Experiences of a Group of Venezuelan Migrant Women: An Analysis from Coping and Intersectionality

Abstract

The research was based on understanding the experiences of a group of Venezuelan migrant women in Spain. Method followed was mixed research, whose objective was to analyze the complexity of the migratory experience from coping and intersectionality. There were 20 intentionally selected women. Instruments used were an inventory of coping strategies and an interview script. Results: average age 42.60 years. General average in coping strategies used by migrants was 18.25 for problem solving, 4.95 for self-criticism, 12.75 for emotional expression, 12.35 for illusions, 13.55 for social support, 14.45 for cognitive restructuring, 7.00 for problem avoidance, and 7.20 for social withdrawal. The stressful situations were categorized as economic, family, social, and migratory. Also, they are identified as a vulnerable group intercepted by the axes: gender, class and social origin, rationalization, and ethnic and cultural diversity. Likewise, three categories were identified: access to work and working conditions, forms of linguistic rejection, and stereotypes based on hypersexualization. Migrants have similar sociodemographic characteristics compared to other studies. Likewise, they face migratory stress through a problem-solving strategy. On the other hand, from an intersectional perspective, the axes and categories identified are related to the dynamics of power and exclusion that impact migrants and make them vulnerable.

1. Introduction

Migration processes do not constitute a recent situation in the contemporary globalized world. In fact, current civilizations are the result of these processes, so it could be said that migration dates back to population movements related to the history of humanity. However, the migratory flow has become a relevant and controversial aspect for many countries. Furthermore, it is a topic of current debate that has sparked interest in the scientific field due to the impact and implicit challenges that are being generated internationally.

Although migratory processes do not encompass a specific group of people, they are weighed by a series of triggering factors that determine and induce them. In this sense, the International Organization for Migration [1] defines these processes as a consequence of population movements toward the territory of another state or within it. This same organization defines mobility human as “the mobilization of people from one place to another in the exercise of their right to free movement, motivated by various reasons, voluntary, or forced.”

Migration is a complex phenomenon related to multiple economic, social, political, and security aspects that encompasses a great diversity of movements and situations that affect citizens of any condition and social origin. According to the World Bank, more than 180 million people, 2.3% of the world’s population, live outside their native country, which represents an urgent challenge for global development and the well-being of the population [2].

Some authors point out that the migration of Venezuelans occurred mainly from 1998 to the present [3]. Emigrating for a Venezuelan was a phenomenon that occurred very sporadically since Venezuelans considered that their future standard of living was not at risk [4]. This statement has changed in recent years because of the political diaspora and the social and economic situation in Venezuela today. It is estimated that there are more than 7 million people from Venezuela as refugees and migrants [5]. This migratory phenomenon has not only spread at a regional level but has also reached an intercontinental level. According to data from the National Institute of Statistics of Spain (INE), there are more than 300 thousand people from Venezuela in Spain, of which more than half are women [6].

Starting from this premise and the statistical data, the research focused on the study and understanding of the role of women as migratory subjects [7], their development in the chosen destination, and their position regarding their current reality from a feminist and intersectional perspective.

1.1 Intersectionality

The development of the concept of intersectionality is linked to American black feminism and the need to understand the situation of discrimination and inequality suffered by black women from a feminist and anti-racist perspective [8, 9]. At this point, the differentiation between gender and race could not explain inequality by itself, but it was necessary to understand how they were interrelated and configured in a specific experience of oppression [10]. There are different positions. However, beyond the debates about how it should be defined, some authors, such as Collins and Bilge, describe that:

Intersectionality is a way of understanding and analyzing the complexity of the world, people, and human experiences. The events and circumstances of social and political life and the person can rarely be understood as determined by a single factor. In general, they are shaped by many factors and in diverse ways that influence each other. When it comes to social inequality, people’s lives and the organization of power in a given society are best understood as something determined not by a single axis of social division, be it race, gender, or class, but by many axes that act together and influence each other. Intersectionality as an analytical tool offers people better access to the complexity of the world and themselves [11].

This paradigm represents a way to recognize the privileges of people in society, the way they interact, the social groups in which they are found, and the networks established in different interconnected classifications. In addition, according to Collins, there is an intersection between the systems of oppression that are articulated and defined from axes of control: (1) structural, inherent to power relations in society; (2) disciplinary, which manages the oppression that originates from the first axis and is represented by institutions; (3) hegemonic, which validates control mechanisms of individual and collective subjectivities and which is expressed in beliefs, prejudices, and values; and (4) interpersonal, which is configured through collective relationships that define life trajectories and which condenses the three previous axes into subjectivities personal [9].

1.2 Coping

Coping refers to the series of thoughts and actions that enable people to handle difficult situations [12]. It consists, therefore, of a process of efforts aimed at managing in the best possible way (reducing, minimizing, tolerating, or controlling) internal and environmental demands. Coping occurs through changing cognitive and behavioral strategies or processes that are developed to manage specific external or internal demands that are evaluated as surplus or overflowing people’s resources [13].

Coping strategies are understood as psychological resources that the person uses to deal with stressful situations. Although the implementation of these does not always guarantee success, they serve to generate, avoid, or reduce conflicts in human beings, attributing personal benefits to them and contributing to their strengthening [13].

In the field of migration, stress and the use of coping strategies could play a determining role when facing various situations. Migratory stress is characterized by being multiple because it affects many areas of life; chronic because it can last for years; intense and relevant for its strength; disorganizing, due to the loss of control in permanent situations [14]. Consequently, stress could occur in the face of the adaptation experience due to various personal, cultural, or adaptation characteristics [15]. Some authors point out that there are sources of migratory stress, such as the search for documentation to be able to work and have money to cover basic needs, where to live, and facing ideological and cultural prejudices, among others [16].

In the above context, there are a wide variety of scales for measuring coping; among them: the Ways of Coping Inventory (WCI) by Lazarus and Folkman [17], the Multidimensional Coping Estimation Inventory (COPE) by Carver et al. [18], or The Coping Strategy Indicator (CSI) by Billing and Moos [19], among others that have been generated and adapted to the local realities. These instruments constitute useful tools not only to study the cognitive and behavioral resources that the person must deal with stress but also to generate models or proposals for feasible intervention and prevention in coping with stress [16].

2. Methodology

The methodological approach used was mixed, that is, qualitative and quantitative, through the implementation of two instruments that generated statistical processing and analysis of the data and content, as well as analysis of the interviews. The purpose of what was described above was to answer the following questions: (1) What strategies do the women in the study use to face the migratory dynamic? (2) What axes or dimensions produce vulnerability or discrimination from an intersectional perspective in the women in the study?

To answer the questions and under the premise of addressing new dimensions of Venezuelan female migration, in this case to Spain, the objective was to understand the experiences of Venezuelan migrant women in Spain from coping and intersectionality. The methodological phases that were developed are described below:

1. Phase I: Secondary Data (Historical/documentary): Involved a thorough review of documentary, historical, bibliographic, and research sources to elucidate the aspects inherent to Venezuelan migration, migratory stress, and coping. For this phase, triangulation, description, and documentary analysis were used.

2. Phase II: Primary Data: A mixed approach was used to collect primary data. In this phase, quantitative data was collected through the survey. Moreover, interview, a qualitative method, led to obtaining qualitative data through primary sources. The population and sample consisted of 20 migrant women from Venezuela (Table 1) [20]. The selection was based on a typological box aimed at controlling the heterogeneity of the sample and the variability of the experiences. The selection criteria were: (1) age over 35 years, considering the data from the INE of Spain and the background on the research, and (2) immigration status of the participants (irregular or under international protection).

Pseudonym	Age	Educational qualification	Marital status	Time in Spain (years)	Occupation	Housing condition
P1	46	University professional	Single	3	Unemployed	Room
P2	46	University professional	Single	3	Intern in a family home	Room
P3	56	University professional	Single	2	Intern in a family home	Apartment
P4	44	University professional	Single	3	Businessman	Apartment
P5	44	University professional	Single	3	Intern in a family home	Apartment
P6	35	Bachelor	Single	3	Prostitute	Apartment
P7	47	Bachelor	Single	2	Unemployed	Apartment
P8	36	University professional	Married	2	Nurse	Apartment
P9	50	Bachelor	Married	2	Unemployed	Room
P10	54	Bachelor	Divorcee	3	Teleoperator	Apartment
P11	35	University professional	Single	3	Waitress	Apartment
P12	35	University professional	Single	2	Businessman	Apartment
P13	40	University professional	Single	4	Warehouse worker	Apartment
P14	42	University professional	Single	4	Warehouse worker	Apartment
P15	38	University professional	Single	3	Warehouse worker	Apartment
P16	35	Bachelor	Single	3	Unemployed	Room
P17	55	University professional	Single	3	Intern in a family home	Room
P18	38	University professional	Single	1	Unemployed	Room
P19	36	University professional	Single	2	Unemployed	Room
P20	44	University professional	Single	2	Caregiver	Room

Table 1.

Profile of the participating women.

Source: Participant files.

The instruments used were two. To analyze coping strategies, the Coping Strategies inventory of Cano et al. was applied due to its excellent proven validity and reliability [21]. The technique for applying this inventory included an interview, previously with the consent of the participants. Also, the evaluation of eight primary coping strategies, among them: (1) problem resolution, related to cognitive and behavioral strategies aimed at eliminating stress and modifying the situation that produces it. (2) Self-criticism, inherent to strategies based on self-blame and self-criticism for the stressful situation or its inadequate management. (3) Emotional expression, strategies aimed at releasing emotions that occur in the stress process. (4) Wishful thinking, cognitive strategies that reflect the wish that reality was not stressful. (5) Social support, strategies related to the search for emotional support. (6) Cognitive restructuring, cognitive strategies that modify the meaning of a stressful situation. (7) Problem avoidance, related to strategies that include denial and avoidance of thoughts or actions. 8) Social withdrawal and withdrawal strategies from friends, family, colleagues, and significant people associated with emotional reactions in the stressful process [21]. For the statistical analysis of the information obtained, the SPSS 27.0 program was used. The grouping of items related to each of the coping strategies of the instrument was considered, as well as the identified categories and the Lazarus and Folkman [17] model that differentiates coping in two ways: the first focused on the problem, which involves the attempt to resolve or reduce the threat, and the second focused on the emotion, which is generated from the situation and involves its non-resolution or modification [13].

The second instrument applied was an interview script for migrant women. This script was self-developed, and its purpose was to investigate migration and aspects that would allow intersectional analysis. Its validity was obtained through a psychometric study of content validity by experts. The quantitative analysis of this instrument was obtained by calculating Aiken’s V coefficient and the Content Validity Coefficient (CVC). The coefficients of the questions exceeded what was established as minimally acceptable, with the total average being Aiken’s V 0.90 and the CVC 0.92. This instrument is made up of 55 open questions, in a structure of three blocks related to the dimensions: life before emigrating, the process prior to migration, and the migratory process [22]. The data was analyzed in line with the quantitative data using thematic analysis. For the protection of women’s data, a pseudonym or an assigned number is identified with the letter P (P1 to P20).

3. Results

3.1 Profile of the participating women

Table 1. The age of the women interviewed was between 35 and 56 years, with an average of 42.60 years. In relation to the educational level, 75% have a university education, and 25% have completed high school. On the other hand, 50% have lived in Spain for 3 years, 35% for 2 years, 10% for 4 years, and 5% for 1 year.

When analyzing Table 1, the average age and educational level of the women participating in the research coincides with some reference studies related to the migration of Venezuelan women in Spain [16]. In relation to the length of residence in Spain, more than half currently have more than 3 years. The above leads to the deduction that studies with phenomenological perspectives are a group with a profile and particular characteristics of interest.

3.2 Results of the application of the inventory of coping strategies (CIS)

Table 2 presents the average obtained in the eight coping strategies as a result of the application of the CIS [21]. For the interpretation of the results, the ranges indicated by the author were taken, where an average between 0 and 6.6 indicates the use of the strategy at a low level, from 6.7 to 13.2 at a medium level, and from 13.3 to 20 at a high level. In the general average obtained, problem resolution (18.25) is identified as the coping strategy most used by all participants. This is followed by cognitive restructuring (14.45) and social support (13.55) as high-ranking strategies. While in the medium range, they are emotional expression (12.75), wishful thinking (12.35), social withdrawal (7.20), and problem avoidance (7.00), and in the low range is the self-criticism strategy (4.95).

Coping strategy	Medium
Problem resolution	18.25
Self-criticism	4.95
Emotional expression	12.75
Wishful thinking	12.35
Social support	13.55
Cognitive restructuring	14.45
Problem avoidance	7.00
Social withdrawal	7.20

Table 2.

Mean of the study sample.

Applied instrument: Coping Strategies Inventory by Cano et al. [21].

The results of Table 3 indicate four dimensions identified in the group of migrants during the interview: economic, family, concreteness, and immigration status. In this context, the coping strategies that migrant women use according to the CIS are problem resolution (PR) has a high level of application in all identified categories: economic (18.10), family (18.75), concreteness social (19.25), and immigration status (16.00). In self-criticism (SC), the level presented is low in the stressful economic situation (6.60), family (3.00), social concreteness (1.25), and presents a medium level in immigration status (8.00). In emotional expression (EE), it presents a high level in family (19.25) and in social concreteness (13.50); a medium level in economics (10.10) and immigration status (11.50). In desiderative thinking (DT), the level is high in the family situation (17.25) and immigration status (15.50) and medium in the economic situation (10.60), as well as in social concreteness (10.25). In social support (SS), the level was high in the family situation (15.50) and economic situation (14.90). It presented a medium level of social concreteness (10.25) and immigration status (9.50). In cognitive restructuring (CR), the level was high in all situations: family (16.50), social concreteness (14.25), immigration status (14.00), and economic (13.80). In problem avoidance (PA), the level was medium in social concreteness (8.50) and in the economic dimension (7.10), and it presented a low level in immigration status (6.00) and family status (5.75). Finally, in relation to social withdrawal (SW), the level was medium in immigration status (10.00) and economic status (8.20); however, it presented a low level in social concreteness (6.25) and family (4.25).

Strategy	Economic (n = 10)	Familiar (n = 4)	Social concreteness (n = 4)	Immigration status (n = 2)
PR	18.10	18.75	19.25	16.00
SC	6.60	3.00	12.52	8.00
EE	10.10	19.252	13.50	11.50
DT	10.60	17.25	10.25	15.50
SS	14.90	15.50	10.25	9.50
CR	13.80	16.50	14.25	14.00
PA	7.10	5.75	8.50	6.00
SW	8.20	4.25	6.25	10.00

Table 3.

Means of the study sample.

Applied instrument: Coping Strategies Inventory by Cano et al. [21].

The stressful situations described by the migrant women allowed us to categorize four dimensions: economic, family, social concreteness, and immigration status. It is evident that these situations are closely related to the feminization of poverty, characterized by the segregation of the labor market and the role assigned to migrant women, along with their key role, mainly in the private domestic sphere and, in many cases, in the sexual exploitation industry [23].

In this context, generalized segmentation with few or no job opportunities related mainly to femininity through caring for people, cleaning, or sexual services [24], in addition to the lack of legal protection or procedures inherent to access to documentation, among others, they will generate inequality and make women a vulnerable group at the intersection with the immigration and nationality regime [25].

It should be noted that each participant experiences vulnerability individually, as well as their characteristics. In this context, the linking of social and institutional causes could reduce the ability to respond, adapt, and react to adverse natural, social, or institutional situations, an aspect that invites intersectional reasoning.

The most used coping strategy in all identified categories and in a high range was problem resolution. This strategy indicates that migrant women use cognitive and behavioral processes aimed at finding effective solutions to deal with the situation [21]. Although its use indicates adequate management of an adverse situation, this does not necessarily reduce psychological discomfort [15]. On the other hand, the emotional expression strategy indicates that migrants channel coping through verbal expressions of their experiences toward other people [21]. Consequently, releasing emotions using expressions or talking about what happened constitutes a strength for adaptation. Some recent research inherent to Venezuelan migration shows that through testimonies, migrants express and make visible their feelings, as well as the situations they have had to face [26, 27].

Migrant women use social support strategies as a family and economic strategy, which involves the execution of actions aimed at seeking support in the face of stressful events. In this regard, social support networks, defined by relationships of friendship, affective, or exchange of help, allow migrants to cope with situations or sources of stress, including access to employment, housing, or obtaining domestic help, among others [28].

Likewise, the cognitive restructuring coping strategy also presented a high level of application, which indicates that migrants cope with conflict or problem situations by adapting stressful negative thoughts and incorporating positive thoughts [15].

Coping strategies associated with inadequate management of the situation do not show a high level of execution in self-criticism, problem avoidance, and social withdrawal. On the contrary, the wishful thinking strategy, presenting a high level of application, indicates the desire for reality not to be stressful, as well as the presence of feelings of avoidance [21]. At this point, wishful thinking will be considered inadequate management focused on the problem, as it is an 8type of passive and maladaptive coping.

3.2.1 Intersectional analysis

The migrant women participating in the research are identified as a vulnerable social group intercepted by three axes: gender, social class, origin, racialization, and ethnic and cultural diversity. Three new categories were identified: categories that represent a system of oppression/domination/discrimination: (1) access to work and working conditions, (2) forms of linguistic rejection, and (3) stereotypes based on hypersexualization that were the product of the content analysis of the interviews. They are described below, along with some experiences:

3.2.1.1 Access to work and working conditions

The lack of documentation, work permits, job insecurity, and lack of employment led the vast majority to enter mainly the domestic and care labor market in precarious conditions. In this context, it was necessary to conceptualize gender as a social structure that is configured differently depending on the context and time, and that is built and maintained at the intersection with other fundamental axes of social organization such as sexual orientation, sexual processes, of racialization, ethnicity, religion, nationality, immigration status, educational and occupational level, health, and age [29].

Some experiences of the participants are described below:

Below are some excerpts from the participants’ experiences.

“In relation to work, first they don’t give you permission quickly to be able to work, you have to get papers, make appointments, everything is late. Also, adapt to the language, the food, the slang, the people, everything.” (P3)

“My work experience has been bad, bad, because the work they offer us immigrants is low-skilled, cleaning the home, cooking, caring for the elderly, picking fruit in the fields. I am a professional, but the system does not make things easier for you to approve or practice as a professional.” (P5)

“I have worked as a waitress, as a saleswoman, as a warehouse girl, as a caregiver, all of them have been very strong experiences, the physical aspect, I have felt very exploited, they have involved many hours of work, a lot of physical effort, a lot of exhaustion mentally, I have suffered a little bit of everything, abuse, exploitation, harassment.” (P16)

In this context, the experiences of migrant women are closely linked to the globalization of the capitalist system and are based on the generalized segmentation of the labor market. In this way, the work niches for many migrant women are those that are undervalued and have high rates of informality, greater vulnerability, and economic precariousness [29].

These jobs are associated with femininity, such as cleaning, caring for boys, girls, the elderly, and sex work, among others [30]. These labor sectors are demanded by the host society that responds to structural factors and institutional policies, in which this sector is commercialized and externalized [24]. In this scenario, gender inequalities intensify at the intersection with the immigration and nationality regime and place migrants [25].

3.2.1.2 Forms of linguistic rejection

In this category, the forms of linguistic and phonetic rejection related to the axis of origin, rationalization, and ethnic and cultural diversity intersect. In this sense, the sociolinguistic integration of migrants due to their origin should not be constituted as a limitation due to differentiating elements that generate segregation, discrimination, or rejection, since the language is the same, that is, Spanish [31]. Some experiences are described below:

“As for communication, it was difficult for me at first and there are still times when I stay silent, now I think about things more to say them, I have to be very precise to be able to communicate with them.” (P8)

“I have had cultural differences. As for language, although we all speak the same language, we have certain very different words, colloquial jargon, for which they point at us and say that we do not know how to speak, they dare to correct us.” (P15)

“I feel like I have to take care of my expressions, change my language to be understood and not be corrected.” (P20)

The experiences described could be interpreted in a context of difficulty for migrants in the process of interaction and sociolinguistic integration with local people who, in many cases, would not accept differences in language. Consequently, their own linguistic instrument, their individual and group identity, would take them away from discrimination and exclusion [31].

3.2.1.3 Stereotypes based on hypersexualization

The intersectionality of oppression through discrimination is interrelated with other forms of domination such as sexism, aporophobia, and racism. In this aspect, hypersexualization would have its connection with the colonial exoticization of racialized identities, where women could be stereotyped by imaginaries associated with sexual pleasure, with the respective consequences [32]. Some experiences are described below:

“Many people here think that just because we are Latin American and are here, we need a man who, in exchange for sex, will support us.” (P9)

“I think they perceive us in different ways, there are some who think that we are working women and there are others who think that we are whores, that we come to prostitute ourselves.” (P11)

“I have spoken in confidence with people here about us foreign women and many of them think that Latinas are like prostitutes.” (P17)

In this category, the ideas of a corporalization and sexualization of gender for reasons of ethnicity or origin, through the exacerbation of sexual attributes, would project the erroneous and sexist idea that foreign women would have a more active sexuality, reducing them to simple bodies that are objects of desire, which constitutes a central mechanism of symbolic violence [33].

The results obtained led to generating the following intersectional analysis model:

Intersectional analysis model of vulnerable people or groups.

3.2.2 Basic concepts

Intersectionality: Paradigm that allows the interpretation of the inequalities that people experience in their interaction with systems of oppression/domination/and discrimination that are configured and feedback dynamically in space and time.

Systems of oppression/domination and discrimination: They are ontological, structural, and unforeseen structures that are constituted and interrelated and, in whose dynamics, inequalities, oppressions, dominations, or discriminations (axes or dimensions) are generated in people, which makes them vulnerable.

Intersectionality axis or dimension: It is a referential framework that can be variable and be present in systems of oppression/domination and discrimination. It refers to the configuration and experience of discrimination.

The intersectional analysis model in Figure 1 allows us to represent some traditional axes of intersectional reference, in this case, gender, social class, origin, rationalization, ethnic, and cultural diversity that are constituted and interrelated with the dimensions: work and working conditions, forms of linguistic rejection and stereotypes based on hypersexualization, and in whose dynamics inequalities, oppressions, dominations, or discriminations are generated; that is, they make up a systems of oppression/domination and discrimination that intersect women migrants who represent a social group.4

Figure 1.

Self-developed intersectional analysis model.

4. Conclusion

Given the short and recent trajectory of female migration from Venezuela to Spain and despite the various reports, articles, information, and books on migration, currently, there are a limited number of investigations with a gender perspective inherent to the topic in question. Therefore, this research is based on the need to make visible the experiences of immigrant women from Venezuela and the challenges that it implies from a psychological perspective, facing the new reality. In this context, facing migratory stress leads to constantly changing cognitive and behavioral efforts. Consequently, starting from the questions raised became a fundamental aspect that allowed us to identify the participants with a profile that is related to references similar to other investigations. On the other hand, the stressful situations inherent to migratory experiences are related to dimensions: economic, family, social concreteness, and migratory status. The categorization allowed the analysis of the coping strategies used. In this context, there was adequate management of these situations through the use of medium- and high-level coping strategies, especially the coping strategy: problem solving. But wishful thinking represents the only inadequate coping strategy used by immigrants.

Likewise, rescuing the lived experiences of this group of women provides greater understanding through intersectional analysis and identification of connections of axes/categories that interact and generate dynamics of inequality, exclusion, marginalization, and multiple discriminations that occur as a consequence of complex interaction of the diverse systems of domination and subordination that affect them (sexism, racism, aporophobia, economic exploitation, restriction of rights according to the migrant status, etc.) and that cannot be analyzed from a single singular perspective or from a single dimension.

In this sense, from a feminist perspective, intersectionality is perhaps the paradigm that provides a higher level of complexity in the identification of inequalities, since it allows us to understand, through the interaction established between them, the persistence of systems of oppression, subordination, discrimination, or defenselessness. This research aims to provide a contribution from a perspective intersectional, since it is necessary to go beyond the classical and formalist visions of the migratory phenomena, especially when there are axes or dimensions (sex, ethnic origin, social conditions, among others) that do not interact separately, but rather constitute in complex inequalities that women have to face.

The migrant women in the study are identified as a group located in different axes of inequality (gender, social class, origin, racialization, and ethnic and cultural diversity interrelated with dimensions identified) as access to work and working conditions, and forms of linguistic rejection and stereotypes based on hypersexualization that reveal the multiplicity and simultaneity of some systems of oppression (patriarchy, capitalism, racism, and classism). What is described denotes exclusion, discrimination, and forms of violence that are present in the lives of the participants and indicates that the position they currently occupy in society is a consequence of the current systems of domination. In short, it can be said that the understanding of the intricate and complex nature of migratory feminization, inequalities, job insecurity, and living conditions, among others, requires constant review, support, and establishment of measures and actions by the different entities involved in the formulation of policies and intervention programs in all areas of discrimination.

The limitation of the research was the lack of willingness to participate on the part of many women contacted. Despite this, with the 20 participants in the study, saturation and structuring for theoretical construction were achieved from a methodological point of view. The study will continue to be expanded.

The results obtained allowed us to generate a model of intersectional analysis that could serve as a reference framework in different contexts that involve analysis and interpretation from an intersectional perspective that involves studies on migrants.