially reflective of similar socioeconomic structures. Finland’s participation rate peaks at an impressive 95%, which may be attributed to its investment in education and a highly skilled workforce.

Conversely, Estonia reports an 89% rate, followed closely by Lithuania and Latvia, both at 94%. These figures suggest a resilient labor market, possibly buoyed by emergent economic reforms and integration into broader European markets.

Shifting the lens to a regional perspective, the aggregated data for the Baltic states collectively shows a 91% employment rate, while the Nordic region slightly surpasses this with a 92% rate. The statistical significance (p = 0.466) of the difference between the two regions is not supported, indicating that despite the diverse economic policies and labor market strategies, the resultant employment rates are comparable and not distinct to a degree of statistical relevance.

The employment rates herein offer a quantitative reflection of labor market health and are a testament to the economic stability and workforce engagement within these Northern European societies.

The investigation into the correlation between employment status and the prevalence of loneliness within the nations of Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Finland, Denmark, and Sweden yields a heterogeneous spectrum of outcomes.

Latvia exhibits a noteworthy statistical significance (p = 0.031) in its correlation, with 24% of the employed population reporting feelings of loneliness often or some of the time, in contrast to 46% among the unemployed. Lithuania’s data, while showing a similar trend—21% of the employed versus 35% of the unemployed feeling lonely—does not reach a conventional level of statistical significance (p = 0.087).

Estonia presents a stark differential, with 17% of the employed feeling lonely as opposed to 34% of the unemployed, underpinned by a strong statistical significance (p < 0.001). Conversely, Finland’s data, showing 13% of the employed versus 21% of the unemployed feeling lonely, does not support a statistically significant correlation (p = 0.300).

In Denmark, 12% of the employed report feelings of loneliness, compared to 17% of the unemployed, yet the statistical analysis (p = 0.184) suggests this difference is not significant. Similarly, in Sweden, the prevalence of loneliness among the employed (23%) and the unemployed (30%) does not demonstrate statistical significance (p = 0.214).

The variance in p values across these nations points to a complex interrelation between employment and loneliness, influenced by a myriad of social, economic, and cultural factors. While some countries show a significant association between employment status and loneliness, others do not, suggesting that employment may be one of several determinants of loneliness, and its impact can differ from one Nordic context to another.

The nexus between employment and the experience of loneliness within the Nordic and Baltic regions has been subjected to quantitative scrutiny, revealing a nuanced picture of social well-being as influenced by labor market involvement.

Within the Nordic region, the incidence of loneliness among the employed stands at 16%, juxtaposed against 23% among the unemployed (Figure 6). The statistical significance of this disparity (p = 0.035) suggests that employment status is a salient factor in the experience of loneliness, albeit the effect size is modest.

Figure 6.

Loneliness and employment in the Nordic-Baltic region.

In the Baltic states, the employed report an 18% rate of loneliness, which contrasts with a higher rate of 36% for the unemployed, denoting a more pronounced differential. The p value (<0.001) associated with these findings denotes a high level of statistical significance, reinforcing the robustness of employment as a determinant of loneliness within these countries.

The comparative analysis between the two regions demonstrates that while both exhibit a relationship between employment and loneliness, the impact is more marked in the Baltic region. This could reflect differing social support systems, economic conditions, or cultural attitudes toward work and social connectedness.

In summary, the data suggests that employment serves as a buffer against loneliness in both regions, but the protective effect of employment against loneliness is more evident in the Baltic region than in the Nordic one. This differential underscores the importance of considering regional socioeconomic contexts when assessing the social implications of employment.

However, the association between employment and loneliness may differ depending on the measurement method employed [10, 44].

3.16 Loneliness and household’s ability to make the ends meet since the COVID-19 outbreak

In the wake of the COVID-19 outbreak, the economic resilience of households within the Nordic and Baltic regions has been intricately linked to the emotional state of loneliness, as evidenced by recent empirical data.

In the Nordic countries, the proportion of individuals feeling lonely often or some of the time rises in accordance with increasing economic hardship. Specifically, 23% of those who can easily make ends meet report loneliness, with this figure climbing to 29% among those who do so fairly easily, 38% for those facing some difficulty, and peaking at 46% for those with great difficulty (Figure 7). The statistical significance (p < 0.001) of these gradations points to a clear correlation between financial strain and the experience of loneliness.

Figure 7.

Loneliness and household’s ability to make ends meet since COVID-19 outbreak.

A similar trend is observed in the Baltic states, although the percentages skew higher across the board. Here, 28% of individuals who can easily meet their financial needs report feelings of loneliness, which increases to 35% for those managing fairly easily. The number rises more sharply to 48% for those with some difficulty and 55% for those struggling greatly. The pattern, underscored by a p value less than 0.001, highlights a more pronounced relationship between economic difficulties and loneliness in the Baltic region.

The data underscores the profound impact that economic challenges, exacerbated by a global crisis, have on the emotional well-being of individuals. The pronounced effect in the Baltic region suggests a greater vulnerability to the intertwining of financial and social distress. This analysis sheds light on the critical role that economic stability plays in fostering social connectedness and mitigating the sense of isolation [1]. It references a theoretical model by De Jong Gierveld and Tesch-Römer [45] that explains loneliness as a result of individual- and country-level factors. The impact of economic inequality on social determinants of health, education, income, and social connections is highlighted, with the suggestion that inequality contributes to increased relative deprivation and loneliness. The importance of structural interventions, such as national programs targeting at-risk populations, to address loneliness and reduce inequalities cannot be overstated, as they provide a foundational approach to tackling systemic issues that contribute to social isolation and economic disparity. Finally, it challenges the relationship between gross domestic product (GDP) and loneliness, suggesting that income inequality and relative poverty have a more significant impact on health outcomes among high-income countries.

4. Conclusion

In conclusion, this chapter underscores the importance of considering the complex interplay of factors influencing loneliness among older adults in the Baltic and Nordic regions. These findings have implications for tailored interventions and policies aimed at addressing loneliness and promoting social connectedness in these distinct cultural and regional contexts.

The differences in loneliness prevalence across the Baltic and Nordic regions highlight the need for targeted interventions and policies that consider the unique challenges faced by older adults in each country. Understanding the cultural, social, and demographic factors contributing to these disparities is crucial in developing effective strategies to alleviate loneliness and enhance the well-being of older adults. The historical context of living under the Soviet regime in the Baltic states, with its associated social and familial disruptions and economic instabilities, contrasts sharply with the experience of older adults in the Nordic countries, who have benefited from stable welfare regimes. This divergence in historical experiences is likely a significant factor in understanding the differing patterns of loneliness and social isolation among older individuals in these regions.

Acknowledgments

NordForsk supports the study Sustainable working-life for ageing populations in the Nordic-Baltic region, Project No.: 139986.

This paper uses data from SHARE Waves 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, and 9. (DOIs: 10.6103/SHARE.w1.800, 10.6103/SHARE.w2.800, 10.6103/SHARE.w3.800, 10.6103/SHARE.w4.800, 10.6103/SHARE.w5.800, 10.6103/SHARE.w6.800, 10.6103/SHARE.w7.800, 10.6103/SHARE.w8.800, 10.6103/SHARE.w8ca.800, 10.6103/SHARE.w9ca800) see Börsch-Supan et al. [46] for methodological details. (1) The SHARE data collection has been funded by the European Commission, DG RTD through FP5 (QLK6-CT-2001-00360), FP6 (SHARE-I3: RII-CT-2006-062193, COMPARE: CIT5-CT-2005-028857, SHARELIFE: CIT4-CT-2006-028812), FP7 (SHARE-PREP: GA N°211909, SHARE-LEAP: GA N°227822, SHARE M4: GA N°261982, DASISH: GA N°283646) and Horizon 2020 (SHARE-DEV3: GA N°676536, SHARE-COHESION: GA N°870628, SERISS: GA N°654221, SSHOC: GA N°823782, SHARE-COVID19: GA N°101015924), and DG Employment, Social Affairs & Inclusion through VS 2015/0195, VS 2016/0135, VS 2018/0285, VS 2019/0332, and VS 2020/0313. Additional funding from the German Ministry of Education and Research, the Max Planck Society for the Advancement of Science, the U.S. National Institute on Aging (U01_AG09740-13S2, P01_AG005842, P01_AG08291, P30_AG12815, R21_AG025169, Y1-AG-4553-01, IAG_BSR06-11, OGHA_04-064, HHSN271201300071C, RAG052527A), and various national funding sources are gratefully acknowledged (see www.share-project.org). The use of the Icelandic data from HL20 is based on the consent from all funding agencies. The use of Icelandic HL20 data is based on the approval of public bodies and other parties that originally organized and paid for the costs of the research.