Perspective Chapter: Èmi L’ókàn (It is My Turn) – Candidate Selection, Entitlement Politics and Party Internal Democratic Practice in Nigeria

Abstract

The selection of political candidates plays a pivotal role in any political system, particularly in multi-party systems like Nigeria’s. In Nigeria, the electoral law permits the selection of candidates through direct primaries, indirect primaries, or consensus candidates. However, the 2023 general elections introduced a new concept to the Nigerian political landscape: entitlement politics. Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the then-aspiring All Progressive Congress’s presidential flag bearer, claimed entitlement to the presidency before the party’s primary election. This study delves into the phenomenon of entitlement politics in Nigeria, exploring its challenges and democratic implications. Drawing on existing literature and interviews, the study uncovers a link between entitlement politics and politicians’ bold attempts to gain power within the political network. While entitlement politics may encourage political zoning, it risks undermining the democratic process by favouring mediocrity over political competence. The paper concludes that adhering to constitutional processes and prioritising political competence in candidate selection is essential to maintain the integrity of Nigeria’s electoral system.

1. Introduction

In any democratic system, the process of selecting candidates for political offices holds immense importance for the conduct of elections and the functioning of public offices. The selection of candidates typically takes place within the framework of the law [1], with political parties playing a pivotal role as instruments of political recruitment worldwide [2, 3]. This selection process should, under normal circumstance, adhere to democratic principles, particularly for executive and legislative offices. It is essential to avoid using unconstitutional means to choose candidates, especially in a democratic context.

The European Parliament [1] follows a distinct approach in selecting candidates for political offices, guided by three main dimensions. Firstly, the criteria for candidate selection must align with the inclusiveness of the body responsible for the selection process. Secondly, the territorial level of decision-making varies from highly centralised to fully decentralised. Lastly, certain rules are in place to determine candidates’ eligibility and selectability.

In specific examples like Nigeria, the selection criteria differ based on established conventions. In Nigeria, for instance, candidates are chosen through direct primaries, indirect primaries, or consensus candidates [4]. However, it is important to note that Nigeria’s democratic governance may exhibit significant differences from other regions in the world. Notably, key democratic features such as respect for human rights and the rule of law are often undermined [5], as the election process is characterised by electoral malpractices that impinge on voters’ sovereignty to choose their preferred candidates without undue interference from the political gladiators. These aspects have influenced the democratic practices in Nigeria, including events leading up to the general election of February 2023.

Prior to the 2023 election, there was intense competition among political aspirants and the incumbent, especially within the All Progressive Congress (APC).¹ The expectation was that due to the support Bola Ahmed Tinubu² had given President Muhammadu Buhari³ in 2015, there would be reciprocation when the time came. However, it became evident that certain forces were determined to hinder Bola Tinubu’s ambition of becoming the next President of Nigeria [6]. As the APC’s presidential flag bearer, Bola Tinubu paid a courtesy visit to the party delegates in Abeokuta, Ogun State, Nigeria, on June 4, 2022. His purpose was to seek their support for the upcoming APC primary election, scheduled from June 6 to 8, 2022. During this meeting, Tinubu recounted the historical developments that led to APC’s victory in 2015, emphasising his significant role as a catalyst for Buhari’s success. Additionally, he stressed the importance of shifting power from Northern Nigeria to Southern Nigeria, particularly expressing that it was his turn to lead the country as the next president.⁴

The open claim to political power marks a significant departure in Nigeria’s political landscape, which spans through pre-colonial, colonial, and post-colonial eras. Throughout history, no aspirant has ever publicly asserted a right to govern without being duly elected [7]. The only remotely similar case was the renowned June 12, 1993 election when Bashorun MKO Abiola emerged as the winner. However, due to the annulment of the election by the military regime of General Ibrahim Babangida, Abiola was not sworn in as president, despite his self-declaration in the Epetedo Declaration. The public assertion of power before the conduct of the election is indirectly inconsistent with democratic norms, prompting an examination of the concept of entitlement politics within Nigeria’s political system. This study delves into the challenges and implications entitlement politics posed for democratic practice in Nigeria, taking into account the historical context and the potential impact on the democratic process.

1.1 Research questions

Deduce from the above, the study aims to provide insights into the evolution of entitlement politics in Nigeria with the following research questions:

1. What does entitlement politics mean in Nigeria’s political context?

2. What challenge does entitlement politics pose for candidate selection in Nigeria?

3. What are the implications of entitlement politics on the internal democratic practice of political parties in Nigeria?

2. Methodology

A qualitative approach was adopted in this study. Data were drawn from various secondary sources such as journals, government publications, reports, newspapers, and constitutions, among others. This becomes essential to gain insight into the trajectory of political development in Nigeria and where entitlement politics interjects with party democratic practice. The themes and findings from the extant literature were corroborated by an in-depth interview conducted. An in-depth interview was conducted among the 6 participants distributed among 2 public analysts, 1 historian, 2 academics and 1 politician (See Table 1). The choice of the participants was informed by their practical knowledge, real-life experience and observation. Data generated were transcribed verbatim and analysed for content analysis for research questions 1 and 2 and thematic analysis for research question 3. The Elite theory was identified to explain the entitlement politics and reasons for power struggle in Nigeria’s political context.

Interview date	Respondents	Occupation	Profession	Gender
June 3, 2023	Participant 1	Political analyst	On air personality	Female
June 28, 2023	Participant 2	Political analyst	On air personality	Male
June 2, 2023	Participant 3	Politician	Party Executive Member	Male
July 27, 2023	Participant 4	Academic	University Lecturer	Male
August, 122,023	Participant 5	Academic	University Lecturer	Female
July 27, 2023	Participant 6	Historian	Elder-statesman	Male

Table 1.

Respondents.

3. Theoretical framework

Political parties play a crucial role in the political process of modern societies. They have evolved into a veritable instrument of democracy in any democratic system. Political parties serve not only as a means to gain political power but also as a vehicle for the consolidation of interests, and the ultimate fulfilment of those interests through the control of government [8]. In a way to institutionalise democratic tenets, political parties perform recruitment functions. It recruits political leaders who are the dominant class and the followers, who are the dependent class [9]. For Vilfredo Pareto and Gaetano Mosca, this division is somewhat natural [10].

According to the exponents of the elite theory, Pareto and Mosca, the leaders are a tiny fraction of the society who monopolise the political power and government function because they are naturally more gifted than the followers. Also, they control enormous materials resources, vital skills and some inborn qualities that enable them to dominate and control their followers. They are intelligent, courageous, thrifty, wise, and possess organisational skills and some social resources such as education, wealth, prestige status and others. They are said to be distinct because they possess detailed knowledge of the rationale, dynamics and objectives of the political system [9].

Unlike the followers who are large, passive, apathetic, and ill-informed. They do not possess the knowledge of their goals, they lack self-motivation and are rarely able to articulate the values of their own. They lack control over resources, they are manipulated and coerced by political class to achieve their objectives [10].

The elite theory provides insights into how society is organised and run by a privileged class that controls the levers of political power and the economy. For Pareto, the elite group is sub-divided into two which are governing elite and non-governing elite. While governing elite wields the power for the time being, the non-governing elite constantly endeavours to replace it by showing greater ability and excellence [10]. This constitutes an atmosphere of competition between the governing elite and the non-governing elite. This resulted in what Pareto called elite circulation. Masses have no stake in this.

An average politician in Nigeria sees political seat and power acquisition as a form of entitlement. The more reason the political brokerage of pre-2015 elections and self-claim (assertion of the ownership) to political seat. Politics in Nigeria is about entitlement to office, especially to the presidency [11]. Hence, the struggle for political power among the two categories of the elite in the pre and post-APC primary election of 2022. As observed, the political brokerage between Tinubu and Buhari was evident in his Abeokuta⁵ Speech. It was stated how Tinubu raised funds for the All Progressives Congress (APC) to defeat the then President, Goodluck Jonathan of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), in 2015 as Buhari and his supporters had no money to win an election except “ideas, zeal and fanaticism” [12]. According to Babachir Lawal:

Tinubu, who had his tentacles spread across the corporate world, was the only man who knew where and how to raise the funds needed. He was the one that reached out to all the ‘big men’ who were at the time scared of the then President Goodluck Jonathan. These were all rich men that depended on the government’s patronage. But somehow, Tinubu was able to persuade some of them to support Buhari. We had so many experiences, Timipre Sylva (now Minister of State for Petroleum Resources) and I thought we could do it but found out we could not until Tinubu came in and we won the election [12].

The essence of political brokerage is to facilitate parties or candidates lacking direct voter connections, this is done by local notables lending their credibility and procuring votes for parties that cannot reach out to that group of individuals in any other way [13]. As rightly claimed, Muhammadu Buhari, having experienced three electoral defeats, resorted to political bargaining, leading to the decision to cede power to Bola Tinubu for the 2023 presidential election. According to Tinubu, he had been assured of the opportunity to run for the presidency in 2023 since the 2015 elections [14]. This promise formed the foundation for his assistance in bringing Muhammadu Buhari into power, amounting to politics of I-rub-your-back, you-rub-mine-in-return. Even though this is a gentleman’s agreement, not a constitutional provision [15, 16].

These dynamics give rise to elite incentives and a politics of entitlement. However, the perceived failure to adhere to the agreement subsequently triggered a fierce campaign characterised by the politics of antecedents, propaganda, and entitlement claims. Additionally, a notable power struggle ensued between the incumbent, Professor Yemi Osinbajo, who desired to contest as the presidential flag bearer, and Bola Tinubu, both eyeing the same political post. This power struggle culminated in Tinubu’s decision to make his Abeokuta Declaration in Abeokuta, Ogun State, Nigeria on June 4, 2022.

4. Literature review

4.1 Democracy, candidate selection and the concept of the entitlement mentality

The word democracy was derived from Greek words, demo meaning the people and kratia meaning to rule, hence the rule of the people, as practiced in the Greek city-state of Athens which was described as direct democracy. During the political developmental epochs, especially with the incursion of the Americans, it was believed that America copied democracy from Greece and developed it into what is now known as modern or representative democracy. It presupposes the expression of the popular will of the political community through their elected representatives [5]. Democracy could be direct or indirect depending on the nature of the society.

Democracy, as a system of government, was generally believed to have been in existence since the time of the ancient Greek city of Athens [17]. But contrary to the opinion that the African system of government was essentially monarchical, there existed pieces of evidence of democratic rule in Nigeria’s indigenous societies [18], especially in the pre-colonial society of the Yorubas in the Old Oyo Empire and Igbo Society except for the Hausa/Fulani Kingdom which was highly theocratic in nature. The old Oyo political institution was said to exist with some element of checks and balances between Alaafin (The king), Oyomesi (the council of elders) and Oluwo (the head of the secret cult), who could ask Alaafin to open an empty calabash in case of arbitrary rule [19].⁶ The essence of this is to prevent Alaafin from becoming autocratic.

The Igbo democracy was a form of village democracy [21], a society which was predominantly acephalous and traditionally democratic as it practiced direct democracy with a decentralised system of decision-making, as it was practiced in Greece. Decisions were taken in different group categories with individuals having the opportunity to express and defend themselves through such groups [21]. The society was laden with the patriarchal family system but with recognition of women’s role in society [19]. Women were given special recognition as the head of the women known as Umuada. The head of the family known as Ofo or Okpara, served as the mouthpiece of the family at the community meeting. Hence, democracy existed among the indigenous Nigerian societies.

The advent of the Western style of democratic practice was not strange to Nigeria’s political environment except for the essential modifications such as its representative nature. It is presumed that Nigeria and democracy are like a Siamese twin [22]. Democratic practice is not anathema to Nigeria either in the past or in the present.

The above also suggests that candidate selection or political representation was based on the existing structure and was not subjected to debate. It is not a secret garden of politics as observed by Gallagher and Marsh [23] even in pre-colonial society. The selection of candidates, for political representation, in the Yoruba pre-colonial institution was done by the Oyomesi, who were seven in number, based on the consultation made to Ifa (the oracle) [24]. The legislative and judicial positions were appointed. The tradition of kingmakers and the rotation and succession of obas or baale among the ruling dynasties constitute a variants of elections, as these positions of authority were not randomly selected from any particular family [25] but were based on certain criteria. Likewise in Igbo society, it was based on the inherent patriarchal system as reiterated earlier, although with special recognition for women’s roles in the society. The oldest male folk in the family automatically inherited the headship role and he represent the family in the community meetings. He does not take decisions on his own as he reports back to the family the decision made at the council meeting, he also communicates the decision of the family back to the community council meeting. All these show evidence of community inclusion in the political process. It is also evidence of democratic practice.

In modern democracy, the process of candidate selection entails the political parties’ deliberation on individuals who will appear on the ballot paper as their preferred candidate(s). The criteria for making this decision primarily rely on the internal rules and procedures set forth by the respective parties [26]. The democratic practice in Nigeria has evolved over the year. Nigeria adopted a representative form of democracy in 1922 when the elective principle was introduced by the Clifford constitution. Since then, candidate selection for political office has been based on the inclusive principles in which the electorates are carried along such as direct primaries, indirect primaries, or consensus candidates [27]. Under no circumstance has public self-acclamation been made a selection criterion in Nigeria’s democratic dispensations.

The selection of candidates across the world shows different ways of selecting candidates. For instance, Hopkin and Bradbury [2] identified several selection processes for political parties, which include:

• Creation by a single individual as a platform for their political views

• Selection by a small group of elite party members through either a formal vote or apparent consensus

• Selection by members of a legislative body, particularly in parliamentary systems

• Selection by a party’s annual convention, conference, or electoral college, as seen in non-parliamentary systems

• Selection through a ballot of the entire party membership

• Selection through party (delegate) primaries at various levels from ward, local government, state, federal, or national levels

• Selection through shadow elections, also known as ‘open’ or ‘wide open’ primaries, in which anyone, regardless of party affiliation, may vote.

All the above are inclusive in nature except the first one.

Rahat and Hazan emphasise that candidate selection methods should be viewed as institutional mechanisms that not only mirror the nature of political parties but also have a significant impact on party politics [27]. In Nigeria, the process of candidate selection follows democratic principles, and the adoption of more inclusive candidacy requirements, whether through territorial or functional decentralisation, can be seen as a step toward democratisation [28]. For instance, the constitution of the All Progressive Party (APC) requires that:

All Party posts prescribed or implied by this Constitution shall be filled by democratically conducted elections at the respective National Convention or Congress subject, where possible, to consensus, Provided that where a Candidate has emerged by consensus for an elective position, a vote of “yes” or “no” by ballot or voice shall be called, to ensure that it was not an imposition which could breed discontent and crisis [29].

Likewise, the Electoral Act was amended in 2022. The provision for candidate selection was made in Section 84 (1) as.

a political party seeking to nominate candidates for elections …shall hold primaries for aspirants…

Nigeria’s Electoral Act of 2022 prohibited certain conduct at political campaigns as such should be devoid of …language directly or indirectly likely to injure religious, ethnic, tribal or sectional feelings or insinuations [30] … likely to provoke …emotions [31]. It is an offence to violate these [32]. In all regards, it emphasises the need to adhere to fairness and democratic principles.

Public self-acclamation to the seat of governance or simply put, entitlementalism as a yardstick for candidate selection is a strange concept to Nigeria’s political environment. Even in pre-colonial society, no one has a true claim to political power except the person chosen by the chief–in-council and the oracle. The extant literature reveals that entitlement can be used in context [8].

Simon et al. believe that the boundaries of discussions related to the concept of entitlements are often unclear [8]. The reason for this is due to the ever-changing conceptualisation of the nature and proper scope of entitlements [8]. They believe the concept of entitlement can be used subjectively, unconditionally, positively, budgetary, responsively and functionally. In other words, entitlement can be earned or implied [8]. On one hand, entitlement is a benefit, to which a person is legally entitled if they meet certain eligibility criteria. For instance, the person who acquires a holding, following the principle of justice in acquisition is entitled to that holding [33]. This is also referred to as the person’s right [34]. However, it can as well be pejoratively used to mean “a belief that an individual has certain benefits due to them regardless of whether a legal foundation for that belief exists” [8]. Or simply put a pervasive feeling of someone deserving and being entitled to more than others [35]. The latter is called a subjective entitlement.

This form of entitlement is self-seeking and has negative effects on society [36]. The entitlement mentality has recently been linked to young people [36, 37] perhaps due to the influence of material possession but it has recently been employed by the political class to project their vested interest when seeking political office. The issue of entitlement mentality remains a cause for concern, even within developed countries, with historical roots dating back to 1973. In his article, Sennett [38] highlighted educational attainment as a primary factor contributing to the development of an entitlement mentality among Americans. He observed that individuals with higher education tend to harbour a greater sense of entitlement when it comes to job opportunities compared to those with lower educational levels [38]. A similar trend is being witnessed in Nigeria’s democratic regime among those who wield political power to gain political advantage over others.

4.2 Campaign strategy: entitlement mentality and politics of antecedent

The 2023 presidential election in Nigeria witnessed a dynamic interplay of political tactics and constraints, shaping the landscape for various aspirants. The contest between incumbent Vice President Professor Yemi Osinbajo and other aspirants vying for the highly influential position at the center created a complex and demanding environment, influencing the emergence of diverse political strategies. With the incumbent vice president’s pursuit of the presidency, the path for other aspirants during the primary elections became narrower, reducing their chances of securing victory. To surmount this challenge, aspirants had to employ rigorous campaigning and calculated appeals to resonate with the sentiments of the delegates. The rigorous campaign emerged as a potent tool for influencing the delegates, and one notable strategy that garnered attention was the Abeokuta Declaration made by Bola Tinubu where he made a public claim of Emi l’okan (It is my turn) mantra through direct communication to the All Progressive Congress delegates.

The political campaign provides an opportunity for politicians to reach out to the masses and persuade them to support them to win an election. In doing this, communication remains a powerful tool in appealing to the sentiment of prospective voters. Direct communication is a major age-long campaign strategy. Abraham Lincoln used it in the election that led to his victory in 1860 as the 16th president of the United States [39]. He focused on communicating directly and more personally to the targeted voters [39]. Tinubu used direct communication to echo his entitlement claim and antecedent politics to garner support for his ambition in the 2023 election.

Politicians employ a diverse array of strategies, strategically devised to gain political advantage over their opponents, with the ultimate objective of securing victory in electoral contests [39]. Politics, viewed as an adventurous game, manifests through a multitude of strategic approaches, encompassing the utilisation of propaganda, intrigues, gimmicks, antics, and calumny [39]. The goal is to evoke strong emotions and to bridge the gap between the real world and the imaginary world they wish voters to envisage [39]. Nonetheless, these strategies may change from one election to another, as there is no single most suitable campaign strategy [39].

During the pre- and post-APC primary election of 2022, two prevailing campaign strategies took precedence: entitlement and antecedent politics. These strategies became prominent in the Nigerian political landscape, particularly in their emphasis on showcasing past achievements, either attributed to the aspirant or the affiliated political party, as pivotal elements of the campaign. For instance, Tinubu’s assistance to the then incumbents and past Nigeria leaders was reiterated in Abeokuta’s Speech. For him:

I told them, I have someone who is a Christian that I can nominate, to save the party. Then I nominated Vice President Yemi Osinbanjo. I have just told you the truth. I was asked to submit three names, Yemi Cardozo, Wale Edun and Yemi Osinbajo. But I insisted on submitting only one name. I was approached by the Ulamas, who wanted me to reconsider, but I refused. That was how I nominated Yemi Osinbajo. That’s the truth! I‘ve never mentioned it anywhere else… When Atiku was being flogged out of PDP by Obasanjo, he ran to me for help…The same with Nuhu Ribadu, he came to me I backed him… Even Dapo Abiodun, can he say he can become the governor without me? We were together at the stadium, he was being intimidated. I personally handed over the party flag to him… he knows he cannot be the governor without the help of God and my support… If not for my support for Buhari, Buhari would not have become the president. He failed during the first, second and third tries. He even wept on national TV, and vowed never to contest again. But I met him in Kaduna and told him to try again. That with my support, he will win… but he must not joke with the Yorubas and he agreed [14].

Likewise, his achievements in Lagos when he was the Governor and all his political escapades became instruments of the campaign. Captioned with #MyAsiwajuStory on social media, he gained popularity as the Father of the modern Lagos. For Olagunju,

As far back as 1999, when what we have in Lagos today were only dreams in the minds of visionaries, Tinubu took over like that proverbial octopus with all its hands in all the jars, weaving Lagos state from pit to the palace it is today…. Clearly, this would be the difference in a chaotic campaign. Testimonies like #MyAsiwajuStory are what this nation needs now–and the reason he could be chosen. The interrogation of the capacity, ability, and credibility of those angling to take the baton of leadership, in line with their achievements, in the offices held previously. Out of the three major candidates, it would appear only Tinubu has such a record to show or people to bear witnesses, and it is commendable [40, 41].

This tradition of laying claim to political positions based on entitlement and antecedent has endured since Nigeria’s independence, although within the party caucus, and has manifested at individual, regional, and ethnic levels [15, 42]. Remarkably, these stratagems have been extensively employed by either the candidate or political godfather. These two are reflected in Tinubu’s speech.

He alluded to what he had done before for the incumbent president, or done for him, maybe not to him, that he supported him when he failed repeatedly in an attempt to become Nigeria’s president and, therefore, justified this seeming entitlement mentality by saying, Okay, I have been magnanimous to let you run. I supported you; what’s wrong with you? Also, giving me a chance? What’s wrong with other members of the party giving me a chance? After all, I have been magnanimous enough. I have been a godfather before. Even if he did not say that practically, that’s what he was alluding to. I have made some men. I have been a fisher of men. I have been a trainer. I have been a human resource producer in Nigeria. I made Osun State governor. He was my commissioner for work in Lagos State when I was the governor. So I can count several of them. So I deserve to be allowed to run. So emi l’okan mentality from him [15].

Candidate entitlement arises when a political aspirant claims the right to hold a position of power, regardless of whether they go through the democratic process. This claim can be made within the party caucus or in public. A notable example of this occurred in Nigeria during the Abeokuta Declaration when Asiwaju Bola Hammed Tinubu publicly asserted his right to power.

On the other hand, the concept of Godfather entitlement revolves around the politics of a patron-clientele network. This system is based on a network of loyalists surrounding a political leader, who uses their influence and wealth to manipulate election outcomes in favour of a preferred candidate. Money and the ability to fund an aspiration to candidacy are central to Nigerian politics, essentially making the right to stand a privilege of the wealthy [43]. Often, the manipulation of the electoral process is linked to kickbacks, frequently taking the shape of monetary rewards. The political godfathers hold significant sway over who can participate in politics and under what conditions, all for their benefit [44]. Failure to deliver as agreed upon by the candidate may result in the loss of their political seat. A prominent example of this dynamic can be seen in Nigeria’s political struggle between Alhaji Lamidi Adedibu and Senator Rasheed Ladoja in Oyo State in 2004 and many others.

4.3 The dynamics of party power struggle in Nigeria

The problem of protracted party power struggle in Nigeria emanated from two major sources. One, the inherent long years of colonial rule and two, prolonged years of military rule. During these periods, democratic aspiration has been a powerful driver of political change [45]. So colonial regimes in most African countries were laden with incessant struggle for political involvement through the activities of the nationalists of the time. As a result, political changes were not organic but mechanical in nature. The political occurrence during the colonial era decimated the long existed democratic norms and the spirit of communality among the indigenous people. Colonial masters came for economic gain so they explored all the means, including autocratic government, to maintain their political dominance in their respective colonies. This same sentiment was inherited as politicians began to foist vested interests fueled by ethnic sentiment and tribalism.

The first republic in Nigeria witnessed incessant intra and inter-party power struggles among the leading political figures: Obafemi Awolowo, Nnamdi Azikwe, and Tafawa Balewa. The three major political parties Action Group (AG), National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC), and Northern People’s Congress (NPC) were founded along the ethnic line [46], in the late 1940s and early 1950s, major political parties in Nigeria emerged as regional entities aiming to control power in their respective regions. The Northern People’s Congress (NPC) and the Action Group (AG) focused on governing the Northern and Western Regions, respectively. Initially, the National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) was a nationalist party representing the whole country, but it later became primarily Eastern Region-oriented due to regional pressures. Despite their regional origins, these parties garnered support from the dominant ethnic groups in their regions: the NPC from the Hausa/Fulani, the AG from the Yoruba, and the NCNC from the Igbo. However, their influence extended beyond their regions, impacting Nigerian politics at a national level [47]. The struggle for political dominance was exacerbated after the independence that the coalition formed between NPC and NCNC was marred by a power struggle and mutual suspicion between the two parties.

The political balance in Nigeria’s young republic was based on the Northern Region’s advantage in size and population, while the Southern regions (Eastern and Western) benefited economically from exporting agricultural products and controlling the federal bureaucracy. To address the Northern Region’s economic and bureaucratic disadvantages, the Northern People’s Congress (NPC) implemented affirmative action, favouring the North in federal projects and appointments [47]. This led to the appointment of less qualified northerners, causing tension with its coalition partner, the National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC), which tried to counter the North’s political dominance, leading to the collapse of the republic.

There was other intraparty power struggles before independence. The NCNC crisis ensued in 1953. Nnamdi Azikwe who had believed he would be elected as a member of the Central Legislative Council from the Lagos Regional House was disappointed. Of the 5 seats allocated to Lagos, Azikwe decided to contest for one of the seats, he relied on an in-house arrangement where 3 of the NCNC elected members in Lagos would step down for him to automatically become a member of the Central Legislative Council. A few days before the election, the two NCNC members, Prince Adeleke Adedoyin and Dr. Ibikunle Olorunbe refused to step down for him [48]. This made Azikwe lose relevance in both Western and Eastern Regions.

Another political crisis was of the AG crisis in the Western Region. The political tension between Chief Obafemi Awolowo and his deputy, S.L. Akintoola led to the polarisation of AG into two factions. The crisis became obvious during the AG 8th Congress held in Jos. In the middle of the meeting, the premier and four of his men withdrew from the meeting and left for Ibadan. Efforts were made to resolve the crisis although, in the process, Akintola was found guilty of anti-party activities. Akintola was removed as the premier of the Western Region on the 21st of May, 1962, the decision which he challenged by calling the Queen of England through the Prime Minister to remove the Governor from office. The unresolved crisis led to the removal of the Action Group (AG) from power and the formation of the Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP). The political landscape became polarised during the 1964 elections, with intimidation and calls for military supervision. The failure of the civilian government to instil peace and security in Nigerians, especially, the breakdown of law and order in the western region resulted in “Operation wet e”, which occasioned the declaration of the State of Emergency in the Western Region. Ultimately, the military seized power on January 15, 1966, marking the end of the First Republic.

The long years of military rule since 1966 further engendered a party power struggle in Nigeria. The military juntas are known for organising war. Hence, the protracted struggle, coup and counter-coup that characterised the elongated years of military rule in Nigeria. The Military has ruled Nigeria for almost 30 years. Within 30 years, there was a struggle for power among military officers. For instance, the counter-coup of July 29, 1966, could be referred to as a reflex of an inter-regional power struggle within the army [49].

There were other instances of power struggle such as the political contestation of June 12, 1993, which led to MKO Abiola’s self-declaration as Nigeria’s president, Abacha’s claim to contest as the sole candidate in the 1996 election and Obasanjo’s tenure extension agenda and constitutional confab among others. These reflected the long years of power struggle in Nigeria’s political landscape.

5. Data analysis and discussion of findings

5.1 What does entitlement politics mean in Nigeria’s political context?

Research question 1 borders on what entitlement politics mean in Nigeria’s political context. From the interview conducted, there emerge points of divergence in the opinion of participants on what entitlement politics mean within the Nigerian landscape (See Table 2). For Participants 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5:

Respondents	Main view on entitlement politics	Position on democracy	Opinion on function of party
Participant 1	Audacity to make a public pronouncement to be given a chance	Democracy is about the people; it is about the welfare and decision of the highest number, and it is about the majority. The utilitarian value in democracy should begin to get attention	Serves as a platform for negotiations and lobbying for political positions
Participant 2	It is an attempt to deal with confidence based on what has been done politically. It is an expression of supreme confidence	Democracy and entitlement politics do not affect each other. Democracy is enhanced by choosing the best candidate	Political party provides structure for candidate selection. No candidate can win election in Nigeria without party stricture
Participant 3	It is based on political precedence. It is an attempt to sell individual or tribal sentiment to win election	Democracy is as defined by the people who brought it. e.g. Russia is a democracy. They hold elections, but only one party is always winning.; It is a multi-party system which allows minority to rule.	It scans for political candidates to be presented for elections
Participant 4	It is anti-democratic.; As long as entitlement politics continues, there will never the emergency, of a true leader, it will be a rarity.; It deepens autocratization and intimidation	Democracy is a process. It means the people must take priority. However, entitlement politics does not deepen democratic party and culture.	The culture of political party is absent in Nigeria. It is like a business structure.
Participant 5	Entitlement politics is about is about compensation for loyalty and support.; It is about reaping where you have sown	Nil	Nil
Participant 6	The choice of kings is done through divination, no entitlement is involved	Governance belongs to anyone with largest votes	The 7 counsellors (Oyomesi) plays the role of the political party. They would choose the king

Table 2.

Respondent views on entitlement politics, democracy and functions of political parties.

The statement is relative, contextual and misconceived [50]. It is conceived as audacity to make a public declaration to be given a chance to run for political office [15]; an attempt to ask his party for nomination or to sell individual or tribal sentiment to win election [42]; an entitlement with positivism and conviction based on previous agreement and achievement [15] or a situation where the political office holder seeks to retain or to acquire power at all costs, even if it is not sensible because it is believed it is by right not by choice [16]. It is an intimidation of the opponent… because of power and influence; it is anti-democratic [16]. It is a deep manifestation of autocratic control of the political party, in terms of the decision of the political party, and terms of the suppression of the wishes of the public [16]. It is an expression of supreme confidence, having done a lot politically [51] and a pointer to the fact that one should expect to reap what he showed [50]. It has been the basis for the allocation of socio-political and economic benefits in democracies [50].

The respondents’ views are represented succinctly in the Table 2.

The above statements in Table 2 show the connection of entitlement politics to the daring move by the politicians tied to the politics of autocratic antecedent, of the democratic process, mixed with some measure of courage with an attempt to harvest political gain as a result of the previous agreement, achievement or assistance rendered within the political network.

5.2 What challenge does entitlement politics pose for candidate selection in Nigeria?

The supposed challenge to Nigeria’s democracy is its diversities in terms of culture, language and ethnic groupings. The diversities have fostered ethnic rivalries of all sorts [52]. To ensure equitable allocation of appointments, a federal character system was introduced [52, 53]. However, even with the introduction of federal character, the zoning of political offices is not allocated based on the federal character principle, it is rather done based on the electoral system and gentlemanly arrangement within the political party. Given the above, entitlement politics could be used as a tool to promote the rotational kind of zoning arrangement in Nigerian politics [15], where the election of a candidate to the presidency will be done on a rotational basis between Northern and Southern Nigeria.

However, entitlement politics can distort and weaken the democratic process [50]. It can lead to voting for less qualified candidates thereby reducing the quality of governance, and promoting mediocrity in government [15].

The prosperity of mediocre and mediocrity. It is reducing the possibility of having competence as the foremost reason for choosing a candidate. What a developing democracy and a developing country like Nigeria needs is the prosperity of competence and not reinforcement of mediocre and mediocrity [15].

Leadership incompetence is a major challenge to democratic regimes in Nigeria. This becomes evident as political leaders increasingly struggle to effectively address societal challenges like terrorist attacks, armed banditry, election fraud, conflicts between herders and farmers, and instances of police brutality, and the necessary strategies to tackle these issues [54]. Nigeria has grappled with leadership incompetence since the emergency of democratic regimes [55]; with the emergency of entitlement politics, there will never be the emergency of a true leader, it will be a rarity [16].

That is why the greatest challenge in Nigeria today is not resources. The greatest challenge is the paucity of leaders that will be able to manage the resources world. We have enough resources we do not have the leaders who could manage the resources because those leaders, the political leaders, have emerged as political predators, or what I refer to as political mercantilists who came into power to trade rather than to serve. They come as political businessmen to use power to recoup the money they expended on electoral and promoting the national interest of citizens of society [16].

Entitlement politics promotes biases and prejudices [50]. The basis of entitlement politics is influence, wealth and power encapsulated in the elite control of the society with their whims and caprices. For Participant 4, politics in Nigeria is.

highly monetised and it has shown that what you get in politics depends on what you have that if you have influence if you have power if you have money, you can intimidate your opponents out of the way. Merit has been sidelined; money has been glorified [16].

The political elite manipulates their clientele as they wish using the influence of wealth, while organising themselves in a way that places them above the remaining members of their society [44]. The inequality makes it easy for them to manipulate their followers without being questioned, hence the prejudice and biases.

Given the above, Oloja believes that democracy cannot work in Nigeria [56] until certain concerted efforts are put in place. Such as politicians’ attitudinal changes from an entitlement mentality toward gratitude, placing emphasis on constitutional provisions on choice and selection of candidates and focusing on the principle of meritocracy [50].

5.3 What are the implications of entitlement politics on the internal democratic practice of political parties in Nigeria?

Politics invariably involves a contest for power among the governing elite, occasioning unintended political outcomes resulting from illogical or partially rational actions. This is particularly evident through the contrast drawn between the ‘rhetoric of legitimacy’ and the genuine motivations. The struggle reflects a broader and more profound societal divide between the ruling class and the governed, as well as between the elite and the non-elite [57]. There are certain implications we can pick from this analysis.

5.3.1 Political confidence

One thing entitlement politics brought to the fore is the assertion of self-confidence by the politician [51]. The expression of self-confidence is a potent weapon for marketing a candidate during the campaign process. The feelings of self-confidence serve as a resource that encourages psychological engagement with politics and an important psychological asset that promotes political interest, attention, and feelings of personal competence [58]. Personal competence is a vital quality a politician should possess. With the enthronement of entitlement politics, the choice of party flag bearers may become a misnomer in the hand of politicians. The implication of this is far-reaching. Given the success of the first attempt, entitlemetalism may become a political defence to secure victory at any election, it emboldens the politician to lay claim to power so far people can be blackmailed to accept their rhetoric [51].

Politics is about influence. So, I think that whether we like it or not, entitlement politics unconsciously become a fourth alternative that might be adopted or might not be adopted. And especially because it has worked for him, it is most likely that it becomes the fourth alternative and it’s most likely that it works for another person [15].

5.3.2 Political competence

Political competence is a vital attribute a political leader must possess. It is a desirable characteristic needed to tackle the level of underdevelopment in most of the Third World countries. Perhaps, the current state of the developing countries is evidence of a lack of competent political leaders. It is crucial for a nation that wishes to advance to reinforce its value for competence. It should hold merit in high regard and align roles with established abilities. A nation that accomplishes this will undoubtedly experience appreciable growth [59]. Competence is needed in leadership at all levels be it political or other spheres of leadership. However, entitlement politics may erode competence in candidate selection. Competence is tied to being able to contribute to a collective enterprise in resolving some task [60]. In other words, the skill of reliably performing a task at an appropriately high level, relative to a given standard of success [60]. Political competence is the ability to perform some politics-related tasks as well as solving societal problems either simple or complex, lack of which may breed mediocrity in power. Political competence is a major criterion to consider in candidate selection as.

Entitlement politics is prompting mediocrity, the prosperity of mediocre and mediocrity. It is reducing the possibility of having competence as the foremost reason for choosing a candidate. Entitlement politics is a minus for a democracy like ours that is just less than 25 years at stretch in the fourth republic. I think what a developing democracy and a developing country like Nigeria needs is the prosperity of competence and not reinforcement of mediocre and mediocrity. I think Nigeria has to begin to pay attention to competence. Far ahead of other criteria. Several other criteria are constitutional, like the use of a quota system [15].

5.3.3 Political deprivation

Deprivation may arise when there is no level playing ground for all the intending candidates to compete for the political post they intended to contend for. The best candidate may be deprived of their best chance in the electoral process if entitlement politics is allowed in the selection of candidates for elective posts within the party. For Participant 5, entitlement politics.

has significantly affected the constitutional process for selecting party flag bearers in Nigeria’s elections in that it prevented, in many cases, the emergence of the best candidates who might not hitherto have any claim against the system, members or those in the position to influence the process [50].

An aspirant could face deprivation if they lack the financial and material means to secure favour with the eligible voters.

5.3.4 Political mercantilist

The cost of conducting election in an emerging democracy like Nigeria is expensive. Aside from the fact that the culture of a political party is absent in Nigeria, party affairs have been made a business structure [16]. Ranging from the cost of the nomination form, which has been jerked up in the just concluded election by the political parties. For instance, the nomination form of APC presidential nomination form was pegged at #100 million. While governorship aspirants were to pay #50 million, the House of Representatives and Senate aspirants paid #20 million and #10 million respectively [61]. This has engendered desperation on the part of the political class to seek power at all costs to recoup the money invested during the campaign. Politics in Nigeria is.

highly monetised and it has shown that what you get in politics depends on what you have if you have influence, if you have power, if you have money, you can intimidate your opponents out of the way; merit has been sidelined; money has been glorified [16].

5.3.5 Democratic authoritarianism

Entitlement politics will promote nothing other than autocratic system [16]. This does not prevent elections to hold but there will be an autocratic state. Authoritarian states adopt institutions conventionally associated with democracy, such as parties and elections. The intention is to demonstrate the regime’s material and coercive power to potential opponents, aiming to dissuade them from confronting the regime [62]. According to Brancati [62], authoritarian regimes hold elections and engineer the results of these elections to win large margins of victory. They use state resources and institutions to mobilise voters. When leaders secure significant victory margins in elections, it sends a message to those opposing the regime that their resistance is fruitless. This outcome does not imply the regime’s popularity or perceived legitimacy, but rather from its ability to utilise methods such as bribery, intimidation, threats, or coercion to manipulate the population’s voting choices [62]. For Participant 4,

Intimidation is undemocratic, for instance, the attack on the governor of Ogun State [Nigeria], the abuse, the verbal attack, the scandal, the disposition and the media war. So the entitlement reduces party primaries to intimidation and bullying. So it is going to be a challenge of autocracy rather than democratisation [16].

5.3.6 Political desperation

Given the antecedent, politicians may become desperate in their pursuits of public office leading to the emergence of desperate politicians. This may also lay a bedrock for desperate politicians to perpetrate their preconceived evil desires and politics of do or die. Participant 4 concludes that.

The statement was a statement of desperation. It was a statement of desperation and it manifests in the manner in which the INEC hurriedly announced the result of elections that was not complete [16].

5.3.7 Marginalisation of the minority and underrepresented groups

Minority and underrepresented groups like young people, women and people living with a disability may be deprived of their chance if entitlement politics is allowed to thrive. As the privileged elite may perpetually dominate and occupy the seat of power at the expense of the marginalised group. Political class should recognise the place of the unrepresented group within the Nigeria political landscape. For participant 1,

even based on gender for example, it is gender weakness, should I say, that led to the 35% affirmative action, the Beijing accord that give women a chance, 35% of official elected position should go to women. That’s because a weakness was recognised [15].

The underrepresentation of marginalised groups within Nigerian politics emanates from biases and unjust practices of black box of candidate selection and recruitment processes within political parties [63]. Even with formal criteria in place for candidate selection, insights from various liberal parties across eight African nations underscore the intricate power dynamics and complexities tied to this process [63]. The task of selecting candidates typically remains within the purview of party leaders and influential individuals within the party, often inclined against underrepresented groups like women and youth. Through manipulation of the party apparatus, the political leaders could enforce entitlementalism to stifle the emergence of representations among underprivileged groups.

6. Conclusion

The process of selecting candidates for political posts holds significant importance in a democratic system. However, it is more important when it operates within the ambience of the law. For Nigeria, candidate selection by the political parties is conducted through direct election, indirect election or consensus candidate. Any selection process against these is considered anti-democratic. Given the intense competition among political aspirants and the incumbent which led to the run-up of the 2023 elections when Asiwaju Bola Tinubu made his Abeokuta Declaration where he tried to woo the delegates to vote for him as the APC presidential flag-bearer, entitlement politics becomes the basis for campaign. The study adopts an elite theoretical approach in which political actors facilitate their patron-clientele network through hierarchy and control of resources.

The power struggle in Nigeria started as far back as the pre-independence regimes. The struggles were engendered by the inherent long years of colonial and military rules, and the First Republic in Nigeria witnessed incessant intra and inter-party power struggles. The study finds the connection of the entitlement politics to the daring move by the politicians tied to the politics of antecedent, autocratisation of the democratic process, mixed with some measure of courage with an attempt to harvest political gain as a result of the previous agreement, achievement or assistance rendered within the political network. The challenges of entitlement politics to democratic politics in Nigeria is encapsulated in the distortion of the democratic process, it can also promote mediocrity and leadership incompetence in governance. This constitutes certain implications on party democratic practice such as political confidence, political incompetence, political deprivation, the emergence of political mercantilists, democratic authoritarianism, political desperation, and marginalisation of the minority and underrepresented groups.

In conclusion, there is a need to follow constitutional means and place emphasis on political competence in selecting candidates for election devoid of intimidation, verbal abuse and media war.

Additional information

Orcid https://orcid.org/0009-0008-3330-500X. “Emi l’okan” is a Yoruba word meaning “it is my turn”.