Open access peer-reviewed chapter
Abstract
Many countries lack adequate legislation to combat sexual harassment of women. The situation in South Africa however is quite different. Since the collapse of Apartheid, there are numerous legislatures and policies in place to protect women from acts of violence. Yet, South Africa has one of the highest prevalence of sexual violence in the world indicating that these laws are ineffective and not enough to stem the tide of violence against women. Cultural and traditional factors and masculinity construction play a major role in the creation of gender inequalities. Formal sexuality education at schools and universities in South Africa is absent from the curriculum. Sexuality education in South Africa is mainly rendered through community-based training and outreach programmes. This chapter explores this manner of education, the benefits of such education and the impact this education has had both on society at large and on combatting sexual harassment. The sexuality education initiatives discussed in this chapter are those that include men that offer them modes to address their own social dominance and the subordinate position of women.
Keywords
- South Africa
- sexual harassment
- masculinity
- sexual education programmes
- gender equity and reconciliation (GER)
1. Introduction
South Africa is a relatively new constitutional democracy emerging from 50 years of apartheid, and three centuries of colonialism. Here patriarchy has been shaped in relation to racial inequalities, traditional social structures and economic disparities, all of which have been key features of the gender order. While many countries lack adequate legislation to combat sexual harassment of women the situation in South Africa, however, is quite different. Since the collapse of Apartheid, there are numerous legislature in place to protect women from acts of violence. Among these are The Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act [1], The Sexual Offences and Related Matters Amendment Act [2], The Protection from Harassment Act [3], South Africa’s Domestic Violence Act [4]. These policies were developed to re-address the injustices of the past, with specific reference to women and children. Yet, good policy and legislation do not necessarily translate into good practice. Life on paper is extremely different from the reality that African women face. South Africa has one of the highest prevalence of sexual violence in the world (Van Dieman [5] indicating that these laws are ineffective and not enough to stem the tide of violence against women.
In South Africa, gender activists have worked largely in a political culture that espouses gender equity ‘talk’ and has a strong legislative framework, but where the ‘walk’ of political leadership has largely countermanded these efforts [6]. Cultural and traditional factors and masculinity construction play a major role in the creation of gender inequalities. Formal sexuality education at schools and universities in South Africa are virtually absent from the curriculum [7, 8, 9]. Sexuality education in South Africa is mainly rendered through community based training and outreach programmes. This chapter explores this manner of education and the impact this education has had both on society at large and on combatting sexual harassment.
The sexuality education initiatives discussed in this chapter are those that include men that offer them modes to address their own social dominance and the subordinate position of women. Many gender interventions that focus on men work with issues and constructs of masculinity, probing how men might develop new masculinities that are not vested in the oppression of women and which, in turn, might develop new mentalities and new ways of thinking that is at variance to the enactment of sexual violence and harassment. The challenge of gender equality work with men is to include them in programmes which considers their own challenges in society, offers them views of a world that is better for them as well as those that they interact with and which does not treat them as the sole cause of the oppressed position of women.
2. Defining sexual harassment
In South Africa, the definition of sexual harassment has also evolved from earlier definitions of the concept. Snyman-Van Deventer and De Bruin [10] stated that sexual harassment in South African law is seen as an
Saferspaces [11] indicated that in South Africa there are many different definitions of gender-based violence but it can be broadly defined as the general term used to capture violence that occurs as a result of the normative role expectations associated with each gender, along with the unequal power relationships between genders within the context of a specific society.
While earlier definitions of sexual harassment defined sexual harassment as obnoxious behaviour that involved offensive words or acts to forced sexual activity, more recent definitions include any unwanted and uninvited behaviour, and or attention that is sexual in nature and is intimidating and/or threatening to the victim, irrespective of whether the behaviour was once-off or persistent. The three-part classification of sexual harassment promulgated by Johnson, Widnall and Benya [12] which includes sexual coercion, unwanted sexual attention and gender harassment fits the South African social context. Morrell, et, al. [6] argue that South Africa’s patriarchal building of masculinities allows male control over women and encourages an impression of sexual entitlement which stems from socio-cultural constructions of gender and influence.
3. Perceptions of sexual harassment
Girdhar and Rajput [13]; Paquette, et al. [14] and Vanska [15] are in consensus that there are gender differences in the perception of sexual harassment and that women are more likely than men to find certain forms of behaviour as harassing. Men are less likely than women to include social-sexual behaviours like jokes, teasing remarks of a sexual nature and unwanted suggestive looks or gestures as a form of sexual harassment [16]. A better understanding this phenomenon will help to prevent it and hopefully lead to better and safer workplaces, schools, social spaces, etc. where no one has to worry about being sexually harassed. A better understanding of what constitutes sexual harassment can lead to renewed advocacy movements to address sexual harassment, including, as a result of these campaigns, consequences for harassers [17].
Men find themselves physically attractive when they receive the same behaviour from women. Ekore [18] in a study revealed that women see sexual advances as upsetting whilst men see the behaviour as just good fun or even complimentary. Women, it was noted in the study found sexual teasing, jokes, looks and gestures as well as remarks from lecturers and fellow students to be harassing behaviour whilst their male counterparts felt that the women should not be so quick to take offence when a person expresses sexual interest in them. Akpotor [19] added physical contact like grabbing to the list that women find more unpleasant than men.
According to Wikström [20], although individuals of all genders are at risk of sexual harassment, certain marginalised groups are statistically at a greater risk. Boyle and McKinzie [21] substantiated this posit in that there exists a higher rate of sexual harassment, coercion and stalking among lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, multiracial, asexual students and women. They further revealed that the LGBTQIA+ community are also more likely to experience a range of forms of sexual harassment. Gawali [22] found in their study that twice as many women were pressurised, lied to and coerced into unwanted sex. Paquette, et al. [14] concurred with their findings, in that single, never married women were more likely to be targeted by stalking, threats, and unwanted messages and or gifts. Cassino and Besen-Cassino [23] added that women of colour and less powerful people - minorities, youth and young adults are vulnerable to harassment. Welsh, et al. [24] included citizenship status and race, whilst Berdahl and Moore [25] added ethnicity to the list.
Men, it seems, see violence as a normal rite and as a means of exerting control [26]. Kayuni [27] surmised that sexual harassment and gender-based violence are much more than the act for men. It is the tone, the feeling and the consequences of the event. Kayuni [27] strongly felt that men and women are not purely objective about sexual harassment and suggested that regarding a particular behaviour as sexual harassment is dependent on the individual’s perceptions.
Stats SA [28] reported that in general crime impedes the action of women more than men [29]. This was evident in a four-year study conducted at Rhodes University that highlighted the gendered nature of fear for safety where four times more female than male students indicated feeling unsafe at the university [11].
4. Constructions of masculinity and sexual harassment in South Africa
October [30] posited that among youth in South Africa there was a prevalent need for young men to control women in intimate relationships as this was considered essential in affirming their masculinity. Barker and Ricardo [31] stated that for young men in sub-Saharan Africa, sexual experience was associated with initiation and attaining socially recognisable manhood. Kabaya [16] revealed that women sometimes construed violence as a sign that a male partner was passionately devoted. According to Barker and Ricardo [31], such aggressive masculinity revealed that women were forced to engage in sex, have no power and were not in a position to negotiate a non-sexual relationship.
Morrel et al. [6] stated that hegemonic masculinity was initially adopted to explain and analyse the gender relationships under colonialism, apartheid and post-apartheid to explain the elevated levels of violence in South Africa. According to Morrel, et al. [6] by using hegemonic masculinity the understanding of gender inequality has been broadened. Hamlall [32] found hegemonic and counter-hegemonic masculinity in a study on conflict among high school boys in South Africa. In this study. Hamlall [32] revealed that boys who resisted violence had a set of masculine values independent from the school’s peer hegemony, which stresses dominance, competition and violence. More importantly, this study revealed that identities did not always conform to hegemonic versions of masculinity and offered an alternative (autonomous) version in the configuration of masculinity. Jewkes et al. [33] suggested that to enable change, it was imperative to examine the social construction of hegemonic masculinity. This study supports the view that if masculinity is a result of social processes as opposed to nature, then it can be changed. Interventions can show how the behaviour is transgressed and reveal new possibilities with positive outcomes. Central is whether it is possible to deconstruct gender which will involve addressing the role of gender dynamics to achieve better behavioural and health outcomes for males and females. Deconstructing gender can be categorised along a gender-equality continuum from exploitative to accommodating and ultimately transformative. Jewkes et al. [33] were of the view that the concept of hegemonic masculinity is predicated on the subordination of women. It is women themselves who are needed to create an environment to enable and sustain change. Jewkes et al. [33] revealed that gender interventions in South Africa that addressed the insecurity of women and their gendered subordination have enabled women to protect themselves from intimate partner violence 2 years after the intervention.
In a study by Carlsson [34], male students looked upon themselves as superior to female students and hegemonic masculinity was the theoretical framework used to explain this finding. Swartz, et al. [35] in a longitudinal study of sexual harassment at eight universities in South Africa found that the participants understood gender differences through a lens of patriarchy. The participants saw patriarchy as a social system that perpetuated male dominance and obtaining advantage in every sphere of life both on campus and in society at large. Swartz et al. [35] found that males exploited gender by abusing their power so as to manipulate less powerful females for sexual favours while females indicated that they found it difficult to fight back or empower themselves because gender biases and gender roles are cemented and perpetuated in society. The study concluded that patriarchal practices were learned through culture and perpetuated through a socialisation processes. Suttner [36] argues that the scourge of violence in South Africa, especially violence against women and children is due to patriarchy and violent masculinities.
Most masculinities, according to Morrell, et al. [6] are bound by their domination over women. October [30] believed that assault and rape are regular features in South African township life, adding that this was due to unequal power differentials, between men and women. She further added that the link between toxic masculinity and rape was caused by the male need for power, control, dominance and punishing women for emasculating them.
One cannot adequately explain gender-based violence in African settings by invoking a global construction of masculinity. Understandings of what it is to be a man are local, even if influenced by global media. Other factors shape masculine identities including history, local resources and existing patterns of gender.
Gender work with men and masculinity especially in African countries need to engage specific contexts and acknowledge and respect particular cultures and traditions. This starting point immediately identifies the importance of adapting any initiatives developed elsewhere and turning them into the most effective instruments that they can for local settings. The search for successful interventions is ongoing and is likely to generate new strategies and new approaches. Mfecane [37] proposes a new approach to interventions with African men arguing that one never knows what ‘truly’ drives an African man to become violent. It is on this basis that he proposes research and intervention approaches that deal with the whole person in order to adequately address these multiple dimensions of masculinity in African settings.
Evaluated interventions directly assessing the impact of including men in such interventions are very limited in South Africa. Discussions of such interventions and impact is important and will considerably increase knowledge of what works to prevent violence against women in South Africa. What follows is a discussion of South African programmes that address sexual harassment which are grounded on the appreciation of the importance of local realities and has gained applause in addressing sexual harassment.
5. Sexual education programmes and impact in South Africa
5.1 Alternatives to violence project
Alternatives to Violence Project (AVP) is active in South Africa since 1995. Participants especially those from violent communities, frequently talk of never realising that alternatives to violence exist. The programme’s workshops create community and trust through sharing stories of physical or emotional violence. In a workshop, you may find men sharing stories of growing up in homes with domestic violence, or broken family relationships that have never been spoken out aloud, let alone to each other. Sexual harassment in the lives of these men is a normal trend which the AVP workshops aim to discontinue [38].
Patriarchal conditioning often results in the production of gender-based injustice and violence. The Alternatives to Violence Project include healing processes and techniques that can transform harmful masculinities and address trauma, interrupting these cycles. Studies exploring the effectiveness of AVP in South Africa, (John, [39, 40]) have yielded positive results. Several of these studies explain how workshop participants frequently adopt a new perspective to previously culturally accepted and world views. Participants explore the depths of their own experiences, and move beyond habitual ways of relating, to discover new pathways of mutual respect, authenticity and reconciliation between women and men. Studies have shown that this change is not temporary but to a significant degree is sustained [41, 42, 43].
5.2 Gender equity and reconciliation
Gender Equity and Reconciliation (GER) brings ordinary people together in a carefully facilitated space to reflect on their gender conditioning and share stories within and across gender groups. In so doing, it tackles the very roots of patriarchy. They transform perceptions of ‘otherness’ and build empathy as people speak about and hear each other’s pain, fears, and hopes. They help people develop a capacity for emotional awareness that extends into their lives, initiating a healing process that is vital to stopping violent or discriminatory behaviour. GER points to the connections between men’s violence against women and themselves. The programmes offer men and women, strategies to address violence together [44].
A South African review of interventions with young men through the GER approach – which included a focus on livelihoods (and not just attitudes), the profound impacts were underlined. The review highlighted that the GER approach transforms perceptions of ‘otherness’ and builds empathy as people speak about and hear each other’s pain, fears, and hopes. They help people develop a capacity for emotional awareness that extends into their lives, initiating a healing process that is vital to stopping violent and discriminatory behaviour [45].
5.3 One man can
Wikström [20] suggested that to keep the dignity of all people intact we need social change. She posited that to change society we need to work with both victims of harassment and intrusion as well as those who harass and intrude. According to Wikström [20], we need to fight toxic masculinity, by teaching men to process and express their emotions, so that they will be less likely to resort to harassment as a coping mechanism. The goal of ‘One Man Can’, a rights-based gender equality and health programme in South Africa implemented by Sonke Gender Justice Network, was to reduce the spread and impact of HIV and AIDS and reduce violence through working with participants’ attitudes and social norms.
An evaluation of the ‘One Man Can’ programme found that men ‘reconfigured notions of hegemonic masculinity both in terms of beliefs and practices in relationships, households, and in terms of women’s rights’ [46]. An assessment by Gibbs et al. [47] report that a more subtle shift was seen with men moving away from “harmful” aspects of a dominant youth masculinity towards a form of masculinity whereby male power is buttressed by economic provision and attempting to form and support “households“’. The overall result was some improvements in livelihoods and relationships.
5.4 The MenEngage Africa programme
The MenEngage organisation has recently gained traction in South Africa and centres on how men relate to one another, how they relate to women, and how existing gender relations are either reproduced or disrupted/reconstructed - and how change might be envisaged and planned. By involving themselves in gender work, men can work for a new gender order which is not only more equitable, but which frees them from the burdens that they carry. The aim is to promote the engaging of men and boys in gender equality and sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) [48].
An external evaluation of the MenEngage Africa programme commissioned by Sonke Gender Justice (Sonke) as the lead grantee and secretariat of the MEA, found that the programme has had a significant impact in strengthening the men and masculinities field locally, regionally and globally. The work that MEA has led in engaging men and boys in gender equality has been relevant and meaningful, and has been instrumental in the growth of existing and new country networks. MEA uses a socio-ecological model when implementing the strategy of engaging men and boys for gender justice. As shown by the external evaluation of MEA, the members and country networks have made an impact at individual and community level, as well as in the policy arena, at country, regional and global levels. The model is being used in the new strategic phase, and the expertise acquired will also be shared among network members, partners and colleagues from other regional networks and academics, thus enriching the field [49].
5.5 Stepping stones
Stepping Stones is a workshop series designed as a tool to help promote sexual health, improve psychological well-being and prevent IPV and HIV. The workshops address questions of gender, sexuality, HIV/AIDS, gender violence, communication and relationship skills. In doing so they recognise that our sexual lives are embedded in a broader context of our relationships with our partners, families and the community or society in which we live. Originally developed for use in small, rural communities in Uganda, it has now been adapted for South Africa and after well over a decade of use is in its 3rd Edition. The Stepping Stones workshops are designed to be held with two or more peer groups, consisting of women and men, drawn from a community at the same time (although this is not essential). They consist of 10 sessions held with separate peer groups [50].
There remains a paucity of well-evaluated group-based, gender transformative interventions. Among some of the few interventions showing effect was the Stepping Stones randomised controlled trial with 34 clusters in urban informal settlements in eThekwini Municipality, South Africa. Participant inclusion criteria were aged 18–30 years, resident in the informal settlement, and not working or in education. A total of 676 women and 646 men were recruited from September 2015 to September 2016. End-line data were collected from March to October 2018 (24 months post-enrollment). The conclusions drawn from this study was that Stepping Stones was effective in reducing men’s self-reported perpetration of IPV and strengthening women’s livelihoods [51].
In low- and middle-income countries, group-based interventions to address intimate partner violence (IPV) working with men, whether or not they are violent themselves, are increasingly common. Stepping Stones and Creating Futures (SSCF) is one intervention demonstrating reductions in men’s perpetration of IPV through working with men around gender inequalities and livelihoods. Using a case study of a young man living in an urban informal settlement in South Africa who was a participant within a large randomised controlled trial evaluating SSCF, [52] discuss how this young man’s use of violence changed. This reduction occurred through recognition that his situation was not a personal failing, but similar to others, thus reducing the shame he felt, learning to control his anger, and starting to understand how others felt when he used his power over others. This case study provides some initial evidence about how group-based interventions working with men may start to transform men’s practices.
6. Conclusion
The existence of legislature, policy guidelines, policy mandates and the policies themselves cannot guarantee safe and happy spaces for women. Typically, institutions refer to the policies and procedures when abuse manifests itself, but it is not enough to have policies alone Zuma, Hamlall and Dorasamy [53] to address the scourge of sexual harassment in South Africa.
In his women’s day address to the nation in 2021 President Cyril Ramaphosa highlighted the crisis of violence against women:
Although South African government departments generally recognise the severity and extent of sexual gender based violence there is a heavy reliance on NGOs and other non-profit organisations to render sexual education. There has to be a concerted, deliberate, realistic and practical endeavour to change institutional cultures.
In this chapter I hope to have shown the value of addressing sexual harassment through sexual education programmes that involve men in gender equality initiatives in a climate where patriarchy and chauvinism is widely prevalent and all-pervasive. While any intervention should take cognisance of local contexts, those framed outside of Africa and implemented in the African contexts require that the particularities of each context are implicit in the design. This improves the chances of effecting individual and social change using local understandings and values.
There is a strong case to be made for the inclusion of men in work towards gender equality. While men are structurally recipients of the patriarchal dividend, there are many layers within this, and not all men are equally located to benefit from the patriarchal dividend. While many men continue to have advantages over women – and can be party to their oppression – they can also struggle to fulfil gendered expectations of being a ‘breadwinner’, head of the household, having sexual virility and prowess, tolerance of pain and hardness to list a few.
Liberating men from these expectations and having them participate in constructing a society in which all may have opportunities to act in the interests of the wellbeing of their households and of themselves, is what the challenge of gender equality work with men is about.
Although we still have a long way to go before we reach our goal of ending gender-based violence and sexual harassment in South Africa, it is hoped that the gender equality interventions that have been showcased in this chapter and the value of engaging men within the particularities of the contexts within the African context, offers some ideas of how this important ongoing work is possible.
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