Global Policy and Local Implementation: A Papua New Guinea Experience

Abstract

This chapter presents a report of global education policies driving reforms locally. The report is from a qualitative case study of an ‘Outcomes-based English Curriculum’s Implementation’ in two local school contexts in Papua New Guinea (PNG). Evidence was drawn from the author’s PhD thesis that used the constructivism and interpretivism lenses to give meanings to findings derived deductively and inductively. Data was both primary and secondary and consisted of: classroom observations, document analysis, field notes, structured interviews, post-observation interviews, and focus group discussions. Findings revealed: 1) Impacts of global agenda on local context, and, 2) Sustainability issues. Thus, this chapter stresses the need for collaborative professional development between stakeholders to sustain global education policies locally with the ‘Kibung Framework’.

1. Introduction

It is said that global agenda drives relationships with national and local contexts, and one example of that relationship was captured in the Global Education Reform Movements (GERM) of the 1980s and 1990s [1, 2, 3, 4]. The GERM gained momentum across the United States, United Kingdom, Australia and New Zealand [5, 6]. Seemingly, developing countries in the Pacific Islands were also influenced by the GERM influence [7, 8], and, Papua New Guinea (PNG) a Melanesian island country had no immunity to that influence [1, 9, 10].

Developments of Globalised Education Policies (GEP) such as the Universal Basic Education (UBE), Education For All (EFA), and Universal Primary Education (UPE) guided reforms for National Education Systems (NES) world over [1, 6]. Moreover, according to the literature, GEP placed emphasis on: Having a pre-determined education model/curricula to meet market oriented demands [4, 11, 12]. The GERM, arguably, was achieved world over when NES adopted a common education model (Outcomes-Based Education), and its subsequent Outcomes-Based Curricula (OBC) [1, 13, 14, 15]. The intentions were to improve educational performances and outcomes by using a universal framework advocating for quality education.

However, literature shows that reforming NES because of global policy mandates for implementation of a universal education model and curricula is not simple and straight forward [1, 11, 16]. Arguably, the process can be a highly complex one because of different factors and actors involved [2, 17]. Moreover, it is also stressed that trying to describe exactly where any reform agenda went according to global policy intentions could be problematic as, ‘No one shoe size fits all’ [3, 18]. Thus, there is an urgent need to document relationships of the GERM on local contexts, as Fullan [11] calls for more situated studies on global educational changes.

This Chapter hopes to answer the question: ‘How has global educational policies influenced reform in a local context?’ This paper reports findings of research done on ‘An Implementation process of a reform curriculum’ in Papua New Guinea (PNG) [2], so as to illustrate the relationship of global education policies on a local context. Firstly, I will outline the theoretical lenses used; secondly, I will describe the global climate that drove the education reform. Thirdly, I will document how PNG embraced the GERM. Fourthly, I present the methodology used; then discuss two case studies’ findings as results of GEP impacts on local contexts. Lastly, I will conclude by way of argument that the Global Education Reform Movement relationship with PNG was problematic, and not sustainable.

2. Literature review

This section discusses the theoretical lenses for understanding global education changes. Then it describes the climate driving global education reforms. Next it highlights processes of policy and implementation; and, last, gives descriptions of a scenario showing relationships between global agenda influencing local settings. The terms - ‘Innovation’, ‘change’ and ‘reform’, are used interchangeably here to refer to educational changes.

3. Diffusion of innovation theory

Rogers’ [19] diffusion of innovation theory offers three broad stages for making sense of how global education policy can influence local contexts. They are: Initiation, Implementation and Continuation.

3.1 The initiation phase

The Initiation stage describes beginnings or diffusion of innovations/changes of something new like a reform agenda that will attempt to improve society. Changes may come from either external means (globally), or, internally from with systems or from both factors [5, 16]. If external donors drive reforms under development packages; timings and objectives could be constraints as projects have certain periods [14]. Thus, receivers of change need clarity from those initiating reforms from the onset; because, there could be sustainable issues, should subjective interpretations occur [20].

Decision makings here influence reform agendas [5]. Those dialogues can range from top-down, bottom-up, or from a combination of both approaches [21]; each has respective challenges and strengths. For example, in curricula reforms, priority considerations would need to go to: (a) Curriculum planning and policy statements, (b) Learning aims, and achievable strategies, (c) Project implementation (resources and staff development), and, (d) Classroom implementation (teaching and evaluation skills) [16, 22]. Seemingly, Initiation stages have numerous tasks, and, can be overwhelming when going into Implementation stages.

3.2 The implementation phase

The Implementation stage happens after the initiation processes. Accordingly, implementation takes time to be embedded into systems [20, 23]. As approximations, the first three years of reforms are considered implementation periods [5, 16]. Interestingly, rejection or acceptance of reform agendas is possible in the implementation phase; both could affect reform continuation [20]. However, if the latter occurs, recipients of change may have adapted and modified practices. That illustrates surface adoptions of reforms; probably, without deep reflections of consequences [22]. Interestingly, records show political lobbying can be more influential, than rational thinking at this stage [5, 16]. Hence, the challenge of reform sustainability looms.

3.3 The continuation phase

The Continuation phase captures sustainability of reform agendas. This stage provides spaces for research, monitoring, and evaluation [5, 16]. Two outcomes are possible here – taking ownership or retaining old ways. Outcomes may depend on the Initiation and Implementation stages which influence sustainability of reform agendas. For example, in curricula reform situations, if considerations were given to factors like teachers’ beliefs, attitudes, understandings or short trainings; then, the reform agenda could be sustained at school levels [2]. However, should resistance occur; then, literature suggests using Professional Development (PD) as intervention strategies to sustain curriculum implementation processes [23, 24]. The Continuation phase is equally challenging as; and interactive with the Initiation and Implementation stages of the diffusion of innovation theory.

In closing, the three lenses of the diffusion of innovation theory are used to examine relationships of global educational policies on a local context.

4. Global educational policies driving changes

The UN developed numerous global policies for guiding operational matters worldwide. For instance, ‘Article 26’ of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights’, showed beginnings of global agenda driving national and local developments. Interestingly, the idea of UPE is entwined into - ‘Article 26′, and, thus; the notion of UBE was borne [25]. That hindsight was a global direction for countries to follow by providing quality basic education for children as obligations under the Convention on Children’s Rights [1, 15, 25].

Subsequently, the issue of UBE was given prominence on the world stage by international educational reformers in the mid-1990s (Delors [5, 26]). Apparently, EFA was the global agenda reiterating calls for countries to provide accessibility to education for all at basic levels so that retention rates could be decreased [17]. EFA was a treaty signed in 1990 in Jomtien, Thailand, and re-asserted in 2000 in Dakar, Senegal; EFA emphasised UBE; it is argued that UBE is a global indicator set by the UN to measure countries’ achievements of the Millennium Development Goals [1, 8, 13]. Educational changes that drive accessibility to learning opportunities refer to expanding education opportunities in countries [3, 17]. Seemingly, that was the common denominator of global education influence on local contexts which was also supported from the World Bank’s Reports [13, 17, 27]. In short, global education agenda guided UN member countries to align their national education frameworks within international requirements.

The literature reveals that different things on a global and local scale can also motivate educational reforms world over [5]. Some reasons include: Structural, organisational, systemic and pedagogical changes [3, 17]. For changes to take place; decision making processes are made either through top-down, bottom-up, or a combination of both [14]. Educational changes may be initiated from both outside influence as from a global perspective, or within local contexts [2, 15]. Interestingly, other reports on education reform do indicate that global education policies like the UBE and EFA had significant influence on education reforms in local contexts [3, 5, 17].

Mandated educational policies driving change are said to be top-down approaches. For instance, Education Ministries can instigate organisational changes and pass on decisions to stakeholders within their systems [3, 21]. This type of change is common in systems world over, like the Pacific Region with more centralised control from Education Ministries. Top down changes would require political will and the administrative processes within systems to drive change agendas. The discussions here show that policy of a common cause connects global and local contexts.

5. Policy and implementation

Policy and implementation as concepts connote relationships. Policy resonates with governance, and, is created to improve social systems [21]. Thus, official documents are deemed public policies because they are instruments guiding implementation of mandated agendas at different spheres of society. Implementation also captures meanings of Policy Intentions, and Outcomes [21]. Implementation is a process; and for it to occur, societal issues would need to motivate policy developments [21]. In short, it is said that the policy and implementation are factors that push global education reform [5, 9].

Public policy evolves through three stages:

1. Governance - Refers to ‘authority’ [21]. This is the political decision making arena for policy development and application. This may eventuate through top-down, bottom-up, or a co-construction approach [14]. The top-down approach involves legislation from the hierarchy which is then passed down to subordinates via channels of communication within organisations. The bottom-up approach gets people working together to rectify issues. The co-construction approach refers to all stakeholders working together to develop solutions to social issues [23].

2. Policy - Is a legal document developed to improve social issues. Hence, mandating policy is intentional because objectives have to be achieved. Because many actors are involved in embracing policy, interpretations of it may vary and tensions may arise.

3. Implementation – Connotes an act of doing (implementing), which means that the activities have not yet been completed. Alternatively, it may refer to the state of having been done already (implemented) [21].

In summary, public policy has governance and implementation entwined in it and it can be clothed in different guises across different social contexts.

6. Curriculum as a policy instrument

The GERM was pushed as policy mandates through the Outcomes-Based Education (OBE) model and it subsequent OBE curricular (OBC), [3]. A curriculum contains courses planned for studies in education systems [2]. However, that view, is narrow, as curriculum designs have inbuilt variables for understanding; before implementation can proceed. For instance: Curriculum aims, theoretical underpinnings of education model, teaching and learning theories, and developers’ intentions are few examples that illustrate a curriculum is not a single entity but contains processes that would need unpacking for clarity [2, 11]. As caution, subjective interpretations of policy curricula can happen during classroom implementation [1, 24]. Hence, that may impede continuation of reform processes.

According to literature, curriculum changes arise when there are perceived needs and, subsequently, curriculum reforms are undertaken with aims for improvement [11]. However, implementing a large scale curriculum change is not simple and straight-forward, but is a highly complex phenomenon [2]. For instance, Hall and Irving [23] noted in the New Zealand context that having a curriculum that is mandated to operate based on valid sound research could still have problems, if the policy makers, experts and practitioners are not working together to ensure that the curriculum (or curriculum innovation) not only “operates” but actually “works”; the distinction between “operating” and “working” draws attention to the need to ensure that the goals of the reform curriculum are achieved.

Furthermore, Markee [16] argues that implementing curriculum change is not just mandating policy for practices, but includes pedagogical changes to classroom practices, and; that possibly requires new teaching and testing approaches, involve new materials/resources, and possibly see alterations in teachers’ belief systems. Markee’s views show that curriculum change is complex and having one curriculum model (OBC) being championed globally can be problematic as the outcome can swing the other way as not expected. Furthermore, sometimes the intended meanings of curriculum developers may not be clearly understood by teachers who also have personalised teaching beliefs [5, 22] and this could impede practice, as Hall and Irving [23] observed in the New Zealand context. In closing, initiators of curriculum change would need to give close attention to teachers as they are vital for implementing in the classrooms any mandated reform agenda.

7. Papua New Guinea context

This section describes pre and post - independence educational issues in PNG to show relationships to global affiliations.

7.1 Pre-Independence tensions

Educational issues in PNG have been prevalent since the 1970s. Documents from the 1974 ‘Eight Waigani Seminar’ held at the University of Papua New Guinea, showed national educators debating educational issues [2]. For instance, the type of education model adopted was considered foreign from colonial influence [28]. Assertions rose that indigenous students were alienated from village life after formal education [28, 29]. Consequently, the Matane Report (1986) was put together 11 years later to address the pre-colonial educational concerns (Ibid). The Matane Report, became the Ministerial Policy, and the ‘Philosophy of Education’ triggering directions for large scale national reforms for PNG [10, 30]. Basic educational levels in the 70s and 80s had content based curricular [2].

7.2 Post-Independence reform

PNG’s reform from the onset was aligned with the 1990s global educational agenda, as a UN member [5, 14]. Thus, Australia through its developmental aid assisted PNG on adopting the OBE model for the national education system and embracing the OBC through a ‘Curriculum Reform Implementation Project’ (CRIP) [31, 32]. There are different interpretations of the OBE. Its champion, asserts that OBE has three main premises. It is an: 1) Education theory, 2) Instructional strategy, and, a, 3) Systems theory. Thus, having understandings of those three are crucial, as each; can influence the introduction and implementation processes of the OBC.

Seemingly, as an education theory, and, instructional strategy, OBE would resonate with student centred theories of teaching and learning. OBE discourages traditional direct instructions in classroom learning. Moreover, it asserts links with performance-based education, or an SCA way of teaching [33]. Arguably, OBE relates with principles of constructivism theory that believes students need to be proactive learners. That is, experiences and ideas from social environments are used to create new knowledge and meanings within classroom interactions. Mildly speaking, attests that schools determine successful learning outcomes. However, that comment applies to constructivism and behaviourism theories as well; so, is not only unique to OBE. Discussions here show that having both theoretical and content knowledge of curriculum model and pedagogy in subject specifications are requirements for implementing any reform curricula.

Arguably, as a systems theory, OBE rode on the mantra of global developmental frameworks, like the Paris Declaration on effective aid delivery into PNG [2, 10]. Subsequently, OBE was seen as a ‘quick fix solution’ for educational issues in third world countries like PNG; [1]. Interestingly, some Pacific nations had also adopted OBE through educational aids around the same time as PNG. Those included: Solomon Islands [7], and Fiji [8]. Discussions here showed the spread of the OBE model as a global mandate into local contexts.

In summary, there is a relationship between global and reform in a local context. As seen here, both external and internal factors drove educational reform into the PNG national education system.

8. Methodology

Since, the paper’s aim is to understand relationship of global educational policy on a local context (PNG), the constructivism theoretical lenses was used to interpret findings from data. It is said that knowledge is socially constructed, but subjective as in relationships, and embedded in people; so that premises underpinned the chosen framework for this paper.

8.1 Research design

This paper was derived from my PhD thesis grounded in a qualitative case study [2]. Two urban secondary schools; termed School 1 (S1) and School 2 (S2) in Port Moresby, PNG were the research sites. The former is in the north-east of the city, whilst the latter, north-west. Both schools were level nine schools with accessibility to policy information about the education reform [33]. One ‘W’ research question was asked to elicit detailed responses about the relationship of global education policy on the chosen local context. The question raised was: How has Global Education Policies influenced reform in Papua New Guinea; and why?

8.2 Data collection and analysis procedures

There were two parts to data collection: the first part consisted of reviewing literature both online and offline around global educational changes, the Outcomes-Based Education Model, and curriculum reform policies. The key words scanned were global education reform policies and literature reviewed included: Learning: The Treasures Within, (Delors Report), Fullan [11], The New Meaning of Educational Change (5th Ed.), United Nations decade of education for sustainable development, UNESCO [25], Understanding Education Quality in EFA Global Monitoring Report, and United Nations decade of education for sustainable development, and OECD [3] - Education Policy Implementation: A Literature Review and framework. The content and thematic analysis were used to identify themes in these international documents by me applying the grounded theory principles of giving interpretations and meanings to the data [34].

Phases two consisted of data drawn from my PhD thesis which consisted of multiple data collection methods. Primary data consisted of: One to one 15 minutes semi-structured interviews (Two) with the principals, two one hour focus group discussions, eight lesson observations (40 minutes per lesson - total 320 minutes), observation field notes, and two 10 minutes post-observation interviews. The secondary data included: Document analysis of the PNG National Department of Education (NDoE) policies, teachers’ prepared worksheets, and literature reviews.

The data analyses in phase two involved transcribing all audio recorded interviews; focus group discussions, classroom observations, document reviews, and field notes. Content, discourse, thematic analyses were used to interpret data. Meanings were guided by the research question following a deductive approach, as well as, letting concepts rise from data using a grounded theory approach. Results from the two research sites were compared against policy intentions and described separately. Lastly, a cross-case analysis was done through triangulation to give validity and reliability to the findings.

8.3 Participants and ethical issues

There were 10 direct participants (teachers), and 90 indirect participants (students) who had taken part in the study; all were given code names. Participants were two school principals (P1-S1 and P2-S2), six focus group English teachers (FGT1-S1, FGT2-S1, FGT3-S1, FGT1-S2, FGT2-S2, and FGT3-S2), two grade nine English class teachers (ET1-S1 and ET2-S2), and about 90 students from the two observed grade nine classes (C1 and C2). Ethical clearance was sought both from the Ethics Committee of the Education Faculty at Victoria University Wellington (March 2009), and the NDoE in PNG (July 2009). Staff participants signed consent letters to be in the research, while, parents of the observed grade nine classes signed consent letters for the student participants as they were between 15 and 16 years of age.

9. Findings and discussions

Three concepts are discussed showing how global education policies influenced a local context (PNG). Those are: Factors facilitating change, little alignment, and, suggestions for improving curriculum reform.

10. Impacts of global agenda locally

Findings from both phases of data collection revealed that both global and national factors drove the PNG education reform. Seemingly, global development discussions of the 1990s influenced worldwide educational reform, and so PNG was no exception to that. For instance, the Paris Declaration Framework for effective aid delivery to third world nations influenced reforms through the UBE and EFA agendas. Consequently, OBE as a favoured educational model was championed globally, as it was considered economically viable to be used [8, 14, 35]. External partners supported educational aid to developing countries, and PNG was no exception [1, 13, 16]. In corroborating with that argument, participants from phase two data collections also spoke on that: “The reform that they’re trying to bring about in our system” (FGT1 – S1). The word, ‘reform’ indicates policy governance from global and national influences, whilst, the pronoun, ‘they’ is representation of the development partners (AusAID/CRIP) and the PNG National Department of Education. In short, global developmental frameworks directed national reforms globally because of unequal economic and political relationships between developed and third world countries [13, 14]. Hence, PNG was a recipient to that relationship.

Furthermore, findings also showed that nationally, PNG had issues recommending educational reforms from the pre-independence era [36]. However, due to financial constraints, reforms were stalled till external influence in the forms of bi-lateral relationships helped [1, 9, 10]. Internally, PNG used systemic practices to drive her education reform. Deeply embedded practices like - Top-down decision making processes (of the NDoE dating back to its 1970 inception); hastened reform activities [2]. That corroborated what other PNG scholars described about ‘how’ change began [9, 10]. Seemingly, in top-down decision making, schools would have little say; being on edges of decision making formalities. That meaning is seen here: “We had to go ahead and implement it because our superiors said so” (FGT2 - S1). The remark echoed passiveness and compliance to top-down leadership and management styles (“superiors”) of a bureaucratic organisation (‘implement’) [21]. Arguably, the PNG education reforms occurred due to political lobbying [2], more so than rational thinking [5, 16]. Hence, may pose sustainability challenges as trying to meet global requirements could mean over-looking flaws in local systems.

In summary, global policy guided the PNG education reform. Interestingly, PNG went through hassles of initiating and implementing the OBE curriculum reform in the early 2000s, but had it shelved in 2013, because of political decisions. That political action also raises questions about PNG’s decision making processes, and, systemic abilities for sustaining large scale curriculum reforms driven by global agenda.

11. Classroom practices

Whilst, the reformed curriculum looked encouraging for PNG as she would be seen to be meeting global and national requirements [2, 13]; actual classroom practices revealed otherwise [2]. This revelation is important for others to consider when global and national policies instigate educational changes for lower levels in social systems.

First, findings showed mismatches between policy intentions and observed practices in two areas - teaching theory, and, classroom practices (Table 1).

Policy Intention	Observation finding
A student-centred approach allows teachers to be more flexible in determining the most effective ways to help all students … ([33], p, 20).	All four observed lessons from C2 and two from C1 were all teacher-centred, grammar lessons taught in isolation (Field notes).

Table 1.

Teaching approach.

Source: Joskin [2], p, 250.

Evidence from eight random lesson observations indicated features of Teacher-Centred Lessons (TCLs). This was despite policy intentions wanting changes to teaching practices. TCLs describe traditional approaches of teacher ‘talk and chalk’ teachings. Observations noted direct transmission teaching; this implicates teachers’ world views as being sources of knowledge, while, students were passive participants in their learning. That finding contradicted global policy intentions for a SCA for classroom implementation at a local level [2].

Second, the TCLs ideas were also found in the triangulation process (field notes, speech patterns, interviews, post observation interviews and focus group discussions). Evidence indicated that teachers’ theoretical preferences and worldviews were still entrenched in TCLs acquired presumably from teacher training [2, 10]. Furthermore, this finding supports literature’s contention that processes of implementing curriculum change is complicated, and, takes time to become systemic practices [5, 20, 23]. Moreover, it could also show that if deeply entrenched practices were deemed not compatible with reform agenda; then classroom implementation was challenging [22].

Third, a mismatch of policy intentions to practice was also noted in teachers’ behaviour. Policy required an SCA, but, teachers’ preferences were the TCLs. The gist is captured here: I’m still in the old system (FGT1-S1). The meaning is probably of individual defiance at institutional levels; due to not knowing how to implement the reform curriculum. Hence, that may illustrate rejections to policy’s intentions [16, 22]. That commentary (FGT1-S1) also corroborated a principal’s remarks: When asked how his school implemented the curriculum; he said, “Teachers sort of find their way through it” (P2-S2). Both citations projected agony teachers experienced when probably trying to take curriculum ownership of reform agenda locally [2].

Interestingly, the discussions here imply that the Initiating and Implementing phases of global education agenda [5] was not systematically and effectively managed at the local level in PNG [2, 37]. Thus, the findings contradicted the OBE champion, who says that governments need to resource systems, and train practitioners appropriately, before accepting the OBE. Arguably, teachers’ claimed the reform curriculum was insufficient as seen here: “But where are the materials to help us to disseminate that information?” (FGT1-S2). In short, the influence of global educational agenda into PNG had challenges; thus, posing sustainable issues.

Because discussions here showed ‘little alignment’ between global policy intentions and local practice in the first three years of aligning national education with a global educational agenda [2] – Intervention strategies are proposed to help with knowledge gaps.

12. Suggestion for sustaining global agenda locally

Discussions here revealed that knowledge gaps existed in relationships concerning alignment of national education reform principles with intended global requirements. Therefore, evidence here suggests using PD as an intervention strategy to purposefully embed and sustain large scale curriculum changes; irrespective of curricula model [2, 5, 11, 24]. Moreover, it is also recommended that regular PD trainings are done to help foster professional learning cultures into systemic practices [1, 23]. Evidence showed that practitioners were committed to national directives underpinned by global agenda. For instance: “It is a policy that is going to be here, so whether we like it or not, we need to implement it” (P1-S1). That excerpt neatly captures systemic practices of subordinates conforming to a central administration. Therefore, this paper offers a local model to assist with implementation of global curriculum policy locally.

13. Kibung framework

The Kibung Framework (KF) is a locally developed model that will help sustain global education policies locally using professional development (PD) [2]. Kibung is a local term in the PNG Tok Pisin, one of three official languages spoken in country [30]. It is pronounced/ki:bung/ and has meanings of ‘coming together’ and ‘meeting’ or ‘talking about issues’ formally or informally [1]. The practice of kibung resonates with other Melanesian practices such as Tok Stori in the Solomons Islands.

The KF also resonates with western literature discussions on using PD to embed global education policies. In support, Fullan [11] and Hall & Irving [23], also argue that, for any educational change to survive in institutions, continuous PD practices need to be inbuilt into school environments to foster a culture of professional learning for practitioners who are the most important agents of any mandated reforms. Interestingly, using the Kibung Framework to run PD sessions link well with Rogers [19] Continuation phase of the diffusion theory to assist curriculum changes.

For instance, participants in Joskin’s [2] study understood that the OBE as a policy curriculum was an instrument of governance: “It is a policy that is going to be here, so whether we like it or not, we need to implement it” (P1-S1). This citation shows subordinates conforming to a central administration, who despite various personal reactions would ultimately implement the OBE Curriculum. Thus, the Kibung Framework borrows from Hall and Irving’s [23] PD suggestions as originally taken from eight identified factors for successful PD to embed global agenda locally.

Figure 1 below illustrates the seven attributes of the KF that would need to be taken into consideration when a local context like PNG tries to align curriculum reform with global agenda.

Figure 1.

Kibung professional development framework.

Kibung framework application: The ‘Kibung’ PD framework draws on Hall and Irving’s [23] suggestion for using eight factors for facilitating PD as developed by Mitchell and Cubey (2003, p. 81). These are:

• Incorporates participants’ own aspirations, skills, knowledge and understanding into the learning context.

• Engages participants in analysing data from their own settings. Identification of discrepant data is a mechanism to invoke revised understanding.

• Involves critical reflection enabling participants to investigate and challenge assumptions and extend their thinking.

• Helps participants change educational practice, beliefs, understandings and/or attitudes.

• Helps participants gain awareness of their thinking, actions, and influence on others.

• Focuses on the need for inclusiveness.

• Involves engagement with pedagogy, and

• Involves engagement with theoretical knowledge and alternate practices.

In closing, teachers would need to view PD as something that will not only change their educational practices, but would give them insights into being reflective learners, and help contribute to sustainable education.

‘How has global educational policies influenced reform in a local context?’

14. Conclusion

In conclusion, the discussions in this Chapter have revealed that global educational policies do have impacts on relationships with education reforms in local contexts. Thus, to answer the question - ‘How has global educational policies influenced reform in a local context?’ Findings and discussions revealed that global education policies like the UBE, UPE, and EFA played significant influences on reforms in local educational contexts. In the case of Papua New Guinea in her attempts to align with global affiliation saw her national education system adopting an OBE model and curriculum during the reform periods of the 1990s – 2000s. That action was consistent with the global education reform movement agenda. The experience in Papua New Guinea was challenging because practice observed had little alignment with policy expectations [2]. To adhere with global intentions, the National Department of Education applied education reform as ‘inputs’ to improve education quality; but the ‘processes’ of having little subject specific professional development sessions, and little resources impacted classroom practices not to be aligned with policy intentions. Consequently, affecting teaching and learning practices that needed to be in tuned with the reformed curriculum within the national education system. That illustrated that the global policies had little alignment with local realities. Hence, as a way forward, the Kibung Framework offers the use of professional development as an intervention strategy to help sustain global education policies locally [1].