New Women Identities Created by Feminist Alternative Media: Inspecting Türkiye

Abstract

This comprehensive study delves into the use of alternative media by women’s rights advocates in Turkey, with a focus on how these media tools have been instrumental in promoting social change proposals. While examining various alternative media tools such as blogs, websites, web portals, and social media, this research highlights the key role that social media plays in supporting women’s organizations and reaching target audiences. The findings of this study are particularly noteworthy, as they suggest that the use of feminist alternative media publishing organs has led to the emergence of a new generation of women’s identity in Turkey. This identity is grounded in the ideals of gender equality and progressive social change, and is a testament to the power of alternative media in shaping public perceptions and attitudes towards women’s issues. Furthermore, this study makes a significant contribution to the existing literature by shedding light on the vital role that alternative media plays in promoting women’s rights and addressing women’s issues in a digital age of globalization. By examining the intersection of women’s identity, alternative media, feminist organizing, social media, and Turkey, this study provides a comprehensive and insightful analysis of a complex and important issue.

1. Introduction

The rapid development of computer technologies in the 1970s, the widespread use of electronic communication in the 1980s, and the emergence of internet networks and technologies in the 1990s are contributing to a new globalization model with powerful technologies that serve humanity. This technological infrastructure is creating a complex societal model that covers economic and commercial activities, official relations between government authorities and citizens, educational activities, cultural events, money-credit markets, and civil society activities. This societal model is creating social interaction forms and channels with multilingual and multicultural virtual networks. These networks, known as social media, are also referred to as the “new public sphere” in the literature.

Jürgen Habermas, who has an important place in the literature in defining the concept, refers to a special area called the public sphere in social life and states that the public sphere surrounds and can influence the public power used by the state. According to Habermas, when the public sphere becomes a ground created by the critical discourse of individuals and groups, it becomes a “new” entity compared to the first [1]. In fact, Habermas sees the ability of individuals to convey their criticisms, demands, and ideas to the people or groups they choose as a choice of their private lives. However, the point he emphasizes is that the proliferation of individuals and their choices creates a body that cannot remain neutral in publicness based on state power that began with Ancient Greece [2].

One of the most widely adopted concepts in the literature regarding the process of publicization of the network community is Manuel Castells’ “informational capitalism”. This concept expresses a search for a new social order and a new form of development. Castells concludes that with globalization and the spread of information, capitalism is in an expansion process that has led to a movement called informationalism. He puts forward the concept of informational capitalism, stating that these two changes are inseparable. However, Castells emphasizes that societies respond differently to informational capitalism depending on their differences in history, culture, and institutions [3].

The rapid changes experienced can be characterized by the recognition of human rights, urbanization, and dynamism of all individual and social demands aimed at improving practices in both physical and virtual life. The main driving force behind the momentum gained by social movements based on these demands is fast and widespread technology.

Human rights advocacy movements such as feminism have been able to rapidly mobilize public opinion, orchestrate protests, and thwart any attempts by individuals or institutions to curtail their rights, both in the physical and virtual spheres, courtesy of technological advancements. These movements are also capable of galvanizing individuals and organizing physical demonstrations. Referred to as “digital feminism,” this phenomenon underscores the adoption of novel techniques and instruments by feminist movements [4].

Recent social movements such as the Arab Spring in North Africa and the Middle East, the Gezi Resistance in Turkey, the Yellow Vest movement in France, and the Occupy Wall Street movement in the US have seen women play important roles by utilizing the internet as an effective tool for action, creating communication channels and alternative media. Since 2009, as protesters in Iran, Egypt, Tunisia, Morocco, Bahrain, Yemen, Libya, and Syria poured into the streets to express dissatisfaction with their governments, the international community has been able to glimpse into their world via bloggers and citizen journalists whose video clips taken by their mobile phones and transported into web 2.0 sites have become a source [5]. These initiatives were born out of a need to address women’s demands that were not being heard in mainstream media. Alternative media is currently being discussed as a transformation into virtual public space, providing an opportunity for women to make their voices heard and express their problems.

The Arab Spring was a social movement that had an impact on the MENA region and is often compared with the Occupy Wall Street protests. However, what sets it apart is that it emerged in developing countries and women played an active role. Today, the global momentum of rapidly evolving digital technologies leads to the emergence of new forms of organization [6]. Feminism has had a significant impact on the emergence and development of this movement, leading to different female identities being attached to the women’s movement. Some countries that have experienced historical opposition movements have been able to show special reactions to this change compared to others. One reason for this process is the experience of secularization. Compared to other MENA countries, Turkey has had previous experience with phenomena such as secularization, westernization, urbanization, civil society, advocacy, and feminism [7].

The women’s movement in Turkey has historically existed in the public sphere, but has now turned to alternative media and social media to make its voice heard against state-sponsored public authority and patriarchal relations in society. Feminist alternative media outlets used by women’s organizations in these two countries provide an opportunity for a comprehensive examination of the new virtual public space and the new female identity it has created.

The contribution of this study to the literature is its claim that new female identities are emerging through the use of web sites, blogs, and social media (especially Facebook pages) which we define as feminist alternative media outlets in the context of women’s movements in Turkey.

The study focuses on the findings obtained through research on different alternative media outlets used by women’s movements in Turkey. Alternative media tools such as blogs, websites, web portals and social media are examined, and it is observed that social media plays a supportive role in reaching the target audience. Women’s organizations were classified into associations/foundations, independent individuals/groups, and independent media groups, and their approaches to women’s issues, which issues they associate with women’s issues, and their work on women’s issues were discussed through their web pages/blogs. In the first section, feminist alternative media is defined, and in the second section, a historical analysis of feminist media constructed in Turkey is made. Thus, it is thought that a new generation of women’s identity, different from the previous generation, has emerged in the use of feminist alternative media outlets.

2. Feminist alternative media (FAM)

Comparing mainstream and alternative media reveals some basic and misleading differences. The main difference is that FAM faces obstacles in being heard in mainstream media, while alternative media sees it as a solution. Another misleading difference is that while FAM can share its views in mainstream media, it has discovered the opportunity to reach a wider audience through alternative media. It can use this new space to express its views without censorship and with more assertive language [8].

Downing’s evaluation of alternative media as a more advanced form of media is significant. He views alternative media as a more radical model that generally proposes visions and pressures changes in the policies and practices of the ruling elites in small-scale and diverse forms [9].

Atton [10] clarifies the problems of singularity and radicalism against alternative media put forward by Downing through the alternative media orientation of new social movements. He seeks a new and comprehensive theory that could be an alternative to media theories. He emphasizes that there are more radical variables in the political field. This theoretical proposition, which he calls resistance media, suggests that blogs, web pages, and video channels within the scope of electronic media tools may be a new reality, but may not lead to radical change in society.

This flexible theoretical perspective draws attention to the transformation of social networks by the media. The change in communication tools diversifies communication networks, and social networks that broadcast over the internet have embraced this communicative change. Social networks are strengthened with these tools and can increase their effectiveness. Technological progress offers the opportunity to upload a video of an incident that has occurred in a remote location to the network within seconds and show it to millions of people. Furthermore, the person who does this does not have to be trained in the field of technology. As Atton emphasizes, the relationship and process aspects are highlighted in radical change [11].

The changes also affect the enrichment of content in alternative media, expanding the inventory of social networks and platforms with economic, political, social, and cultural themes. Anyone can publish content without any restrictions on publishers, authors, pages, publication channels, or media outlets. This freedom allows anyone to contribute to any topic, a change that was noticed early on by feminist movements. For over 40 years, feminists have provided content such as postcards, magazines, and brochures through alternative media, spanning over a century that can be considered the classic media period [12].

Lievrouw [13] defines the new generation of social movements as the effects arising from the use of social media by digital activists of our time. Therefore, the change that emerged with digital activism is interconnected with alternative media, and this connection should be taken into account when dealing with new social movements.

Digital activism and alternative media can be understood through three main themes. Firstly, alternative and activist new media projects tend to be comprehensive and large. Secondly, they often take a critical stance towards mainstream culture and society as a whole. Finally, activists aim to effect social change [14]. Lievrouw defines these three themes as trends, stances, and transformations, and considers them to be “a kind of framework for alternative and activist new media.” Lievrouw also notes that alternative media has become a tool that can meet people’s needs [15].

In the context of feminist alternative media research, the following criteria are sought in all alternative media outlets: production of true and accurate news, management of budget resources and expenditures, sustainability, professional staff, volunteerism, and participation of different segments in political systems. Approaches based on Lievrouw’s view of alternative media and activism, which she has defined and theorized, contribute to this research framework.

Women’s movements, evaluated within the context of new social movements, tend to be smaller in scale and focus on group identities that support cultural or symbolic values. Consequently, online women’s organizations and digital activism in the virtual public sphere can be assessed within three main themes: trends or sizes of feminist alternative media, the stance of movements and formations towards mainstream society and culture, and whether the formations are action-oriented or lead to activism [14]. This study analyzes feminist alternative media outlets in the context of women’s movements in Türkiye using these three themes.

The media has always been defined by society through patriarchal codes and norms set by those in power. In response to the media’s masculine and discriminatory singular language, women’s media has developed within the realm of alternative media [16].

Fraser [17] notes that the role of conventional media in representing society has created a space for alternative media. Counter-oppositional individuals who are separate from society have attempted to represent the masses in this space. Fraser states that the alternative media that emerged in the late twentieth century in the United States, which aimed to represent the masses called “counter-publics,” has evolved into actors and addresses on social networks and internet platforms. She also notes that the feminist movement has adapted to this change by revealing its own actors and addresses.

Fraser [17] argues that by utilizing the new tools, actors, and addresses she has described, the feminist movement can create a new language and organizational model in audio and visual media. The responsibility of feminist media, which focuses on the problems of femininity as opposed to the reflection of the male perspective in traditional media, has become an effort to provide a more advanced language and organizational model. This opposing but more thoughtful language and organizational model is focused on reflecting the stance of the feminist movement [16].

Feminist media offers various publishing options to women’s organizations such as channels, websites, and social media accounts. Another striking feature is that feminist social network organizations include the organizations and writers of other feminist movements that have no organic connection to them in their publications. This flexibility also generates mutual communication and interaction. Women’s organizations can easily make their voices heard in feminist alternative media, even if they do not belong to them. However, [16] argues that this fact needs to be clarified. According to Yanıkkaya, media that appeals to women should be defined as “media for women,” while media where feminist writers and organizations can make their voices heard should be defined as “feminist media.” In this study, Yanıkkaya’s classification is taken into account, and media targeting women is excluded.

By providing a platform for women to share their stories and experiences, feminist alternative media can help to challenge traditional gender roles and stereotypes. For instance, The Hairpin [18] features essays and articles on a wide range of topics related to women’s lives, from body image to sexual harassment. By sharing their stories, the writers of The Hairpin challenge the notion that there is only one way to be a woman. Feminist alternative media can empower women to take action on issues that matter to them. For example, Women’s Voices for Change [19] provides information on various feminist issues, as well as resources for women who want to get involved in activism. By providing this information, Women’s Voices for Change empowers women to make a difference in the world.

In order for media targeting women to be considered as feminist alternative media, it is necessary to have a publication line that demands social transformation, criticizes the existing system, and focuses on policies for women. The demand for total change instead of a reformist and compromising line is considered an essential feature for feminist alternative media [16]. Despite feminist organizations and writers making their voices heard in the virtual public space created by feminist alternative media, they also physically fight in public spaces to discuss gender roles, demand political and social rights, and participate in activism. Feminist alternative media platforms announce, interpret, and spread these activities to wider audiences with the opportunities provided by the internet.

There is confusion about whether women’s movements are necessarily feminist. Women’s movements do not necessarily have to demand rights for women. Therefore, a publication that focuses on communication among women or between women and society cannot be considered a feminist publication. A distinction is necessary between movements that include women but do not directly demand rights for women.

Feminist movements argue that there is an important difference in representation between women’s movements and feminist movements. The “women’s movement” that emerged in the 1970s was initially defined by the theme of “women’s liberation” and was considered directly related to feminist movements. However, feminist movements, although they try to bring as many women’s movements as possible under their umbrella, are against the idea that these sub-movements alone represent the feminist movement. In this respect, the women’s movement also includes socialist, lesbian, worker, black, Kurdish, etc. women’s movements, whether it has an organic relationship with feminism or not. Women’s movements within the Arab Spring are also classified in this way [20].

3. Methodology

Women’s identity has become a topic of increasing importance in recent years, particularly in the context of media representation. In Turkey, the rise of FAM media channels reflects a growing interest in exploring and promoting women’s perspectives and experiences. The proliferation of such channels can be seen as a response to the increasing restrictions on freedom of expression and press freedom in Turkey, which have limited the opportunities for women to participate in mainstream media outlets.

The rise of FAM media has been particularly pronounced since 2011, with the movement gaining momentum after the Gezi Protests. In the face of increasing censorship and other restrictive measures, FAM activists have turned to blogs and websites as a means of expressing their views and engaging with audiences. However, it is important to note that FAM publications have a relatively ephemeral quality, often emerging in response to specific social movements or political contexts. As such, their impact may be limited in the long term, as conditions evolve and new challenges arise. Overall, the emergence of FAM media channels in Turkey reflects a growing recognition of the importance of women’s perspectives and experiences in shaping public discourse. However, it also highlights the challenges faced by women in accessing mainstream media outlets, and the need for continued efforts to promote gender equity and representation in all areas of society. Lievrouw [21] notes that alternative and activist new media projects must be “heterotopic”. They separate themselves from dominant culture with their principles, membership conditions, and creativity. Young women with diverse identities in various parts of the world have created unique internet networks that can be observed in women’s alternative media outlets. These outlets are recognized as “culturally productive, politicized counter-public spaces” [22, 23]. The emergence of these spaces is significant as they offer women the opportunity to create content and share their experiences in a way that is not possible in mainstream media. By doing so, they challenge dominant narratives and provide alternative perspectives that are often ignored or marginalized. Moreover, these spaces have the potential to foster a sense of community and solidarity among women from different backgrounds, as they share their stories and build connections with each other. Through this process, they can challenge societal norms and stereotypes that limit women’s agency and perpetuate gender inequality.

There are three groups of FAM publications in Türkiye. The first group consists of publications of organizations with legal personality, such as associations and foundations. The second group consists of formations without legal personality, such as platforms and initiatives in which the new generation of activists are involved. The third group consists of new and widespread internet platforms, portals, e-magazines, internet TV, and radio channels.

This study aimed to reveal all women’s movements that operate and are effective on the internet in Turkey through scanning the formations in the country. The women’s movement in Turkey has a long tradition and parallel discourse with global developments, while maintaining its own unique situations. Although the women’s movement cannot find much place in the mainstream media in Turkey due to social and cultural differences, it is discussed in alternative platforms and contributes to policies, opening up a space for women in their publications for political and social issues. However, women are aware that this space will never be opened in mainstream media. Therefore, autonomous media created and controlled by women plays a significant role in challenging the existing power hierarchies by capturing certain issues and campaigns and aligning themselves with larger social movements. This paper discusses examples of such movements in Turkey as well as theoretical discussions on the topic. The Suffragette movement, which affected the first wave, triggered the Ottoman women’s movement in these lands, and the women’s rights gained from this period have actually challenged the patriarchal structure. With advancing technology today, traditional publishing tools such as posters, postcards, and flyers have given way to new media tools such as websites, blogs, e-magazines, TV, and radios.

This study identified all alternative media publications that produce alternative discourse in Turkey, show their existence through social media, and contribute to the women’s movement. The study aimed to answer important questions such as how a connection is established between civil society organizations established in the second wave period in Turkey and young generation women’s movements that have an effective role in the women’s movement in Turkey, how young feminist media producers in Turkey contribute to social change, and whether FAM publications in Turkey contribute to the emergence of a new women’s identity.

The study aimed to investigate whether associations, foundations, and independent platforms within the women’s movement had their own alternative media publications and whether they still functioned as civil society organizations operating within new social movements. The relationships with publishing bodies engaged in alternative journalism were scrutinized, and those who used their own websites as alternative media outlets were also identified. The investigation involved not only websites but also other alternative publications. In-depth interviews were then conducted with the previously identified alternative media managers and/or founders using open-ended questions, which were prepared in advance. The in-depth interview method is one of the qualitative research methods that was employed in this study. Each participant was asked the same open-ended questions in the same order. Furthermore, the working environment of this media outlet was observed by going to the working environment, and thus the environment and working conditions were also observed ethnographically.

In Türkiye, FAM publications are classified into three groups based on their publishers. The first group comprises structures formed under the umbrella of associations and foundations, including Kadın Adayları Destekleme Derneği (KA.DER) [24], Mor Çatı Kadın Sığınağı Vakfı (Mor Çatı) [25], Kaos GL Derneği [26], Uçan Süpürge Vakfı (uçan Süprge) [27], Bianet [28], Kadın Cinayetlerini Durduracağız Platformu Derneği (KCDP) [29], and Cinsel Şiddetle Mücadele Derneği (CSMD) [30]. These associations and foundations were established by women’s groups during second-wave feminism in the 1990s. Associations were one of the most important ways of organizing during second-wave feminism. They provided an easier way to organize women with a certain perspective and a way to find funding more easily for activities.

The second group includes initiatives and platforms established by younger feminists who do not have a legal identity. These include independent collectives and groups such as 40Tilki [31], 5Harfliler [32], Çatlak Zemin [33], Erklotia [34], Kadına Şiddete karşı Müslüman İnisiyatifi (KSKMI) [35], Sen de Anlat Platformu [36], Kampüs Cadıları [37], Kadınlar Camilerde [38] and Reçel-Blog [39].

The third group includes e-newspapers and e-magazines in portal format, while the fourth group includes TV and radio stations. Women’s groups that have developed into associations and foundations are also part of these groups, as some of them have expanded their media activities to include digital platforms.

4. Identities created through feminist activism in Türkiye

Different types of FAM outlets are used in women’s organizations. Which of these tools are alternative media outlets were determined through qualitative research methods. In addition to analyzing the content of the alternative media outlets included in the research, data obtained through in-depth interviews were evaluated to determine whether the publication is considered feminist media, and whether they have the necessary content and infrastructure. As a result of the research, the role of feminist alternative media in women’s organization was discussed, and whether a new female identity in Türkiye is emerging through this new form of organization. When evaluated in terms of their stance and actions, it is seen that the issue and action are significant variables that encourage each other. Evaluation scales can be summarized as freedom of expression and democracy, generational differences, ideological polarization, civil society and activism, education level, and violence. The relationship between the use and increase of FAM publications in Türkiye with these characteristics will be discussed in terms of creating a new female identity. FAM media groups have a clear stance against news presented in mainstream media. The presentation of women, especially the inclusion of violence against women in news related to women, has always been problematic. The feminist movement has opposed this situation, creating a new public space on the internet. In this area, FAM has created a “counter-public sphere” or “virtual public space” by taking a stance against women’s news. It takes a stand against the portrayal of women in every news item as primarily a mother, wife, or sexual object. The new virtual public space created through FAM media groups uses a different language, different subject placement, and different symbols. Sometimes, humor and irony are utilized.

In terms of their stance, FAM formations in Türkiye have engaged in very creative initiatives. Despite coming from different perspectives, young feminist groups create a new language that will influence the mainstream and create a space for their thoughts to be freely expressed. They also express their critical stance towards older feminist groups openly.

When we group the areas where women use digital activism and participate in protests in Türkiye, we see that women are at the forefront of social events. Women’s murders are the second area where women in Türkiye are most active and take to the streets through social media and alternative media outlets. It can also be seen that the virtual public space is feminized in controversial issues related to laws and religion. Although there are a few alternative media outlets that work on women’s labor rights, strike and union rights, and create a virtual public sphere in Türkiye, they are slightly behind in terms of fighting for their rights compared to other issues. Feminist alternative media activism, which is basically human rights advocacy, highlights some of the definitions and issues of the human rights catalog alongside their advocacy for women’s rights. When looked at their meanings and functions, rights and issues such as freedom of expression and press, violence against women, the right to organize, and the right to education are necessities that FAM activists see as indispensable for feminist advocacy. Sensitivity to these necessities is a trend that can vary in intensity and level in both countries.

4.1 Women’s movement, civil society, and digital activism

In addition to the associations and foundations that constitute civil society, feminist alternative media outlets also have an influence on the factors that define the women’s movement. The newly formed women’s identity supports digital activism by following the associations that make up the backbone of the second wave feminist movement in Türkiye. The rate of women members in associations and political parties is quite high in Türkiye.

When looking at the concentration of women’s rights advocacy associations according to cities, cities with high population and urban development such as Istanbul, Izmir, Ankara, and Bursa stand out (Figure 1). There are 817 active associations established for women’s rights advocacy in Türkiye, and 392 of these associations have a Facebook social media account. The number of associations with websites is 265 (Table 1).

Figure 1.

Concentration of women’s rights advocacy associations in Türkiye by cities [40].

City	Number of associations	Website	Facebook
Adana	23	8	11
Adıyaman	9	2	3
Afyonkarahisar	4	2	2
Ağrı	2	0	2
Aksaray	2	0	2
Amasya	2	0	1
Ankara	62	16	33
Antalya	21	11	16
Ardahan	1	1	1
Artvin	0	0	0
Aydın	22	5	9
Balıkesir	16	4	9
Bartın	0	0	0
Batman	0	0	0
Bayburt	2	0	1
Bilecik	3	1	1
Bingöl	0	0	0
Bitlis	6	3	4
Bolu	5	2	3
Burdur	1	0	1
Bursa	78	13	13
Çanakkale	11	3	5
Çankırı	3	1	3
Çorum	1	0	1
Denizli	10	3	6
Diyarbakır	10	4	5
Düzce	6	2	2
Edirne	5	2	3
Elazığ	1	1	1
Erzincan	3	1	2
Erzurum	7	2	2
Eskişehir	8	3	3
Gaziantep	16	5	7
Giresun	3	1	3
Gümüşhane	6	2	3
Hakkâri	2	0	0
Hatay	18	3	7
Iğdır	4	2	2
Isparta	5	3	4
İstanbul	98	30	41
İzmir	75	26	33
Kahramanmaraş	5	2	3
Karabük	0	0	0
Karaman	2	1	2
Kars	1	1	1
Kastamonu	8	3	7
Kayseri	4	2	3
Kilis	3	1	2
Kırıkkale	3	1	1
Kırklareli	3	1	2
Kırşehir	0	0	0
Kocaeli	5	2	3
Konya	13	5	9
Kütahya	6	3	3
Malatya	4	2	2
Manisa	12	6	7
Mardin	13	6	8
Mersin	27	10	10
Muğla	15	3	5
Muş	4	2	3
Nevşehir	7	3	4
Niğde	1	1	1
Ordu	11	4	4
Osmaniye	5	3	3
Rize	5	3	3
Sakarya	3	1	3
Samsun	15	5	5
Şanlıurfa	8	3	6
Siirt	0	0	0
Sinop	1	1	1
Sivas	4	2	2
Şırnak	2	2	2
Tekirdağ	8	3	4
Tokat	1	1	1
Trabzon	25	6	7
Tunceli	0	0	0
Uşak	1	1	1
Van	14	7	9
Yalova	4	3	3
Yozgat	0	0	0
Zonguldak	8	3	3
Total	802	265	378

Table 1.

Usage of web pages and facebook by Women’s rights advocacy groups in Türkiye [40].

In Türkiye, there are feminist alternative media outlets and activist groups that operate through social media, even without formal organization. The Women in Mosques group, a platform created by young Islamic feminists, has questioned whether women are treated equally in religious spaces and practices. They have drawn attention to the fact that the areas designated for women in mosques are organized differently from those designated for men. Another platform created by the same group, the Muslims Initiative Against Violence Against Women, launched a campaign with their article “Where are Women in Mosques?,” which led to the establishment of the Women in Mosques Platform. This platform later organized protest demonstrations in major mosques across the country through calls on their website [41].

Many women’s organizations in Türkiye publish FAM publications, which express women’s issues, using the internet and social media as their main platform. This preference provides “instant” access to a wider audience with less cost and creates a new space in the virtual public sphere. Women can express their thoughts more freely by writing anonymously or under pseudonyms. Similarly, women who share comments on blogs or websites contribute anonymously, thus expanding the virtual public sphere freely. Since these shares are in the digital realm, the absence of boundaries and distances in the virtual public sphere becomes an advantage. The fact that ordinary women who previously did not join the feminist movement for various reasons enter the virtual public sphere with a keyboard from their private spaces shows the emergence of a hidden feminist identity. “Slacktivism,” which is defined as supporting a digital action from one’s location, is also widely discussed in the women’s movement. While some consider it a characteristic of fourth wave feminism, others think it has no impact and call it “hashtag feminism” [42].

Internet, operating independently of mainstream media, allows for the creation of target audiences and discourses in a heterotopic manner, in a new public space. Women who write blogs or establish platforms and initiatives through independent websites in both countries state that, even though they operate independently, the women’s movement institutionalizes itself. They express that within institutional structures like associations or foundations, there are hierarchical structures that prevent them from expressing their own thoughts or sharing their own ideas. For this reason, they diversify the women’s movement through their own established blogs or websites.

The second generation of Muslim feminists in Türkiye are seen to present alternative media outlets with diversity and originality within the feminist movement. These independent women’s movements also express their desire to walk together, discuss, and show solidarity without being marginalized by the institutional feminist movement. Türkiye was quite advanced during this period, but after the Gezi Protests and the attempted coup in 2016, it experienced a significant decline due to the government’s attempts to restrict and criminalize. Websites and blogs became more active during this period.

The use of FAM media outlets and social media platforms in Türkiye is important for reaching ordinary people. These platforms offer individuals the opportunity to share their opinions and requests outside of public vehicles and beyond the mainstream media’s discourse, creating a heterotopic feature of the new public sphere.

Interviews with women who establish blogs, platforms, and initiatives through independent internet sites demonstrate that the women’s movement is institutionalized. They mention that hierarchical organizations exist in legal entities such as associations and foundations, which hinder the sharing of their own thoughts. Thus, they create alternative spaces by establishing their own blogs or websites to diversify the women’s movement. Anonymity or pseudonyms allow them to express their thoughts more freely. Women who comment on blogs or websites also contribute anonymously to the continuous liberation of the virtual public sphere. These shares provide an advantage in the new public sphere since they are performed in the digital environment without boundaries or distances.

Muslim feminists, considered the second generation in Türkiye, add uniqueness and difference to FAM qualified alternative media outlets. Independent women’s movements prioritize dialog and cooperation instead of fighting with institutional feminist movements. All of these approaches indicate the formation of a new women’s identity.

In Türkiye, independent women’s organizations have become institutionalized and have been at the forefront of a new generation of women’s organizations, arguing that this new identity is necessary. The women’s movement in Türkiye has undergone rapid change; in the 1990s, it successfully institutionalized itself. However, the popularity and prestige that institutionalization brought made participation in the women’s movement fashionable, while the drive to access European Union funds in the 2000s negatively affected the feminist-activist profile.

For women who tried to turn these funds into a livelihood and were not intellectuals or activists, it became a model of entrepreneurship, leading to an increase in such associations. Competition among them has been reduced to who receives more funding and does more projects. Despite these negative aspects, since 2018, there has been a renewed awareness in the women’s movement in Türkiye. Discussions on themes such as “what is happening to us?” and “let’s heal the wounds” have resumed. Unlike the 1990s, the women’s movement in Türkiye has focused on identity differences rather than class-based issues. This approach has become an effective movement due to the spread of the internet.

Moreover, women’s movements in Türkiye have become more globalized. Many women and women’s organizations from Türkiye are involved in global movements such as #HeForShe, #Slutwalks, and #MeToo. Digital activism has become an important step that enlarges and enhances the women’s movement globally and includes all local movements in the struggle for women. Although second-wave feminists criticize digital activism for being “emotional,” they continue to support it.

Digital activism has become an indispensable part of feminist activism today, and this trend is based on participation in international networks and organizations and monitoring their activities. During the 2020 pandemic period, digital activism was fully embraced due to the disappearance of physical spaces and the increased need for digital communication and activism. However, street protests, where risks were taken against police intervention, remain unforgettable. Today, it is possible to talk about situations where both forms of activism are intertwined.

4.2 Freedom of expression and press

FAM activists show interest in media outlets that can be conventionally classified as written and visual in both countries to express and disseminate their thoughts. However, with the developing internet networks, social media, which is a new public space that provides easier access and dissemination opportunities, has outperformed conventional media outlets. According to the data of Freedom House, a research institute that conducts research and advocacy on democracy, political freedom and human rights, the rates of resorting to actions that require freedom of thought and expression via social media and internet networks are increasing every year. These demands require costs and freedoms necessary to easily access the internet. FAM activists state that they see these demands as a condition to realize their ideas, reactions and advocacy for rights. Because the opinion that there can be no alternative to conventional media outlets and tools if these new options are not available is becoming widespread. Most FAM organizations and activists do not see visual or paper media tools as an option if they cannot showcase their ideas and actions in new media. The typical examples of this are civil society reports. Although they have the opportunity to publish on internet media, almost all of them are preferred to be published and disseminated through electronic publishing, paper, and mechanical publishing tools. However, as seen in the data of Freedom House, there is a constantly rising “digital authoritarianism” and restrictiveness in terms of their rights to showcase freedom of thought via new media and the internet. In this report, Türkiye was defined as a “not free” country in terms of providing digital [43].

4.3 Education and generational differences in women’s movements

Women who are involved in feminist alternative media publications in Türkiye tend to be highly educated. The vast majority of producers of feminist alternative media and/or members of civil society organizations hold university degrees and have knowledge of at least one foreign language. This trend is also evident in the first and second wave feminist movements. As such, feminist activism has become one of the identity choices of successful, educated women who seek to enlighten society. Educated feminist activists produce publications and organize events for women of different educational backgrounds. For example, the FAM publication Ekmek ve Gül, which addresses the problems of working women in Türkiye, targets a general audience and specifically aims to reach working-class women, many of whom are blue-collar workers with class consciousness. Alternative publications are also provided to raise awareness and address the problems of women who have graduated from average and high schools [44].

There is a noticeable generational difference among feminist activists in Türkiye between the second and third wave feminists. Significant structural differences exist between the second wave, consisting of feminists over 40 years old, the first wave that lived during the Ottoman period, and the current third wave [45].

The success of activists in bringing about the formation of associations in Türkiye has not largely prevented them from remaining outside these associations. Two reasons for this are that the organization models of the associations have emerged in quite heterogeneous and participatory models and there are many activists in the field with different views and proposals. This restricts the associations from bringing together all views. The second reason is that most activists avoid hierarchical structures, particularly in the third wave. Thus, as a generational difference, it can be said that the third wave tends to act as platforms and blocks instead of forming associations.

One of the structures representing the third wave in Türkiye is the “40 Tilki Women’s Initiative”, which works against dating violence. One of the activists involved in the initiative explains the reason for this methodological difference in an interview as follows: “There is hierarchy in the associations established with the influence of the second wave after 1980, even if they do not say it to your face, there is a look that says ‘How many years have you been in the women’s movement?’ [46].

In Türkiye, women’s associations and initiatives with different views often communicate with each other and engage in discussion environments. For example, the 40 Tilki Initiative, consisting of more liberal and secular women, likes and shares Reçel-blog, which identifies itself as Islamic feminist, but criticizes the contradictions within that blog [46].

4.4 Political representation

The political and social structures of Türkiye have been shaped by historical developments. Following the First World War and the War of Independence, Türkiye emerged as an independent nation-state in 1923. Notably, the women’s movement in Türkiye developed during the independence struggle, and women’s rights were granted by the government [47]. In examining the relationship between feminism and society, the primary challenge is the need to emphasize the concept of “equality” more. Nancy Fraser notes that this is a global issue: “Feminists have identified gender equality either with sameness or difference; ‘sameness’ means treating women like men, and ‘difference’ means treating women differently from men” [48].

The first two waves of the women’s movement in Türkiye focused on developing women’s status in society, aiming to improve education, increase participation and effectiveness in politics and business, and other areas. During this period, the state’s support in the political field was also effective under the headings of “modernization” and “Westernization.” The reforms attempted by Atatürk, the founder of the Republic of Türkiye, included efforts to improve women’s rights and status and provided “legitimacy” to the first two wave activists. These periods have also been referred to as a feminism implemented by the state.

However, the activists of the third wave have encountered significant obstacles. This wave advocates for qualified rights, focusing on issues such as women’s bodies, safety, access to civil rights, ethnic and cultural identity within a women’s context. Each action has targeted society rather than the state, affecting, directing, and forcing society to change. However, this method has often challenged taboos, social castes, and religious institutions, causing women to be perceived as “political opponents.”

As a result, the ideological elements that “attack” the social structures, traditions, and culture of the third-wave women’s movements are accused of communicating with counterparts in other countries. In contrast to the political culture in Türkiye that has been constructed around the idea that the state will provide the best for its citizens, the third-wave activists and their structures who advocate for their right to determine what is best for themselves face significant obstacles compared to the first two waves within Türkiye’s historical tradition.

The establishment of independent feminist organizations was delayed until the end of the 20th century due to this process, preventing the third wave of feminism from establishing independent women’s organizations in Türkiye. Third wave feminists in Türkiye, who referred to the first wave women’s struggle as “state feminism,” prefer to describe their own approach as “independent.” While there are independent initiatives, particularly in terms of women’s political representation, the institutionalization of this structure is weak. KA.DER [24] is the only association in Türkiye that focuses on women’s issues besides some loosely organized associations that are only effective during election periods.

In Türkiye, relatively few women who participate in the process without being a member of any association or organization become members of women’s organizations and participate in their action calls. This is due to the general political atmosphere, which exposes 3rd wave feminism in Türkiye to allegations of being an ideological wing, being against the system, and not representing social opinions. As a result, 3rd wave feminism is only recognized on the issue of violence against women and femicides.

Women’s organizations in Türkiye are weak in terms of issues such as equal citizenship, equal representation in politics, and increasing women’s representation in decision-making mechanisms. This is due to the difficulty of creating public opinion. The political tradition in Türkiye restricts women’s opportunities to participate in politics. Women’s representation in local administrations is only 10.7% according to the March 2019 local elections [49]. Despite years of struggle by the women’s movement, the voices of new generations and feminist alternative media outlets that are diversifying are also effective in promoting change.

4.5 Violence against women

Feminist movements in Türkiye continue to raise the issue of the three waves of feminism and demands related to basic human rights. While reforms have been made, preventing violence against women and femicides remain crucial to protecting the right to life.

Women’s rights in Türkiye are not regarded as a separate area of human rights by political structures, which forces them to be considered in the context of basic human rights. This dominant discourse has led to the emergence of movements that push for third wave feminism among civil society and public actors.

First wave feminism has been used to address problems raised by first and second wave feminism, and has had to focus on its own agenda afterwards. For example, campaigns against attempts to limit alimony duration obtained through divorce are part of civil rights. Attempting to limit alimony duration is actually a step back from citizenship rights obtained in the 1930s. Similarly, trying to render ineffective legislation that bans child marriages by adding exceptions to the law disregards human rights gains made over the past 80 years.

International conventions and decisions related to third-wave feminist movements are currently being discussed in our country and around the world. However, society and the state face difficulties in understanding and implementing these agreements and decisions due to the general framework.

On 8/3/2012, Türkiye adopted the Law on Protection of Family and Prevention of Violence against Women. During the debate, Akif Hamzaçebi, a representative from the opposition party, criticized the law proposed by third-wave feminist organizations. He stated the following:

“The law uses the term ‘domestic violence’ and defines the types of violence as physical, sexual, psychological, and economic. The government also defines these as the four groups of violence. However, there is no distinction between types of violence against women. This law defines all forms of violence as violence against women. The third article of the law states that physical, sexual, psychological, and economic violence are included, but it also includes verbal violence. However, there is no mention of verbal violence against women in domestic violence. The government does not define verbal violence against women within the family as violence against women or domestic violence. This understanding condones domestic violence, which is incorrect.” [50].

Former Minister of Family and Social Policies Ayşenur Islam responded to criticisms by referencing the following statement:

“In 2011, during Türkiye’s presidency of the Council of Europe, the Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence, also known as the Istanbul Convention, was signed without reservation by our country and entered into force because it was opened for signature in Istanbul. This Convention is considered a significant step in combating violence against women globally. Our government has considered this Convention valid since before it entered into force, since 2011, and has made many regulations attempting to implement its provisions.” [51].

The notion that women’s rights, particularly under Law No. 6284, are seen as a public service provided to women by politics, prevents third-wave feminist movements from participating in these discussions and views these movements as oppositional political discourse.

Feminist advocacy organizations and movements have embraced efforts to protect the Istanbul Convention, which took effect in 2014. This has led politicians to respond with a sense of “political defeat” against feminist activists, and campaigns to terminate the Convention have emerged despite initial reluctance to implement it.

Since 2011, a new generation of feminists in Türkiye has created alternative media tools such as blogs, websites, and social media platforms. These tools can exert pressure on the government and have created a new public space focused on preventing violence. Mor Çatı Women’s Shelter Foundation, an institution focused on combating violence against women, is among the second wave achievements of the women’s movement. Additionally, independent young feminists who are effective in addressing violence without entering into institutional structures, such as FAM publications, are actively working on platforms such as 40tilki, 5Harfliler, Çatlak Zemin, Erklotia, KŞKMİ, Kampüs Cadıları and Reçel-Blog [52]. According to the analysis of 5harfliler, it is seen that 5harfliler is also a place where women exhibit their work of problematization in which patriarchal codes are contested through their discursive production [53].

5. Conclusion

Türkiye’s feminist alternative media activism is poised to enter a new phase, building on the experiences gained over three periods. Depending on the trajectory of the feminist wave shaped by these experiences, positive developments for women’s rights are likely to occur. However, there are critical junctures that must be navigated in order to embrace differences as diversity rather than exacerbating them, both in terms of internal and external factors that impact the process.

One of these challenges is the difficulty in adopting third gender options in countries where Islamist traditions continue to exist in a strict and deeply entrenched manner, which are attached to the women’s movement.

Another turning point is the paradox of the feminist character, which is necessary in its own time, but cannot be holistic in presenting the “woman” category as a universal guiding category towards institutionalization.

The concept of patriarchy and the idea of “global sisterhood” created by white middle-class feminists are now viewed as divisive. For instance, the “Combahee River Collective” [54], a coalition of black lesbian women, opposes these generalizations. In Türkiye, the Kurdish Feminist movement accuses the feminist movement of being divisive, while the Kurdish women’s movement claims to be marginalized. These intersectional perspectives put the current feminist agenda in question.

The main challenge for feminists is the difficulty in creating their own agenda. In Türkiye, the women’s movement struggles with a lack of diversity, apart from reacting to the government’s actions, holding street demonstrations against femicides, and campaigning for women candidates only during elections. Alternative media plays a crucial role in bringing this agenda to life, raising awareness among many people, and broadening the discussion on impact-response issues.

Many ordinary women who cannot find a place in the feminist movement or do not wish to be part of its hierarchical structure have created a new feminist identity independently through blogs, e-magazines, and Facebook pages in alternative feminist media outlets. These identities can also be called “secret feminist identities” and are a product of the success of alternative feminist media outlets. The use of pseudonyms and/or only first names in recent initiatives and platforms shows that different feminist tendencies are possible.

The financial sustainability of feminist organizations is being undermined by practices that contradict the “non-governmentality” expected from civil society organizations. Dependence on funding from state-like authorities such as governments, international organizations, and the European Union raises questions about their independence.

Due to the rise of Islamism and new right-wing politics, feminist alternative media outlets in Türkiye are at risk of losing the citizenship rights achieved during the first and second waves. This situation has led the feminist movement to prioritize fundamental human and political rights, resulting in a decrease in their power to address discrimination and violence against women, as well as in the physical and social infrastructure necessary to educate society.

Since the beginning of the women’s movement, women’s media outlets have played a pioneering role in shaping the feminist movement in Türkiye, as well as in feminist movements around the world. Feminist media has been effective in shaping women’s identities. Developing technology and digital media have led to the emergence of feminist alternative media outlets, creating a new independent women’s identity outside the institutional structure of the women’s movement. This identity is manifested through self-produced blogs, websites, and social media pages. Feminist alternative media is a significant contributor to the formation of new female identities. By providing a platform for women to share their stories, raise awareness of feminist issues, and encourage action, it helps establish a world where women can be authentic and live their lives to the fullest.