\r\n\tNearly 25% - 30% of the world population is affected by neurological diseases exerting a hard financial strain on the healthcare system. The costs are estimated at around $800 billion annualy, expected to exponentially increase as the elders, at high risk of debilitating neurological diseases, will double by 2050. A varied spectrum of neuroprotective strategies has been suggested, including combined antioxidative-anti-inflammatory treatments, ozone autohemotherapy, hypothermia, cell therapy, the administration of neurotrophic factors, hemofiltration, and others. Distressingly, none of the currently available neuroprotective approaches has so far proven to prolong either life span or the cardinal symptoms of the patients suffering from brain injury. Last but not least, translational studies are still lacking.
\r\n\r\n\tThe book aims to revisit, discuss, and compile some promising current approaches in neuroprotection along with the current goals and prospects.
",isbn:"978-1-83880-440-4",printIsbn:"978-1-83880-439-8",pdfIsbn:null,doi:null,price:0,priceEur:0,priceUsd:0,slug:null,numberOfPages:0,isOpenForSubmission:!1,hash:"10acd587ca2c942616bfc09c4b79df39",bookSignature:"Dr. Matilde Otero-Losada, Dr. Francisco Capani and Dr. Santiago Perez Lloret",publishedDate:null,coverURL:"https://cdn.intechopen.com/books/images_new/8087.jpg",keywords:"IKKβ/NF-κB pathway, neuroendocrine studies, anti-inflammatory agents, Bipolar disorder, oxidative metabolism, metabolic syndrome, Parkinson's disease, Alzheimer's disease, neurotrophins, growth factors, ATP-mediated calcium signalling, glutathione peroxidase",numberOfDownloads:162,numberOfWosCitations:0,numberOfCrossrefCitations:0,numberOfDimensionsCitations:0,numberOfTotalCitations:0,isAvailableForWebshopOrdering:!0,dateEndFirstStepPublish:"September 10th 2019",dateEndSecondStepPublish:"October 1st 2019",dateEndThirdStepPublish:"November 30th 2019",dateEndFourthStepPublish:"February 18th 2020",dateEndFifthStepPublish:"April 18th 2020",remainingDaysToSecondStep:"2 months",secondStepPassed:!0,currentStepOfPublishingProcess:4,editedByType:null,kuFlag:!1,editors:[{id:"193560",title:"Dr.",name:"Matilde",middleName:null,surname:"Otero-Losada",slug:"matilde-otero-losada",fullName:"Matilde Otero-Losada",profilePictureURL:"https://mts.intechopen.com/storage/users/193560/images/system/193560.jpeg",biography:"Dr. Matilde Otero-Losada graduated at the School of Pharmacy and Biochemistry, University of Buenos Aires (UBA) Argentina; pursued her studies in Neuropharmacology getting her Sci.D. in Neuropharmacology (UBA, Argentina); and completing her Ph.D. in Psychiatry at the Wolverhampton University, WLV, UK. \r\nHer following studies in Psychometrics and Statistical Methods, Radioisotopes and Radiochemistry, Signal Processing and Microcomputers, took her to the University of California San Diego (UCSD) for training in human Psychophysics. \r\nBack in Argentina, she carried on studying smell, taste and trigeminal perception at the Hospital de Clínicas, UBA. \r\nShe focused on the study of metabolic syndrome, soft drinks and cardiovascular-renal morbidity for the last ten years, and in the last two years she is back to her roots: Neurosciences. \r\nWith over 90 papers published in prestigious journals indexed in PubMed, Embase and Scopus and book chapters authored, as Senior Researcher of the National Research Council (Argentina), she customarily reviews manuscripts and is acknowledged for her scientific writing, and editing capacities.",institutionString:"University of Buenos Aires",position:null,outsideEditionCount:0,totalCites:0,totalAuthoredChapters:"2",totalChapterViews:"0",totalEditedBooks:"0",institution:null}],coeditorOne:{id:"120703",title:"Dr.",name:"Francisco",middleName:null,surname:"Capani",slug:"francisco-capani",fullName:"Francisco Capani",profilePictureURL:"https://mts.intechopen.com/storage/users/120703/images/system/120703.jpeg",biography:"Dr. Francisco Capani graduated at the School of Medicine, University of Buenos Aires, (UBA) Argentina and completed his doctoral studies in Neurosciences at the Institute of Cell Biology and Neuroscience Prof E. De Robertis, School of Medicine (UBA), Argentina. Then he moved abroad to perform his postdoctoral studies at the University of California San Diego (UCSD-NCMIR) and the Karolinska Institute, Department of Neuroscience. Over an eight-year period, his research focused on synaptic organization, combining electron tomography, 3-D reconstruction, and correlative light and electron microscopy techniques. Upon his return to Argentina in 2006, he devoted to study the mechanisms involved in the pathophysiology of the perinatal asphyxia supported by his broad experience in electron microscopy. 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Chan and Manoj Kumar Tiwari",coverURL:"https://cdn.intechopen.com/books/images_new/3794.jpg",editedByType:"Edited by",editors:[{id:"252210",title:"Dr.",name:"Felix",surname:"Chan",slug:"felix-chan",fullName:"Felix Chan"}],productType:{id:"1",chapterContentType:"chapter",authoredCaption:"Edited by"}},{type:"book",id:"3621",title:"Silver Nanoparticles",subtitle:null,isOpenForSubmission:!1,hash:null,slug:"silver-nanoparticles",bookSignature:"David Pozo Perez",coverURL:"https://cdn.intechopen.com/books/images_new/3621.jpg",editedByType:"Edited by",editors:[{id:"6667",title:"Dr.",name:"David",surname:"Pozo",slug:"david-pozo",fullName:"David Pozo"}],productType:{id:"1",chapterContentType:"chapter",authoredCaption:"Edited by"}}]},chapter:{item:{type:"chapter",id:"64134",title:"How Italian Female Local and National Politicians Perceive and Cope with Obstacles in a Gatekeeping Political Culture",doi:"10.5772/intechopen.81728",slug:"how-italian-female-local-and-national-politicians-perceive-and-cope-with-obstacles-in-a-gatekeeping-",body:'The aim of this chapter is primarily twofold. First, we seek to identify which obstacles among those postulated by different theories are hardest to cope with for female local and national politicians, and when in their career paths they face most difficulties. Elected women tend in fact to leave politics more often than men (revolving door syndrome); thus, knowing which obstacles they face more frequently will permit us to focus on political battles more precisely. The second aim of this chapter is to document why in this individualistic world, burdened with huge economic inequalities and environmental problems, we need to have more women in local and national political positions. We present empirical data that show that female and male voters differ in core political values and in their basic values, women score higher in self-transcendence values which emphasize concern for the welfare of others, and for the environment, while men have higher self-enhancement (power and achievement) values. Then, we present scientific evidence in favor of theorists of the politics of presence hypothesis that these gender differences among voters persist even when women are elected to political positions and have to operate in male-dominated contexts. Finally, we argue that it is crucial to have a large number of women in powerful political positions since they may support different policy priorities that will allow us to better handle the main social and political challenges we face today.
Women are underrepresented in politics in most countries (on average in the world, 23.8% of women are in national parliaments) [1]. Different theories try to explain this persistent political gender gap in legislative bodies. Some theories have explored what kind of obstacles female politicians are more likely to encounter and how they cope with them. Researchers in this area have varied academic backgrounds, ranging from sociology, political science, and political psychology to gender studies. They have thus emphasized obstacles hypothesized by one or two specific theories focusing either on societal structure, institutional aspects which hindered women’s access to political career, or explored the theories which examined hurdles women encounter after being elected (e.g., gatekeeping, gender stereotypes, work-family balance, and attitudes of mass media) [2]. Other theories have focused on when women encounter most obstacles. The “glass ceiling” theoretical approach maintains that women find more obstacles primarily on approaching high leadership roles. “Labyrinth” theory supporters instead argue that women encounter more obstacles than men all along their careers paths [2, 3]. Theorists of the politics of presence [4] have focused on why we need more women elected to political office hypothesizing that they have personality traits and hold values different from their male colleagues.
In this chapter, we discuss these theoretical approaches and the results of several studies, which have involved 233 Italian national politicians (46% females), 425 local politicians (56% females), 626 political activists (44% females), and 3249 ordinary citizens (49% females).
The first part of our research with female politicians aimed to build two reliable instruments: (WO) Women’s Perceived Obstacles and (WOC) Women’s Coping Efficacy in Politics, to explore which kind of hurdles postulated by different theories such as gatekeeping, gender role, mass media, and work and family balance were more present for women elected to local and national offices and how women coped with different kinds of obstacles they encountered. We also tried to ascertain whether women find hurdles all along their political career as labyrinth theorists hypothesize or primarily when competing for top political positions as glass ceiling supporters maintain. Furthermore, we examined how personality traits and personal values account for political career self-efficacy beliefs and career progression, among women legislators, since no published studies have tried to examine how dispositional variables and self-efficacy beliefs operate in concert to account for women’s political career progression, in samples of women elected to top positions such as members of parliament.
The objective of our last study, that involved both men and women elected to political office, was to test the theory of presence that hypothesizes that women and men hold diverse interests and values and that women elected would still have similar values to women and therefore represent them more adequately than their male colleagues.
Several studies from various theoretical viewpoints have tried to understand which factors promote or undermine women’s political career [2, 5]. Structural approach supporters maintain that women’s underrepresentation in politics might be related to their past lower social status, lower levels of education, lower control of financial capitals, and fewer work occasions [5]. The institutional approach focuses on the role of: party rules and electoral laws, and access to funds for campaigning, in hindering or favoring women’s political participation [2, 5].1 The gatekeeping approach suggests that men systematically control all the most relevant political positions and literally keep the gates shut to women, by excluding them on purpose at the entry level and opposing their career progress [4, 6]. Alternatively, family and work balancing theories [7] claim that it is harder for women to be elected and remain in high political offices since their family responsibilities limit their career opportunities [3, 5].
Gender differences theories maintain that many cultural and personal factors, such as political empowerment, influence women’s political experiences [5, 8]. Theorists who employ the term gender differences emphasize that these differences develop from acquired social expectations of what masculine and feminine means and that political underrepresentation of women is related to the characteristics conventionally associated to men and women [2, 9]. Theorists of mass media and political personalization highlight the importance of successfully campaigning to be elected in politic office. As politics has become more personalized, individual characteristics of politicians (e.g., their values, their personality traits, and their appearance) have a greater impact than in the past and the role of mass media has become more fundamental in drawing attention to the personal characteristics of politicians [10]. According to the mass-media hypothesis, women in politics have more difficulties to access media than men and are represented differently [11].
A close review of the literature reveals that few studies have involved top and middle level women politicians to investigate if they perceive the obstacles they encounter in their political career as deriving from situational, gatekeeping, gender differences, or mass media variables, and most of all, how they cope with them. Empirical studies in this field, involving women politicians, are scarce and reveal contrasting findings.
For instance, some studies indicated that women politicians have problems remaining in politics because of family issues [12]. Others [13], instead, have shown that most female members of parliament were aided by partners, children, and parents.
Contradictory results emerge also with respect to gatekeeping. Most studies show ample evidence of discriminatory behaviors. Powerful men do not place female colleagues in strategic political positions [12], do not put many women on electoral lists [14], or insert them in the most unelectable places [15]. Male politicians marginalize women colleagues by not communicating vital information [13] or verbally assaulting them and interrupting them even when they are head of a meeting [16]. Moreover, male politicians tend to make negative remarks on the femininity of assertive female colleagues [17] and to assign women politicians mostly to health, education, equal opportunities, and welfare committees [18]. Furthermore, they devalue the success of women politicians by giving to “luck” the credit for their achievements [18]. These negative behaviors by colleagues have been found to push women to leave the offices more often than their male colleagues (the “revolving door syndrome”) [13]. Other studies reveal that men also tend to resent successful women in politics, especially if they are married and have children [19]. Some research studies, however, found that powerful women also act as gatekeepers toward their younger female colleagues and do not team up to support their colleagues [13]. A few studies show also that women candidates receive as much support as their male colleagues [20].
With respect to individual characteristics of politicians, contrasting results emerge regarding political ambition [21]. Moreover, women politicians face today a cultural double bind since typical male behaviors are considered inappropriate for a woman and typical female behaviors are inappropriate for a politician [22]. Various authors [23] argue that a “feminized” conception of politics has emerged, in which the concept of leadership is related to the ability to help groups to work together to solve problems. This contrasts with the traditional view of politics as a fight to obtain power for one’s party and defeat the others [23]. Other researches confirm this trend [24] revealing that leadership styles of politicians show significant gender differences: female politicians tend to use a leadership style that pursues consensus, while male politicians, a style that pursues personal power and control.
Moreover, as Stevens points out we still do not know which personal qualities women politicians need to persist in their political career and to gain leading political positions, maintaining their believes and values [2]. She hypothesizes that for women politicians to achieve these goals, personal empowerment and a blend of feminine and masculine characteristics might be very important [2].
Research on media and politics indicates that there is often a misrepresentation of women (e.g., more comments on their appearance and family, and less on their policies) and that women politicians appear less frequently in the media (e.g., they are less present in talk shows) [11].
A review of most empirical studies and theoretical approaches highlights that the obstacles encountered by women politicians can be divided into two broad categories: (a) the first “inner obstacles” are supported mostly by the gender and difference theory and work and family balance theory (e.g., such ambivalence toward total commitment to politics (long hours, high stress levels, highly competitive environment, etc.)) and (b) “external obstacles” are supported mostly by mass media and gatekeeping theories (e.g., masculine cultures; restricting entry into politics or to higher political positions or institutional party practices that hinder women; difficulties to gain access to media) [25].
Which of these challenges are more difficult to overcome by women politicians, and with which types of obstacles they cope better? Reviewing the existing literature, we had difficulties answering these questions, since to our knowledge there is lack of studies that included specific instruments measuring internal and external obstacles that women politicians encounter and how they cope with them.
Our initial research [25] aimed therefore to build and validate specific instruments. We developed a Women Obstacles scale (WO), which included perceived obstacles derived from the four main theories. Furthermore, we built a scale called Women Coping Efficacy in Politics (WOC), which explored how well women politicians can cope with these obstacles.
A sample of 349 Italian women politicians either elected to the national parliament (N = 109, 68.8%) or to local councils (N = 240, 10%) participated in this study. Participants’ age varied from 18 to 78 years (mean age = 47.18; SD = 10.6), and they were all administered the WO, WOC scales, the Big Five Questionnaire (BFQ), and the Portrait Values Questionnaire (PVQ). About 70 women were also interviewed in depth, and all could answer open-ended questions in a section of the survey. Our findings with respect to the WO scale show a two-dimensional scale: women in politics perceived both external and internal obstacles. Male gatekeeping behaviors and also lack of women mentors and discriminatory acts put in practice by other powerful political women were external hurdles most often perceived by female politicians. Also, difficulties with media were often mentioned. Internal obstacles included primarily feeling ambivalent to compete for positions of high power in politics because women disliked the highly competitive and conflictual work environment and feeling unable to balance family and work [25].
The WOC scale resulted in a clear-cut four-factor structure of personal capabilities resembling the above-mentioned theoretical approaches: efficacy (1) in gaining access to mass media (e.g., “I can always gain visibility through television”), (2) in balancing work and family burden (e.g., “I can always manage my political task without sacrificing my private life”), (3) in self-empowering (e.g., “I can always pursue ambitious goals more effectively than my male colleagues”), and (4) in contrasting male gatekeeping (e.g., “I can always hold my own view when dealing with very powerful men”) [25].
Having validated the WO and WOC scales we then began to explore the rather controversial question of when female politicians encounter most hurdles.
In this research, we used the WO and WOC scales to ascertain if women find hurdles all along their political career as labyrinth theorists hypothesize or primarily when competing for top political positions as glass ceiling theorists maintain. The second aim was to explore which kind of hurdles among those postulated by gatekeeping, gender role, mass media, and work and family balance theorists were more present for women elected to local and national office and how well they coped with these obstacles.
Supporters of “glass ceiling” theory think that women encounter obstacles primarily when they approach high leadership roles [26]. Eagly and Carli [3] have argued that the glass ceiling interpretation is misleading because it erroneously implies that women have equal access to entry or middle level positions, facing obstacles only at the top. They underline that, compared to men, female politicians have to go through a “labyrinth” beset with obstacles all along their career paths. Given the widespread underrepresentation of women in elected political positions in most countries, it would be crucial to ascertain which theory best explains the difficulties women encounter in a traditionally male field such as politics. Yet, the available empirical studies of female politicians do not permit us to favor either the glass ceiling or the labyrinth hypothesis. Reviewing the literature, we found that most studies had involved only women elected to local office, and few have involved national and local politicians at the same time; so we do not know which obstacles are perceived by women politicians at any level, as labyrinth theory would predict, and which prevail primarily at higher levels of political achievement, as glass ceiling theory would predict. Even less was known about how elected women politicians cope with and overcome the obstacles they were likely to find, and which they found more difficult to cope with. So we did a pilot study [13], based primarily on interviews with male and female local politicians but with a small sample of national male and female representatives. We found that the national congresswomen, being on average over 55, were less likely than local representatives to report problems balancing family-work obligations. Half of the national congresswomen had no children, while the other half had grown children. Compared to women of the political left, women of the right felt better able to balance work-family requirements, reporting receiving much support from husbands, children, and their own parents or relatives. They also felt more ready to occupy high positions in spite of their male colleagues’ opposition. They could envision themselves as party leaders in the future more often than women of the left. The women of the left were more likely to state that they had problems showing their ambition too openly, did not feel qualified enough for top positions, and did not want to face the extreme competition and conflict that reaching a top position usually entails. Right-wing local and national politicians also had significantly higher scores on an empowerment scale than their left-wing peers, especially in the subscale measuring leadership propensity and capacity to reach goals.
Then, we did another study [27] in which we confronted two competing theories (glass ceiling or labyrinth) on why women still represent a small minority of elected politicians. We hypothesized that the labyrinth hypothesis would be sustained, and both local (lower level) and national (higher level) women politicians would report similar obstacles in pursuing their political careers. We also wanted to investigate how women elected coped with these obstacles, taking into account our previous study [13], we hypothesized that right-wing politicians would have greater self-reported ability to cope with the obstacles presented by mass media, work-family balance, and gatekeeping. We used the same sample of 349 local and national politicians involved in the study on perceived obstacles, analyzing in more depth the differences in answers to both WO and WOC between local and national politicians.
Our results on the WO overall seem to give more support to the labyrinth theory: both local and national politicians perceived more external obstacles, deriving primarily from hostile attitudes of their male colleagues, as gatekeeping theory (e.g., see [4, 6]) would predict. Internal obstacles included having trouble conciliating political engagements and family commitments, as other studies have shown [12], and also feeling ill at ease with some aspect of political life. For instance, top political positions were perceived as too stressful and demanding, so some women chose not to compete for them because they did not want to live “mutilated” lives, a choice that supports gender stereotype theories [23].
In general, results on the WOC showed a similar pattern for both local and national politicians, giving further indirect support to the labyrinth hypothesis. Both groups found it hardest to cope with the difficulties of accessing media, particularly national television, and easiest to confront male colleagues who exhibited gatekeeping attitudes and behaviors. Both groups had an intermediate level of difficulty in keeping their sense of empowerment high.
Local women were more able than national women to remain empowered and maintain high self-esteem even in the face of difficulties. This might depend on their younger age. However, further analysis showed that age affected only the perceived ability to conciliate public and private life. More specifically, women over 50 reported more perceived efficacy in coping with conciliation.
We had hypothesized, on the basis of the earlier pilot study [13], that right-wing women politicians would portray themselves as better able to cope with obstacles. Our hypothesis has been confirmed in all four typologies of problems: balance issues, access to media, maintaining high levels of empowerment, and gatekeeping. National women politicians of the left also perceived more internal and external obstacles (WO) than the other groups, confirming the trend found in the pilot study [13]. The national women of the left also described themselves as less able to cope than the other groups in accessing the media, in feeling empowered, and in confronting gatekeeping behaviors. The glass ceiling theory thus derives some support from this particular group of politicians. What might explain this peculiarity?
We can hypothesize that women of the left have been in parliament for a longer time in Italy (while most women politicians of the right have increased their presence only in the last two decades). They thus may be more aware both from historical and personal experiences of the difficulties women politicians still face in a highly masculine culture. It is also conceivable that right-wing ideologies favor some forms of personal empowerment: right-wing ideals have always emphasized the rightfulness of hierarchies, perhaps making it easier for a national woman politician on the right to feel ambitious and empowered, while leftist ideologies have tended to promote egalitarianism, making it perhaps harder to legitimize aspiring to top positions. Right-wing women politicians may also be drawn from a pool of well-born local notables, who feel empowered from their family background. They may have personality traits, which propel them to more optimistic views and greater self-confidence in their ability to overcome obstacles.
Personality has a critical role in political orientation [10]; however, while most studies have relied on direct methods when assessing personality of voters, most of the research on personality of politicians relied on indirect measures [28]. In this study [29], we compared 106 women members of parliament and 864 voters using the Big Five questionnaire and Schwartz’s basic values questionnaire. Schwartz focuses on 10 motivationally distinct basic values: self-direction, stimulation, hedonism, achievement, power, security, conformity, tradition, benevolence, and universalism. These can be grouped into four broader dimensions: self-enhancement (power and achievement), which includes pursuit of self-interest; self-transcendence (universalism and benevolence), which underlines concern for the welfare of others; openness to change (self-direction and stimulation), which emphasizes independence of thought and action and readiness for new experience; and conservation (security, conformity and tradition), which includes self-restriction, order, and resistance to change. Hedonism is not clearly located in one of the four dimensions, as it shares elements of both openness and self-enhancement. All of these values are measured through a Portrait Values Questionnaire, which has been tested and evaluated in more than 50 countries [30]. In this research [29], with female members of the parliament we examined the extent to which differences in traits and values contribute to ideological orientation of politicians and voters of rival coalitions. We found that traits and values contributed more to partisanship of politicians than of voters, and that there were higher significant differences in traits and values of left-wing and right-wing female politicians than of right-wing and left-wing voters. Since no males were included in this study, we could not examine gender differences.
In another research [31], we examined the potential explanatory role of personality traits and values as determinants of perceived political career efficacy and career progression in women elected to the national parliaments.
Our findings show that political women with higher levels of extraversion are more likely to attain higher scores in perceived self-efficacy in contrasting male gatekeeping, in balancing work and family duties, in gaining access to mass media, as well as in being able to set and pursue ambitious political goals. Our results are consistent with similar studies in organizational psychology, which maintain that extraversion is advantageous in job settings due to its positive relation to career decidedness, goal stability, and cognitive clarity [32]. Among personal values, self-transcendence had a greater impact since it was positively associated with two forms of efficacy: in dealing with gatekeeping and empowerment obstacles. These results confirm in part previous studies that have shown the importance of holding universalistic values for political efficacy and participation [33]. Moreover, a tied comparison of traits and values revealed that personality traits “trumped” personal values in the prediction of career efficacy beliefs.
With respect to prediction of career progression—operatively defined as the difference between the age at which each participant started her political activity and the age at which she was elected for the first time (the smaller the difference is, the quicker the career)—we were able to show not only that both traits (particularly extraversion) and values were correlated with this objective career outcome but also that personality is likely to have a distal effect on career outcomes that is mediated by career efficacy beliefs (particularly empowerment).
The last decades have witnessed a strong debate over women’s underrepresentation in politics. Politics of presence supporters [4] maintain that it does matter who is a representative, and that is very important for women to be involved in setting the agenda, since women and men hold different interests and values. According to this theoretical approach, female politicians’ behaviors, attitudes, and values should mirror those of women voters [34]. Politics of presence can be studied analyzing political choices and activities of female politicians, but Lovenduski and Norris [35] maintain that behavioral measures (e.g., legislative voting) are influenced by backbench activities and offer therefore a limited view of the impact of women in politics and that an alternative systematic and reliable method to attest the hypotheses of the politics of presence theory is analyzing attitudes and values of females and male representatives. Indeed, if women and male politicians do hold similar values, then it will be rather questionable that women in public office can really make a difference (e.g., supporting “women’s issues”). Values are envisioned and assessed in different ways by political scientists and by social and personality psychologists. The former include mostly in their research “core political values” such as social equality, civil right, liberty of expression, etc. (e.g., see [36]), while personality psychologists focus in their studies on “basic personal values.” Basic personal values theory [30] defines values as desirable, trans-situational goals that serve as guiding principles in people’s lives. Different studies [37] maintain that focusing on personal values is relevant since it allows us to predict how people elected in public office might conduct themselves in unpredicted circumstances. In addition, basic value priorities tend to be more permanent and less affected by recent events than political attitudes.
An analysis [36] of the political science literature on gender differences on political issues of the last three decades shows that there is a broad political gender gap in attitudes and behaviors, (e.g., women tend to favor more programs on health care, education, promoting employment and stricter gun control; they are less likely than men to support death penalty and the use of military force to resolve international conflicts). This difference is due principally to the different socialization experiences of men and women, who end up supporting distinctive values. Feminine values are: collaboration, empathy, equality, a belief we are all entitled to human rights, a preference for pacific solutions to fights, and a sense of community and the feeling of being part of something bigger than our selves. Men are socialized to endorse masculine values such as antagonism, hostility, and individualism. Therefore, they tend to make decisions mostly based on what suits them better and is best for them and they tend to favor more the use of force when necessary to manage foreign conflicts. Research on voters has shown a strong association between political behaviors and values [38]. Empirical studies on political values give support to the politics of presence theory.
Instead, contradictory results characterize the studies on gender gap values among politicians. Some research studies provide evidence that women elected in public office hold feminine values. Norris and Lovenduski’s research [39] showed that women of British Parliament had more feminist and leftist radical values than their male colleagues; however, political orientation had a stronger impact on values and policies. In line with these findings, other studies [12] based in the United States, which included male and female politicians at the state levels, also highlighted different priorities. Among the priorities of women politicians were issues of women, children, and families. Other research, instead, showed that male and female politicians were more alike, holding similar values. A Swedish research that involved members of the parliament [40] showed only a small difference between men and women’s attitudes on most of the issues investigated, since they both valued social goals. Also, another qualitative research on British politics (based on interviews) highlighted more similarities between female and male politicians [41]. Instead, in a qualitative study [11], the Italian female representatives interviewed perceived their male colleagues as more power oriented. Moreover, these female politicians noted that their personal values of caring for the commonwealth and for women’s issues helped them face hurdles [11].
Political values have received more attention on the debate on representation with respect to personal values; however, in order to address politics of presence, we need additional studies to focus on personal values. Recent evidence [37], in fact, found that basic personal values underlie political ideologies and attitudes, and core political values (e.g., people who give greatest importance to security and power will tend to support policies that favor patriotism). The authors [37] highlight that the pattern of correlations between basic values and core political values reveal their shared motivational structure. They claim that the coherent structure of motivations that organizes basic values also structures core political values. For instance, the political values of equality, civil liberties, and—on the other side—free enterprise reveal the motivational opposition of universalism and benevolence versus power and achievement values. Therefore, the primary motivational conflict concerning these political values is self-interest versus interest for others.
In order to study the theory of presence, personal values seem particularly suited to explore whether women politicians, of different levels, have values similar to most female voters. The few systematic studies on gender differences in personal values among voters found small but significant differences. Males scored higher on self-enhancement values (power and achievement) and females higher on self-transcendence values (universalism and benevolence) [42, 43]. Furthermore, previous studies have revealed that basic personal values predicted political orientation, across cultural contexts and political systems (e.g., see [10]) and our recent study involving women politicians confirmed this trend [29].
An analysis of the literature, taking into consideration different approaches, revealed that in order to legitimize the claims of politics of presence, investigating if women politicians have personal values more similar to female voters and different from male politicians, we needed to control also for political orientation and different levels of political experience. Some authors, in fact, have maintained that becoming involved in politics may modify values, so that simply being a female politician does not ensure that they will hold feminine values. To fill the literature gap we investigated if women, at all levels of political engagement, still held values of transcendence that correspond to those of female voters, as theory of presence maintains or personal values would vary at different levels of political involvement (e.g., activists, politicians elected to local and national political office).
To our knowledge, no previous studies have examined these issues involving male and female voters, activists, and politicians. Moreover, Wängnerud [44] in her research pointed out that there was a need for empirical studies of the politics of presence theory, particularly in countries where the political gender gap is higher than in Northern European ones. Italy ranks low in the Global Gender Gap Index, 50th among 144 countries [45]. Furthermore, Italy has a strongly masculine culture [9, 46].
Our most recent research [47] therefore aimed to investigate if gender differences in personal values were still present among activists, and local and national politicians. We also tried to determine if, in line with previous studies on voters, self-transcendence values were more strongly held by women and self-enhancement by men at all levels of political activities even after controlling for political orientation. Furthermore, since we are not aware of previous research that has examined gender differences in conservation and openness to change in people actively involved in politics, we explored whether gender-specific values for conservation and openness to change are similar at all levels of political participation.
A total 4533 participants were recruited for the study: 233 Italian national politicians (46% females), 425 local politicians (56% females), 626 political activists (44% females), and 3249 ordinary citizens (49% females). Participants were given a shortened version of the Portrait Values Questionnaire (PVQ, Schwartz, 2003).
Our findings give additional support for the politics of presence theory since females, at all levels of political involvement, showed higher levels of self-transcendence values (that express concern for the welfare of others).
Our results lend support to previous studies [42, 43], self-transcendence values were more important for women; moreover, this specific gender difference was present at all levels of political activities, among activists, and local and national politicians, even after controlling for political orientation. However, our results did not show significant gender differences in self-enhancement values, in contrast to earlier studies [42, 43]. Self-enhancement values were somewhat higher for male voters, activists, and local politicians; however, unlike previous results reported in literature, female national politicians had slightly higher scores than their male colleagues. Furthermore, our findings show that female politicians were also more open to change and less conservation oriented than their male colleagues. These results significantly differ from previous research among voters, where females were less open to change and more conservation oriented than males [42, 43].
Women are underrepresented in in politics in most countries (on average in the world, 23.8% of women are in the parliament [1]. This gender gap has stimulated theoretical and empirical studies to discover which obstacles most hinder female politicians, when these hurdles are more present, and why we need more women in our legislative bodies.
To answer some of these questions, we constructed and validated two scales (WO women obstacles, and WOC Women coping efficacy in politics) that included items derived from each of four main theories (gatekeeping, mass media, life balance, and gender role). Results showed that female politicians faced primarily external obstacles (gatekeeping behaviors by male colleagues and difficult access to main stream media). Internal obstacles were cited less frequently and provided some support for work-life balance and gender role theories.
No general coping efficacy helped politicians face all these different hurdles. Each type of hurdle required a set of different personal capabilities, developed through experience with hostile, powerful men (for gatekeeping problems), or obtaining help and support from family members (for life-balance hurdles). Local politicians developed strategies to gain access to local media while national politicians had more problems accessing big national networks and used social media (Twitter, Facebook, blogs, etc.). Finally, those who felt empowered were better able to pursue ambitious goals related to the values that brought them to political activism in the first place. In some interviews, women stated clearly how important it was for them to uphold their feminine values and their femininity to contrast the prevalent warrior, masculine culture.
We also investigated the role of personality traits in coping with obstacles. Our findings indicated that being talkative, assertive, energetic, and dominant helps women overcome many different obstacles. Our results therefore supported authors who maintain that dispositional variables of politicians are important in the attainment of political success [10, 48], and that personality traits should be considered when selecting candidates. Moreover, to try to diminish women’s underrepresentation in parliaments, we should also promote empowerment-training programs that increase female politicians’ capacity to have high aspirations, to preserve their self-confidence in achieving ambitious goals even in hostile settings, and to strengthen extrovert attitudes and behavior.
We then tried to ascertain when women find hurdles, if all along their political career as labyrinth theorists hypothesize or primarily when competing for top political positions as glass ceiling supporters maintain. We hypothesized that the labyrinth hypothesis would be sustained, and both local (lower level) and national (higher level) women politicians would report similar obstacles in pursuing their political careers. We also hypothesized that right-wing politicians would have greater self-reported ability to cope with the obstacles presented by mass media, work-family balance, and gatekeeping. Results supported both of our hypotheses. Further studies should explore if differences between right-wing and left-wing female politicians found in Italy are also present in other countries.
Our last research is the first study that we are aware, to directly measure personal values of female and male members of the parliament, local politicians, and activists through the PVQ [30] and to test the theory of politics of presence’s hypothesis that women elected to political office would represent women better than male politicians, because they would still hold values similar to those of female voters.
Our results confirmed that the self-transcendence gender differences in voters can be found among politicians. This supports politics of presence claims that it could matter whether there are men or women in elected political positions. Female politicians higher in transcendence values (benevolence and universalism) may favor policies that promote equality, civil liberties, and social welfare; they may be more willing to increase funds for medical care, education, and fighting violence against women. They will support more laws for gun control and against capital punishment and the use of force to resolve conflicts [36, 37]. To have documented significant self-transcendence gender differences among women and men at all levels for political involvement in a country with low level of gender equality such as Italy is an important finding, given that many countries present low levels of gender equality worldwide.
We also want to underline another interesting finding, local and national female politicians were more open to change and less conservative than their male colleagues, while among voters, normally, men were more open to change and less conservative. This finding does not support the politics of presence’ theory, since women politicians differ in those two values from women voters. However, these results would please those activists who claim that a higher number of women may revitalize politics which is now held in low opinions by many voters [49]. Our results also may give some support to activists in women’s movements who argue that female representatives are more likely than men to challenge the status quo [50]. Women who become politicians, thus accessing a career in a prevalently male field, are probably women who are willing to break the traditional gender schemata, and therefore more open to change in other domains also. Our female politicians moreover scored lower in conservation values than both their male colleagues and women voters. They therefore would be more likely to oppose policies related to traditional moralism, law and order, and blind patriotism, which are the core political values that are held [37] by people with conservative personal values. Further studies should examine if our results related to conservation and openness to change are confirmed in other countries with different indexes of gender equality.
We also found that women politicians who survive and thrive in hostile male-dominated political institutions have high level of personal empowerment and a blend of feminine and masculine characteristics as some feminist authors have hypothesized [2]. Taken together, then, the results of our different studies bring more scientific evidence in support for more gender balance in political representation. We are aware that our research has several limits. While we have a broadly representative sample of female members of parliament (70%), we have less representative samples of males in parliament, and of local politicians and activists. Moreover, future research should measure personal values, political decisions, and other behaviors of male and female politicians.
Geochemical data are typically reported as compositions, in the form of such proportions as weight percents, parts per million, etc., subject to a constant sum (e.g., 100%, 1,000,000 ppm). As an important source of geo-information, geochemical data recording multiple element concentration have been successfully processed by advanced multivariate analytical methods (e.g., factor analysis, cluster analysis, etc.) to identify geological bodies and delineate mineralization-favored space [1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6]. The results of these geochemical data were mainly expressed by vector format, including the colorful geochemical map.
The raster image application in geology was further improved with the development of remote sensing technology. With respect to the application of remote sensing in geology, several books on the geological structural interpretation were published [7, 8]. As the multispectral and hyperspectral imaging rapidly grows, most of the researches paid much attention to the extraction of altered mineral information which were often related to different types of ore deposits [9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16]. These ore deposits include Carlin-type deposit, Archean massive sulfide deposit, skarn-type deposit, and volcanic massive sulfide deposit. Some studies also focused on lithology mapping with hyperspectral tools [17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22].
Only little geochemical data was rasterized. It is partly because the rastering process is more complex, and also the formed raster image could not produce good visual effect due to the low sample density. It is worth mentioning that the geochemical data with vector format can provide relatively simple results; thus the rasterized image appears superfluous. A small amount of research focused on geochemical data rasterization. A technique of metal content on maps was developed [23]. Utilizing ALKEMIA software, Gustavsson et al. [24] designed an interpolation and smoothing method to generate maps including dot maps, color maps, and shaded relief maps.
In this study, geochemical data of the northern Daxinganling metallogenic belt were taken as the experiment area.
A geochemical survey with the scale of 1:200,000 was conducted in a large area of the Daxinganling region [6]. In follow-up to that research, the objectives of the present study are to evaluate the rasterization method of geochemical data obtained from the northern Daxinganling region, use rasterized geochemical data to assist in geological mapping and prospecting target selection, and propose an application of rasterized geochemical data.
The northern Daxinganling metallogenic belt was chosen as an experimental area. The Daxinganling metallogenic belt generally refers to an area including the main ridge of the Daxinganling Mountains and both of its east and west slopes.
The Daxinganling region generally refers to an area that includes the main ridge of the Daxinganling Mountains and the eastern and western slopes of the ridge (Figure 1). The region is located between the Siberian and North China plates [26, 27]. Several of its tectonic units had been divided (Figure 1). In this region, the Proterozoic strata are comprised of epicontinental detritus from volcanic eruptions and carbonate sedimentary formations. The strata constitute the Precambrian crystalline basement [26]. The cap rock is composed of the Paleozoic group, including the Ordovician, Silurian, Devonian, and Carboniferous series, which are sets of epicontinental clastic rock, specifically carbonate rocks interlayered with rock from volcanic eruptions and sedimentary formations. The Mesozoic, Jurassic, and Cretaceous series are primarily comprised of rock from nonmarine volcanic eruptions and sedimentary formations. An important area of concentrated mineralization exists in the western region of the Hulunhu-Eerguna fault (fault ① in Figure 1). In this area, many deposits exist [28]. The mineralization is mainly subvolcanic-hydrothermal-type deposit and porphyry deposit. The porphyry deposit is predominantly comprised of substantial deposits of Wunugetushan porphyry copper, as well as Jiawula and Chaganbulagen lead, zinc, and silver [25].
Geotectonic units of northern Daxinganling metallogenic belt (after [25]). 1, main fault and borderline of the third-order geotectonic unit; 2, the number of third-order geotectonic unit; 3, the number of fourth-order geotectonic unit; 4, Proterozoic lift; 5, early Paleozoic lift; 6, late Paleozoic lift; 7, magmatic area mainly activated in Hercynian period; 8, lift of Mesozoic volcanic and intrusive rocks; 9, basin of Mesozoic volcanic rocks; 10, Cretaceous fault-depression basin; 11, town. The name of main fault: ①, Hulunhu-Eerguna fault; ②, De’erbugan fault; ③, Elunchun-Toudaoqiao fault; ④, Daxinganling main ridge fault; ⑤, Nenjiang fault; ⑥, Arongqi fault; ⑦, Muhaer fault; ⑧, Haligou fault.
The northern Daxinganling metallogenic belt has two major geographic landscapes, i.e., forest swamp area and semidesert area. The sampling media differed in the two landscapes [29]. The northern Daxinganling metallogenic belt has two major geographic landscapes, i.e., forest swamp area and semidesert area. The sampling media differed in the two landscapes [29]. The 1:200,000 geochemical survey was completed in the Manzhouli area, which covers a total of 13 geological sheets (e.g., Toudaolvdian (M-50-(24)), Manzhoulishi (M-50-(22)), etc.). The geochemical survey was based on stream sediment [30]. The average sampling density was one site per 4 km2. Sampled material was passed through a 40-mesh sieve before being sent for analysis in the laboratory [31]. The contents of a total of 39 elements, of which seven were major elements, were analyzed, specifically Al, Ca, Fe, K, Mg, Na, Si, and the 32 trace elements (Ag, As, Au, B, Be, Ba, Bi, Cd, Co, Cr, Cu, F, Hg, La, Li, Mn, Mo, Nb, Ni, P, Pb, Sb, Sn, Sr, Th, Ti, U, V, W, Y, Zn, and Zr) [29]. Because 39 kinds of elements are painstakingly picked out, many elements are quite representative. From the periodic table of the elements shown in Figure 2, it can be seen that every family has at least one representative element except family 16 and 18.
Position of the elements measured by 1:2,000,000 regional geochemical survey in the periodic table, with shaded area as measured elements.
The remote sensing software can be used for the point rastering; most of the data processing and interpretation can be accomplished. In this study, the whole process was completed through using the ENVI software (V. 4.4, Research System Inc., Boulder, CO, USA).
The geochemical data obtained from the Daxinganling Mountains were stored in Microsoft XLS format, and 39 elements (oxide) data was included. The arrangement of single elements’ data is based on the seriation of the first letters and then followed by oxide. The whole arrangement order is as follows: Ag, As, Au, B, Ba, Be, Bi, Cd, Co, Cr, Cu, F, Hg, La, Li, Mn, Mo, Nb, Ni, P, Pb, Sb, Sn, Sr, Th, Ti, U, V, W, Y, Zn, Zr, Al2O3, CaO, Fe2O3, K2O, MgO, Na2O, and SiO2. The oxides content were expressed in percentage; the unit of Au and Ag value is ppb. The units of other content values all were ppm. The geographic position was expressed in the format of geographic coordinates.
The file needs to be checked in the sorting way, to inspect whether unqualified data exists. The unqualified data site must be eliminated to ensure quality of the data. Because ENVI cannot directly recognize the file with Microsoft XLS format, the XLS files need to be transformed into TXT format. The latitude and longitude of coordinates were assigned at the first two columns respectively; the other elements were listed afterwards. In Microsoft Excel, the file was saved as TXT format. Additionally, it needs to be noted that if the data content of the geochemical exploration sampling sites is too large even exceeding the permission of Microsoft Excel software, then respectively they need to be else saved in other software, e.g., software Surfer 8 (Golden Software Inc., Golden, USA), to obtain the format that can be recognized by ENVI software. The latter case is suitable for the aeromagnetic data, in which data volume is enormous and usually exceeds the row range of Microsoft Excel software.
The geochemical data are rasterized by pull-down menu “Rasterize point data” in the ENVI software. The output projection was determined, and output X/Y size was selected as 1000 m, meaning the spatial resolution of the formed rasterized images is 1000 m. Linear interpolation (quintic polynomial) was chosen. Smooth quintic polynomial interpolation is performed by giving binary interpolation of Z values and smooth surface fitting at points that are irregularly distributed on the X-Y plane. The interpolation function is a fifth-degree polynomial in X and Y in a triangular cell and each polynomial is determined by the given values of Z and estimated values of partial derivatives at the vertexes of the triangle [32]. After the above steps, the image of a single element can be formed. And in the same way, the images of 39 elements can be created.
The sampling sites were irregular and the rasterized image covered a whole area in a rectangle in the process of rasterizing geochemical data (Figure 3). These inappropriate image contents can be eliminated by using the method of masking. To mask the incorrect area, the buffer zones of sampling site were used.
Original Ag element grid map of Manzhouli area cut from northern Daxinganling metallogenic belt. Pixel size is 1000 m.
The formation of the buffer zone is that the geochemical sampling sites were overlaid by the ROI (region of interest) sites. The overlaid 5231 sampling sites were shown in Figure 4. By contrast, the maximum distance assigned to 2 pixels is much better to generate buffer zone. Buffer zone image was used to create an image mask. Finally the incorrect area was masked to generate the geochemical content image (Figure 5).
Locations of sampling points in Manzhouli area. Sampling points were expressed in ROI and superposed on image maps as pixels. Pixel size is 1000 m.
Rasterized image of Ag element after a buffer zone mask.
After 39 kinds of geochemical elements (or oxide) were generated, they would be put together to form an image atlas. The method is simple, namely, using “Laystacking” command, respectively, each image was successively overlayered together.
From the view of spectroscopy, the geochemical elements need to be classified. In the periodic table of the elements, elements of the same family possess similar chemical properties, and they have similar enrichment characteristics in the earth. In accordance with the periodic table, the element family was arranged from left to right. In each family, the order was arranged from top to bottom. In this way, the order of the arranged geochemical elements was as follows: Li, Na2O, K2O, Be, MgO, CaO, Sr, Ba, Y, La, Th, U, Ti, Zr, V, Nb, Cr, Mo, W, Mn, Fe2O3, Co, Ni, Cu, Ag, Au, Zn, Cd, Hg, B, Al2O3, SiO2, Sn, Pb, P, As, Sb, Bi, and F.
In ENVI software, it is very easy to form the spectra which are constituted of the results of different geochemical elements. This paper defined these spectra as geochemical spectra, which is somewhat similar to the geochemical anomaly and the geochemical chart mentioned in geochemistry, all of which imply the content of geochemical element. All the data in the element content image are with original value, which is easy for data comparisons. If only considering the characteristic of the spectrum, methods of normalization may be adopted, namely, histogram stretching was conducted on each element content image to form the numerical range from 0 to 1, thus creating a clearer and more obvious contrast geochemical spectrum. Figure 6 shows a comparison of the spectrum of main ore deposits in the Manzhouli region. The ore deposits shown in Figure 6 are Sanhe lead-zinc deposit, Xiahulin lead-zinc deposit, Waixinhe molybdenum deposit, Babayi copper deposit, Wunugetushan copper-molybdenum deposit, Jiawula lead-zinc deposit, Chaganbulagen lead-zinc-silver deposit, and Erentaolegai silver deposit, respectively.
Geochemical spectrum of typical deposits in Manzhouli region after histogram stretching.
The rasterized geochemical image (Figure 7) may be carried out by image enhancement. For example, if expanding or changing the value field range of gray scale, or changing the distributional pattern of gray value, the sharpness of image may be enhanced. Some methods, e.g., direct gray transformation, histogram equalization, etc. may be adopted. And in order to make the edge of the image bright and clear, the image filtering method could be used. The image formed from geochemical data can constitute the ternary RGB image, e.g., the formed K2O-Na2O-SiO2 image (Figure 8); it is known that K-Na-Si ingredient can be used to judge the composition of rocks.
Rasterized grayscale map of Na2O element content in the middle segment of Daxinganling metallogenic belt.
K2O, Na2O, and SiO2 ternary color image synthesis in the middle segment of Daxinganling metallogenic belt.
Geochemical image can carry out a numerical statistics, which are somewhat different from the statistics of data of geochemical sampling sites. It is statistics of all the pixels within the image. Basic statistics of a geochemical image involves the mean value, median, mode, range, contrast, etc.
Histogram is one of the important statistics of a geochemical image. Histogram refers to a discrete graph of probability density function of all gray values in the image, or it may be seen as a graphic expression of basic statistics of gray image. Figure 9 is based on histogram and the chiefly related statistics. Under ENVI software, the calculation results of cumulative frequency can be obtained, and classification based on histogram analysis will be introduced in the next step.
Numerical statistical histogram of Na2O content in the middle segment of the Daxinganling metallogenic belt.
Density slices to a gray geochemical image can create element anomalies. Cumulative frequency percentage can be used to determine anomalies or anomalies grading (Figure 10).
Anomaly map of copper element formed in density slice in the middle of the Daxinganling metallogenic belt. According to histogram cumulative frequency statistics, anomalies were graded to 75% (green line), 85% (yellow line), and 95% (red line).
Algebraic operations of image indicate that the corresponding image pixels of two (or more than two) of input images received four arithmetic operations, which in order are addition, subtraction, multiplication, and division. The algebraic operation cannot be directly fulfilled within the vector maps, while the rasterized maps can be directly performed.
Logical operations of images are widely applied, for instance, the masking method mentioned above used logic operations to form a mask band. A specific value in a pixel could be obtained by logical operations, and then a simple classification could be generated.
In the vector image, undoubtedly, the anomaly image of elements is one of the final products in geochemistry. The anomaly map of elements may give users vivid visual impression. Thus prospecting researchers can directly use the geochemical anomaly maps to explore the interested target. The results expressed in the rasterized image can also be fully used so as to employ the statistical method of density slicing. Figure 10 is a density sliced map which was created by histogram statistics of copper element, and its result is similar to the geochemical anomaly map. Their difference is that the final rasterized image was irregularly dentate if enlarging a small area.
What is mentioned above is the simplest classification in the rasterized geochemical image, and they were based on the sole element anomaly. Most of the time, the classification using remote sensing images is divided by supervised one and unsupervised one, and their difference is that the supervised classification firstly gives category, whereas the unsupervised one is determined by the statistics characteristics of image data itself. The classification method used for remote images are suitable for the geochemical atlas. Usually employed methods include multilevel slice classifier, decision tree classifier, minimum distance classifier, maximum likelihood classifier, and the like (e.g., method of fuzzy theory, expert system method, etc.). SAM method mentioned later is one of the supervised classification methods.
The formed geochemical atlas can provide the prospecting target area just like conventional geochemical method and may also conduct multielement geochemical analysis. The geochemical image can accomplish the structural interpretation, e.g., linear structure and ring structure in geology just like what is fulfilled by the optical remote sensing. This paper does not restate these traditional methods but will mainly introduce the following three kinds of application in geology in the northern Daxinganling metallogenic belt.
The geochemical atlas of 39 geochemical elements was generated in the northern Daxinganling metallogenic belt, including major elements and trace elements. The full use of all the elements will better assist geological mapping. Especially, in the Daxinganling Mountains, the outcrop is scarce because of the forest cover and that the field work of geological mapping encounters a great deal of difficulties. Therefore, boundaries of the geological bodies are indistinct, and the final boundaries are somehow judged by subjective experience. To employ unsupervised classification method may provide the reference for determining the boundaries of rock in the working area. As shown in Figure 11, the Chaihe area in the northern Daxinganling metallogenic belt was taken as an example; this working area belongs to stream sediment survey of the 1:200,000 Wuchagou sheet. The 39 geochemical element images are classified by K-Mean classification, and the geological interpretation map is created as the following one.
Geological sketch of Chaihe area (1:200,000).
It can be seen that the geochemical mapping (Figure 12) may relatively clearly distinguish γ52(2) alkali feldspar granite from monzogranite. However, the boundary is different from that in the geological map (Figure 11). In the north and south, it was verified; but in the east of the map sheet, the rock which was delineated by geochemical images (Figure 12) was not presented in the geological map (Figure 11). Other Wuchagou basalt can also be easy to identify; two signs were manifested in the north, same as the geological map. Because Baoshi formation and Fujiawazi formation are volcanic, it is sometimes difficult to classify them. As a result, the interpenetration phenomenon is frequent. In the field work, it is hard to distinguish the volcanic rocks. For example, both Fujiawazi formation and Baoshi formation contain tuff; sometimes, the difference between intermediate lava and acidic lava is weak in the field. In this case, the divided geological map is worse than the geochemical classification.
Map of each unit of K-Mean classification of 39 geochemical elements in Chaihe area (legend codes are the same as Figure 12).
There is plenty of research on the methods of the prospecting target selecting using data-driven and knowledge-driven modes. In the past, selecting prospecting area was primarily based on the anomaly of the major ore-forming elements. The area with high anomaly value of a single element or integrated anomalies was selected as prospecting target. Although the large area of geochemical working had been carried out, fewer researchers utilize all elements for prospecting target selecting.
Combining the characteristics of the geochemical atlas in the northern Daxinganling metallogenic belt, the geochemical spectrum method may be adopted to exhibit the similarity with the known deposits on target locating. The most frequently used method is spectral angle mapper method (SAM) [33, 34]. SAM method utilize N-dimensions angle to match image elements and reference spectra. The geochemical spectra were regarded as vector, whose number of dimensions is the same as the number of waveband. Then using the angle algorithm for calculating the angles’ inter-element geochemical spectra, the similarity of two geochemical spectra could be determined. The geochemical spectra of locations on the known deposits are regarded as end-member spectra, and then SAM is used to compare end-member spectra with the angles of each pixel vector in N-dimensions space. The smaller angle indicates that it fits better with the geochemical spectra of the discovered deposits. This method fully utilized the information of geochemical spectra and makes every elements involved in the classification. Additionally it emphasizes the shape characteristics of the geochemical content and greatly reduces the information such as the main ore-forming elements.
In this study, the geochemical spectral of the Wunugetushan copper deposit was taken as reference spectra, the SAM method was adopted, and the classification results have been verified by deposits of the same type (Figure 13).
Comparison map between the prospecting target and actual deposits in the Manzhouli region. The prospecting target was obtained by applying spectra angle method to some porphyry copper-molybdenum deposit; a is spectral angle map; b is the prospecting target formed by threshold segmentation of spectral angle map; and c is the corresponding location map between prospecting target and actual deposit. A is Wunugetushan deposit, B is Babayi deposit, and C is Badaguan deposit.
Since the late 1950s, Webb and his colleagues presented to collect fine granular sedimentary from drainages which stands for the average content of the catchment basins [35]. The subsequent regional geochemistry survey mainly based on their theory and method, namely, the sample collected, may stand for the contribution of all matters in the surrounding area of this sampling position. This is the same as to the so-called mixed spectra in remote sensing. Because large areal distributional mixed pixels evidently affect the calculation and classification of the remote sensing image, many researchers put forward the method of decomposing mixed pixels. Nowadays, methods of decomposition of mixed pixels are mainly classified into two classes, one is the linear spectral decomposition, which is based on the linear additivity of brightness of pixels, and the other is the fuzzy decomposition method.
In the process of geological mapping, the stratigraphic unit needs to be divided, and it includes various kinds of rocks. The Manitu formation on the Xiaodonggou section in the northern Daxinganling metallogenic belt served as an example. The standard strata, which were distributed between upper Baiyingaolao formation and lower Manketouebo formation, are 690.6 m thick. From bottom to top, the section involves green andesite (101.6 m), light gray andesitic-rhyolitic breccia tuff (219 m), dark gray, yellow gray andesite interlayered with debris tuff (190.3 m), and purple gray-dark andesite (179.7 m). In the fieldwork, it is difficult to observe all the rock types mentioned due to a few outcrops. As a result, the stratigraphic division can only be based on the limited artificial outcrops. Under this condition, the method of decomposing mixed pixels was used. Through decomposing the mixed pixels, the shares of various kinds of rocks can be achieved; thus it can assist stratigraphic unit classification in geological mapping.
In the past, regional geochemistry has made significant achievements in geology and mineral exploration. However, all of these relied on vector data, and the number of geochemical elements is limited, which narrowed the application of geochemical data. This paper only aims to supplement and modify the shortcomings of previous methods, rather than to overthrow or criticize the achievements attained by them.
The rasterized geochemical image possesses many advantages. The geochemical image is vivid for the visual interpretation. Additionally, data can be compatible for statistical analysis. That vectorized geochemical data accomplished can be achieved by the rasterized data in most cases. Furthermore, the imaged geochemical data could be processed with hyperspectral tools, which cannot be used in vector data. The shortcoming of rasterized geochemical images mainly lies in that the raster format occupy a relative larger data storage space, and if the sampling sites is sparse, and the spatial resolution is set largely, a clear lattice shape will be displayed.
The increased geochemical density makes this kind of method to get more in-depth application. No doubt geochemical survey with larger scale can provide more information. China recently carries out geological survey on main metallogenic belts, and their sampling density was bigger. The sampling density in the northern Daxinganling metallogenic belt was averagely 4–8 sites per km2 in the scale of 1:50,000; therefore the sampling density has been greatly increased. Followed by reducing the analysis data of geochemical elements, the usual analyzed elements now are Au, Ag, Cu, Pb, Zn, As, Sb, Hg, W, Sn, Bi, Mo, and so on; the purpose is for mineral exploration. With the increase of sampling data in unit area, the spatial resolutions of geochemical image will increase. The following job is to merge 39 geochemical elements of 1:200,000 with geochemical elements in 1:50,000 to create the multielement geochemical atlas with a relative higher resolution.
Integration with other types of geoscience data is also imperative. The geological map can finally transform to a rasterized image. The strata, magmatism, and so forth may be assigned values through various kinds of logical operations in rasterized image. Regional geophysical survey, for instance, aeromagnetic, airborne gravity, geomagnetic, gravity, and regional electrical method, may form the corresponding rasterized image. These data combined with the geochemical data will undoubtedly increase the information content of geosciences; therefore, it will develop a broader approach for intensive geological study and the comprehensive application of geosciences data.
Regional geochemical data of 1:200,000 in the northern Daxinganling area were rasterized using a method that triangulates a planar set of points. Consequently, a multilayered image database containing 39 elements/oxides was formed. The images were enhanced using an image enhancement technique and algebraic operations. The images were handled as multidimensional vector data. Accordingly, hyperspectral tools could be used for the processing. The geochemical signatures of deposits were extracted from the images. Enriched and depleted elements were distinguished by comparing them with regional geochemical statistics. The geochemical signatures represented the geochemical characteristics of ore deposits. The rock types were classified using the K-Means method, which assisted in the regional geological mapping, especially in the areas of dense forest. The geochemical signature of a typical ore deposit was processed by SAM, which determined the similarity between the deposit and pixels in the region. The prospecting target area was determined according to the angle. With increased geochemical data sampling density, as well as further integration with other geophysical, geological, and remote sensing data, rasterized geochemical images can be fully used in the future.
This research was supported by funds from the Chinese Ministry of Science and Technology (grant no. 2016YFC0600103) and the “Comprehensive integration and service of mineral geology and its metallogenic regularity in China” project of the China Geological Survey (grant no. DD20160346). In the process of drafting this paper, Prof. Liu Suhong, Prof. Huang Miaofen of Beijing Normal University, and other experts gave me a lot of help. We have benefited from discussions of relevant contents with researcher Zhang Yujun of the Chinese Academy of Geological Sciences. We would like to acknowledge the people mentioned above for their constructive and thoughtful comments that helped us to improve the paper.
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