\r\n\tHowever, despite the positive outlook and trends in routing protocol design, there are still several open or unresolved challenges that researchers are still grappling with. Providing adequate responses to those challenges is essential for next-generation networks in order to maintain its reputation and sustain its preponderance in cyber and physical security. Some of the challenges include, but are not limited to, the following:
\r\n\t• Robustness and reliability of routing protocol
\r\n\t• Reduced dependencies on heterogeneous networks
\r\n\t• Security of routing protocols
\r\n\t• Dynamic Adhoc routing Protocols
\r\n\t• Routing in 5G Networks
\r\n\t• Routing IoT enabled networks
\r\n\t• Scalable and dependable routing system architectures
\r\n\t• QoS and QoE Models and Routing Architectures
\r\n\t• Context-Aware Services and Models
\r\n\t• Routing Mobile Edge Computing
\r\n\tThe goal of the book is to present the state of the art in routing protocol and report on new approaches, methods, findings, and technologies developed or being developed by the research community and the industry to address the aforementioned challenges.
\r\n\tThe book will focus on introducing fundamental principles and concepts of key enabling technologies for routing protocol applied for next-generation networks, disseminate recent research and development efforts in this fascinating area, investigate related trends and challenges, and present case studies and examples.
\r\n\tThe book also investigates the advances and future in research and development in Routing Protocols in the context of new generation communication networks.
Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) of the United Nations and World Health Organization (WHO) expert’s meeting in human nutrition agreed that carbohydrate intake should be at least 55 parts in 100 of total calories [1]. Caloric intake should be mainly complex carbohydrate available with low glycemic index. This recommendation emphasizes the consumption of foods that meet these properties. The term “fiber” means carbohydrate polymers, which are neither digested nor absorbed in the human small intestine. The properties of dietary fiber, as the retention capacity of water and oil, have beneficial results on food products by improving their organoleptic characteristics and their physiological effects on the human organism. The quality of the fibers varies according to the type of cereals and according to the processes that are carried out to obtain their flour. In previous works carried out in our laboratory and in other research centers, on rye malt, this procedure generates an increase of soluble fibers, maintaining total fiber content.
\nThe flour made form rye has greater fiber content than the flour wheat. The properties of dietary fiber have beneficial physiological effects on the human organism. Some components of soluble fiber are called prebiotics, defined as food ingredients that positively affect the host.
\nPrebiotics are defined as nondigestible substances. The dietary fiber maintains biological activity within the human organism by selective stimulation of growth of beneficial microorganisms either naturally present or therapeutically introduced to intestine. The intestinal microflora ferments prebiotics. Prebiotics saccharide belonging to the inulin group, GlcpFruf [α-
Arabinoxylans (AX) (sometimes called pentosans) are the main non-cellulosic polysaccharides that are abundant in cereals. In the wheat and rye, they differ in their solubility in water, being some soluble and some others insoluble. Water-soluble and water-insoluble fractions are separated through stirring and from a centrifugation. These compounds have healthy benefits. The health benefits are prebiotic effect together with their ability antioxidant. This properties makes these are prevention agents of the colon cancer disease. At the metabolic level, the AX control glycemic and cholesterol levels are also immune regulator agents. During the later years, the research and interest of the AX have gathered considerable attention.
\nArabinoxylans are composed of a chain, β(1–4) of xylose units, with variable branches of arabinose in (1–2) or (1–3) [3]. The solubility is modified according to the degree of substitution. The smaller the number of lateral branches, the greater the insolubility of the AX and the possibility of generating insoluble complexes [4]. The AX form viscous solutions with pseudoplastic behavior, and in the presence of certain oxidizing agents, the gels are much stronger and stable. This involves the action of ferulic acid in the formation of cross-links between the AX chains [5]. The texture of the bread increases during the cooking due to the cross-linking of the AX, whose natural levels in the wheat flour determine the quality of the bread, in the functional and nutritious properties [6].
\nCereal beta-amylase is best known for the vital role it plays in the release of easily fermentable sugars from corn starch cereals to feed the production of alcohol by yeasts in beer brewing investigated because of its importance in this economically important brewing industry. Beta-amylases cereals are also used in other products of the food industry and in the analysis of starch. They are markers in the evaluation of cereals and in grain development studies. The enzymes β-amylases of cereals have been little studied at the physiological level.
\nIn recent times, it was discovered that there are two categories of β-amylases, according to their pattern of tissue and taxonomic and physiological development. The classical β-amylases are present in the endosperm of the cereals of the family Triticeae of the subfamily Festucoideae of the grasses and the high levels of enzymatic activity, while the others are distributed in all tissues of the cereal but show less activity. The physiological phenomenology and the use of grain beta-amylases are discussed in relation to these two categories of enzymes [7]. The life cycle of a grain of cereal is divided into stages of development and germination, divided by a latency period [8]. During germination, much of the amino acid supply necessary for the growth of emerging seedlings comes from the degradation of the storage proteins of the seeds. The latter are synthesized during the maturation of the seeds and are deposited in specialized vacuoles. Little is known about the proteolytic enzymes in germinated rye. In contrast, the proteases that appear during the germination of barley [9, 10, 11] and wheat [12] are well studied. Using a non-denaturing electrophoretic system with protein substrate incorporated in the gel, [13] detected seven proteolytic bands in green barley malt. Five of these bands were maximally active at pH 3.8. Up to 20 proteolytic bands could be detected in extracts of germinated wheat grains [14]. The information shows that the total proteolytic activity increases during germination [15] has been investigated the temporal pattern of appearance of proteinases during germination, the sensitivities to specific inhibitors, and the location of proteinases and separated 42 activities into the germinating grain of barley using two-dimensional (2-D) gel electrophoresis (IEF × PAGE). These substances were divided into five groups based on isoelectric point (pI) values, PAGE mobilities, and biochemical characteristic [16]. About two-thirds of these enzymes were cysteine proteinases. The barley cysteine proteinases apparently hydrolyze most of the hordes, which are the main storage proteins of the barley endosperm. The purification and characterization of some of these cysteine proteinases have been described in several reports [17, 18, 19, 20]. In [21] initiated the characterization of proteases in malted rye using two different methods to analyze their activities. A qualitative 2D method was used to measure the heterogeneity of the proteases and a method with solutions of different substrates to measure the activities of the different proteinase groups. It was concluded that the selected Humbolt rye cultivar produces high levels of proteolytic activities [22]. It was germinated under optimal conditions of temperature, aeration, and humidity, and the proteolytic activities were monitored using capillary electrophoresis methods. The total proteolytic activity was significantly higher after soaking and increased during the first 3 days of germination, but not after that time. The hydrolyzing activity was maximal at pH 53.5 and 45–50°C. After grinding, there were marked increases in the levels of proteolytic activity. The use of specific inhibitors showed the presence of four kinds of proteinases. According to the precedents, it is evident that hydrolysis of storage proteins in rye during germination is probably due to cysteines and aspartic proteinases [23].
\nRye contains considerably higher amounts of arabinoxylans (AX), especially water-extractable arabinoxylans (WEAX), than barley. The rye AX structure and its properties were described [24]. AX are cell wall non-starch polysaccharides and are constituted by a chain of β-1,4 units of xylopyranose. The α-arabinofuranose chain can bind to the C(O)-2 and/or C(O)-3 of the xylose residues. It contains some arabinose substituents that are esterified with ferulic acid in C(O)-5 [25]. The molecular masses, the degree and the configuration of the arabinose branching, and the degree of esterification with ferulic acid exert an important influence on the properties of the AX. Since WEAX can bind to many water molecules, it can change the viscosity of the solutions making them more consistent. Gels can be formed by oxidative cross-linking of AX macromolecules through ferulic acid residues. The AX of the rye grains, during the process of the germination, suffer an enzymatic degradation. The inner bonds of the main chain of the xylan are divided forming a greater quantity of shorter-chain AX molecules by the action of the endoxylanase enzymes. Xylose residues are released from the nonreducing end since the β-xylosidases, while keeping the number of macromolecules constant, slightly decrease the length of the chain. The enzyme α-
As reported before, in grains of wheat and related cereals, dietary fiber is predominantly composed of arabinoxylans (AXs). These cell wall components typically consist of a linear backbone of β-(1–4)-
The malting technologies were optimized for barley. The new materials must then be compared with the malt to establish identity in the processes. Wheat malt is also very important in large quantities in the western world. The contents of extract in rye malts were also higher than in barley malts (usually >81% [38]. As rye does not have a shell, which represents approximately 10% of the barley’s dry weight [32], the fermentation capacities in the rye parts (73 and 77%) are lower than in 80% barley [38] or wheat parts (>78%, [39]), because they contain lower soluble nitrogen compounds and WEAX. However, the content of SN in rye malt turns out to be higher than in barley malt [38]. A higher viscosity of rye malt is the main drawback when using the brewing industry. This impediment can be reversed by modifying the temperature and the germination period (10°C and h) [40].
\nThe effects of germination and subsequent oven-drying or freeze-drying on folate content in a number of wheat and rye cultivars were studied for producing folate-rich flour ingredients. As reported in previous studies [41, 42, 43], germination of wheat and rye resulted in a four- to sixfold higher folate content than untreated cereals, mainly due to an increase in 5-CH3-H4 folate (w4-fold). The increased folate content has been attributed to de novo synthesis of folate being accelerated because of increased demand for methyl groups (one carbon unit) during germination [43]. Oven-drying (50°C) did not significantly affect the folate content, which is in agreement with our previous findings that oven-drying of germinated grains is suitable for the production of folate-rich candidate ingredients [44]. It has recently reported that by addition of germinated wheat flour to native wheat flour, bread with a 65% higher folate content compared with conventional Egyptian baladi bread could be prepared [45]. Germinated cereal grains and flour could also serve as functional ingredients for the European bread-baking industry. Here, the folate content in the rye cultivars studied was approximately 25% higher than that in the wheat cultivars. This confirms findings by [46] that rye flour contains more folate than flour from other cereals such as wheat, triticale, barley, and oats. The folate content quantified in the four Swedish wheat cultivars tested (23–33 mg/100 g dry matter DM) is also similar to HPLC data (34–40 mg/100 g DM) reported for four Polish wheat cultivars [48]. In comparison to data from microbiological assays [47, 48, 49], the mean folate content in untreated wheat and rye cultivars was 30–40% lower in this study. HPLC methods generally tend to provide folate values which are around 30% lower than data from microbiological assays [46, 47, 48]. Furthermore, the sum of folate content was underestimated by lack of quantification of 5-HCO-H4 folate and 10-formyl-dihydrofolate. Other groups also reported difficulties in quantification of 5-HCO-H4 folate in cereal foods using HPLC [45, 46, 47]. Up to 40% 5-HCO-H4 folate was reported in untreated wheat and rye [45, 46, 47, 48], and the content was not significantly affected by germination of rye [49]. Also 7–13% of 10-formyl-dihydrofolate was found in untreated and germinated rye cultivars by [49, 50], while [51] did not detect this form. This can partly explain the discrepancy between our results and data reported in the literature. The mean folate content in six rye and four wheat cultivars ranges from 23 to 39 mg/100 g DM, being approximately 25% higher in rye than in wheat. The folate content in both cereals by four- to sixfold increases in germination subsequent oven-drying, which is required for milling of germinated grains, does not affect the folate content. Germinated kernels and their flours are ingredients with increased folate content for use in bakery products [52].
\nThe whole grain rye is beneficial for health. However it may be bitter. The impact of nonvolatile chemical compounds on the bitter taste of rye was analyzed by the aid of enzymatic hydrolysis, releasing potentially flavor-active compounds from the rye matrix. Water suspension of whole grain rye flour was treated with hydrolytic enzymes, after portions of the rye suspensions were baked into crackers and assessed for their sensory profile as well as solubilized hydrolysis products. Heat treatment reduced the perceived bitterness. The treatment with enzyme preparation with high protease activity increased the bitterness of rye and also wheat flour both as suspension and as crackers. Other enzymes tested (with high polygalacturonase, endo-glucanase, xylanase, or amyloglucosidase activity) had no significant impact on the perceived bitterness. Thus, small molecular weight peptides were considered to be a significant contributor to the bitter note of rye [53].
\nThe incidence of diseases originating from the current lifestyle, such as cardiovascular diseases (CVD), certain types of cancer, and type II diabetes [54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62], is diminished by the consumption of whole grains [63, 65, 66]. Although importance is given to fibers in food, all the mechanisms responsible for this behavior are still not fully understood. Metabolomics was used for this study, which is a research that determines, in this case in plasma, the set of metabolites that is produced in the ingestion of a certain substance by means of instrumental analysis, for example, proton nuclear magnetic resonance spectroscopy 1H NMR, chromatography, and mass spectrometry; these results are processed by means of a statistical analysis through software with the aim of understanding the endogenous biochemistry that is produced. When high-fat diets are consumed, apolipoprotein profiles of pigs are similar to humans, and these animals suffer atherosclerotic lesions similar to those that arise in humans [64]. Therefore, the pig is a suitable model to study the hypocholesterolemic effects of cereals. Barley and oats have been studied because of their high β-glucan content [60, 61, 67, 68]. However, there were no studies on whole meal rye breads; for this reason, using metabolomics as a tool, the positive effects of these breads were studied and compared with wheat breads in hypercholesterolemic pigs. The pigs were fed with rye-based (n = 9) or wheat (n = 8) bread with high-fat content and similar levels of dietary fiber for 9–10 weeks. Fasting plasma samples were collected 2 days before and after 8 and 12 days of consuming the experimental diets, while the postprandial samples were taken after 58–67 days, and the spectra of the 1H NMR samples were made. The main component of the analysis (PCA) in the 1H-NMR spectra of the plasma samples revealed a clear separation in the metabolite profiles of the plasma samples of the integral rye diet with respect to the samples of the diets of non-integral wheat both on day 8 and day 12 and at slaughter. In order to determine the differences in the metabolites of the two diets, a discriminant regression analysis by partial least squares (PLS-DA) was performed. On both day 8 and slaughter, an increase in the spectral intensities of the signals was observed at 3.29 ppm of the plasma samples of the animals that consumed rye compared with the samples of the animals that consumed the non-integral wheat, which is consistent with a chemical change for the different N(CH3)3 groups [64]. It has been demonstrated using liquid chromatography with LC-MS mass spectrometry detector that this response should be attributed to betaine [65]. We can affirm that the intake of a diet with high-fiber rye breads in hypercholesterolemic pigs increases betaine, which can be considered a biomarker because it is present in all the samples of the animals that consumed this diet with rye, which is not verified whether this biomarker can be used in a mixed diet [69, 70] since it has been shown that betaine is absorbed and increases in serum concentrations [72, 74]. Betaine acts as a methyl donor in the reaction of betaine-homocysteine methyltransferase that converts homocysteine into methionine [71, 73, 74, 75, 76]. This is beneficial since plasma homocysteine is a risk factor for CVD [77, 78]; this property can be expected that betaine is involved in the prevention of CVD through this route. In addition, the concentration of plasma betaine is inverse to the amount of the following parameters, non-HDL serum cholesterol, triglycerides, and percentage of body fat, waist circumference, and systolic and diastolic blood pressure [79]. This study demonstrates a relationship between the intake of rye bread and the concentration of plasma betaine. Furthermore, in the analysis of the regressions, contributions of this diet to the chain of fatty acids linked to lipoproteins were observed; this behavior is not clear; however it could lead to an alteration in the composition [80].
\nAnother study compared whether the postprandial glucose and insulin responses to whole-grain rye bread are less than wheat bread, and these responses were observed in two different types of rye bread. Rye breads are based on wholemeal flour and are thus rich in dietary fiber (DF). The dietary fiber content of our rye is 15 ± 17%, arabinoxylans (8 ± 10%), beta-glucan (2 ± 3%), and cellulose (1 ± 3%) being the main chemical constituents [81, 82]. Mainly due to its high DF content, wholemeal rye bread may reduce the health risks associated with coronary heart disease [79] and colon, breast, and prostate cancer [83, 84]. Slowly digestible carbohydrates have been suggested to be nutritionally most desirable, improving metabolic variables not only in diabetes and hyperlipidemia but also in healthy subjects [82, 83]. Although the glycemic index (GI) is a criticized concept [84], it is a widely used method for classification of different foods according to their effect on postprandial glucose levels. It has been analyzed that the glucose and insulin responses of different rye breads and other rye products have been reported to be variably lower than those of wheat bread [85]. The lowest GI values (66–80) have been reported for pumpernickel-type breads containing intact kernels [86, 87, 88, 89]. There is a consensus that intact botanical structure protects the encapsulated starch of the kernel against the hydrolysis [90, 91]. The amount of whole kernels in the bread has been concluded to be more effective in reducing the glucose and insulin responses than the high-fiber content as such [86, 87, 88, 92]. The GI of food is generally to increase by the heat processing. However, there is exception to this rule, that is, pasta manufacture and most pasta products having a GI value of 50 ± 70 [93]. Low temperature and long-time baking may slow the digestion of bread by increasing the retrogradation of amylose and hence the amount of resistant starch (RS) in the product [94]. RS passes the small intestine without digestion and is available as energy only after colon fermentation. Rye bread contains organic acids and their salts; the latter are supposed to lower postprandial glucose and insulin responses [95, 96, 97, 98] either by interfering the action of hydrolytic enzymes in the small intestine or by delaying gastric emptying [94]. The majority of the studies concerning glycemic responses of rye bread has been conducted in diabetic patients. In this study it was determined in healthy subjects whether the postprandial glucose and insulin responses to rye bread (whole kernel bread) are lower than those to wheat bread. Furthermore it was evaluated out if various types of rye breads give different glucose and insulin responses (wholemeal crispbread vs. wholemeal bread).
\nStandardized breads through an in vitro analysis of the hydrolysis rate of starch with a content of 43 ± 61 g of available carbohydrates, were consumed at a breakfast by 20 subjects (10 women and 10 men) with normal glucose tolerance. Eight samples of blood were taken from the subjects, postprandial for a period of 3 h. Eight samples of blood were taken from the subjects, postprandial for a period of 3 h. The results of the plasma insulin of the samples of the subjects who consumed whole wheat rye bread were lower than the samples of the subjects who consumed the wheat bread (45 min P = 0.025, 60 min P = 0.002, 90 min P = 0.0004, 120 min P = 0.050, 150 min P = 0.033); however there was no difference in glucose responses. We can conclude that wheat bread produces a greater postprandial insulin response than whole grain rye bread, but there is no difference in glucose response [99].
\nIt is necessary to understand the impact of enzymes in AX and the behavior of rye proteins during the malting process. Although in the case of wheat this is studied with more depth, there is still no mass commercialization of wheat bread products. The malted and unmalted whole grain of rye and wheat contains fibers that are beneficial to prevent noncommunicable diseases. In malted flour compared to unmalted flour, the amount of soluble fibers increases. However, it is necessary to conduct research with cereals from different countries and compare the composition of these functional flours to apply them to different food products.
\nThe authors gratefully acknowledge the Morón University for providing financial support.
\nThe twenty-first-century higher education landscape in the world in general and in South Africa in particular is a very complex one, plagued by a variety of challenges and opportunities. The level of preparedness by both students and the university determines the kind of educational encounters students will have and how such encounters will shape their educational journeys. Students’ preparedness for higher education is seen as one of the main factors affecting first-year attrition or study success. Cloete [1] argues that “from assessments of the South African system by the Harvard panel on Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative –South Africa, the World Bank and the Centre for Higher Education Trust, South African higher education system could be characterised as low participation with high attrition rates, with insufficient capacity for adequate skills production” (p. 3). This points to the challenges the South African higher education landscape is facing and how these have persisted for over 20 years after the end of apartheid. Fomunyam [2] concurs with this by arguing that about 40 percent of students who enter higher education institutions in South Africa end up dropping out and only about 15 percent complete their degree in the minimum completion time. Though the reasons for this vary from context to context, Lemmens [3] argues that the major reason can be attributed to the level of student and institutional preparedness. How prepared both the student and the institution are for the educational encounter is likely to determine the level of student performance in the classroom and the ultimate completion of the programmes.
Monnapula-Mapesela [4] argues that in South Africa, student under-preparedness has become a dominant learning-related cause of the poor performance patterns in higher education. He further states that “surprisingly and of concern, is the fact that still no single university in South Africa, inclusive of those that admit only the cream of the crop, can safely deny students’ unpreparedness, high dropout rates, poor throughput, low success rates despite innumerable academic support structures in place, as amongst some of the challenges that confront the country’s higher education” ([4], p. 256). Student under-preparedness is therefore a widely recognised issue in South African higher education though the reasons for under-preparedness vary from student to student. The contextual nature of student preparedness in South Africa can be understood as influenced to a greater extent by the political history of the country so that its subtle effects are still being felt within all sectors of education. The fact also remains that the level of social, political and economic capital possessed by different students, which in itself is the result of the socio-economic status of their families, has actually played a major role in the kind of learners being produced and ultimately applying to universities.
Institutional preparedness, as stated above, must also be considered. Manik [5], Cloete [1] and Fomunyam [2] argue that most South African institutions are still grappling with transformation, making them strategically underprepared for the quality of students being ushered into the higher education system. Most universities in South Africa by and large are still being influenced by the culture inherited from apartheid; they fail to attract and retain the best academics and researchers who find more remunerative work elsewhere. Within higher education there is the enormous differentiation between institutions—the abiding differences between historically white universities and historically black universities, and the under-resourced nature of some of these universities makes it increasingly difficult for underprepared students to succeed. Therefore, South African higher education appears caught between the disabling legacies of the past and the structural pressures of the present. The danger is that these twin forces become excuses for inaction—to throw up one’s hands and point fingers at apartheid or neoliberalism.
Students’ access, preparedness and success are widely debated issues in South African higher education institutions, student under-preparedness being articulated as the dominant learning-related cause of the poor performance patterns in higher education, largely blamed on systemic faults of the school sector (Du [6]). This level of under-preparedness magnified the widening of access to the larger population, particularly to non-first-language English-speaking students. This is often done with the expectation that universities will intensify support for students in a number of ways, including financial, accommodation, food, health, academic and career advising, life and academic skills and literacies, counselling and performance monitoring, and through referrals to various support programmes [7]. The under-preparedness of the university goes a long way to magnify the under-preparedness of students, thereby creating the perfect ground for poor educational encounters and tensions within the classroom.
The Council on Higher Education [7] stated that for many South African universities, the dawn of democracy resulted in policy-driven higher numbers of previously disadvantaged students in university studies. In spite of this apparent improvement, enough was not done to ensure the continuous access and subsequent success of these students. Universities are expected to set measures in place which would address the imbalances of the past and ensure that those with limited social, political, economic and cultural capital are empowered enough to co-construct knowledge effectively within the higher education landscape. Roman and Dison [8] arguing in this light point out that universities need to address the “general lack of academic preparedness, multilingual needs in English-medium settings, large class sizes and inadequate curriculum design” (p. 30). The challenge for higher education institutions is not only dealing with the level of preparedness and increasing the diversity of the student population but also involves the provision of quality education. The Council on Higher Education [9] confirms the under-preparedness of universities in South Africa to deal with structural challenges affecting students when it argued that “student experiences posits that the existing cohort of students is not necessarily underprepared, and that failure to succeed lies more in systemic weaknesses in higher education” (p. 10). Therefore, there is a need for universities to fully understand students’ thinking to deliver educational practices that will allow them to achieve their full potential while bearing in mind that learning takes place on the basis of social activity.
The Department of Higher Education and Training [10] posits that universities in South Africa are supposed to provide citizens with high-level skills for the labour market, be centres of research excellence, since they are (or are supposed to be) the dominant producers of new knowledge, or find new applications for existing knowledge in order to keep South Africa independent, inventive and able to stave off intellectual subordination to developed, post-industrial countries. The white paper concludes that universities are also supposed to be responsible for social justice and for creating equity and the equitable conditions to reverse the damaging effects of apartheid. The inability of most universities in South Africa as pointed out by Chetty and Pather [11] has resulted in poor throughput rates because institutions are not adequately prepared for its mission or purpose. Student and institutional preparedness must therefore be understood as key drivers of throughput and educational encounters.
Educational encounters within the classroom powered by both student and institutional preparedness determine how students perform in the university. The first-year experience is critical in influencing high dropout rates and low throughput rates. To tackle this challenge, institutions must address and enhance their academic capabilities as universities, and specifically academics, and rigorously conceptualise and design high-quality academic development programmes to support academics and students. However, to understand this complex challenge of student and institutional preparedness, it is critical to look at marginalised students who possess what is needed to succeed within the institution. By exploring their views and those of the academics teaching them, a concrete understanding is what is needed regarding the level of preparedness by both the students and the institution and what can be done to enhance such preparedness to ensure better educational encounters in the classroom. This description of the current situation in South Africa provides the background for this study.
This research was designed and conducted as a qualitative case study. Fomunyam [12] defines qualitative research as research which seeks not only depth but also the complexity of the phenomenon in an attempt to unearth both the particularities and peculiarities (“the what” and “the how”) of the phenomenon so as to enhance understanding or develop a theory. In this case, qualitative research sought to explore student and institutional preparedness for educational engagements and encounters. Since the focus of the research was seeking or exploring student and institutional preparedness, the case study approached was engaged. Elman, Gerring and Mahoney [13] argue that case study research explores complex problems whose core is difficult to find or whose root cause is difficult to explain. Explaining such a complex problem, therefore, would require focus on that particular issue and investigation using several instruments or exploring it from different angles. The case study approach offered the opportunity of studying student and institutional preparedness for educational encounters. The case here is the university and the unit of exploration is students and staff. The university under study is a university of technology in the province of KwaZulu-Natal. The high student dropout and low-throughput rates within the university are a direct result of student and institutional preparedness. Most of the students within the university possibly failed to gain admission into other universities before settling for the University of Technology. To generate data from these participants, two approaches were used: the open-ended questionnaire and the interview. The open-ended questionnaire was administered to students, and the interview was done with lecturers. The open-ended questionnaire was administered after 5 weeks of lectures, while the interview was done at the end of the semester creating a space of about 7 weeks in between the interviews. The open-ended questionnaires were administered to students to explore their level of preparedness. Fomunyam [14] argues that open-ended questionnaires consist of open-ended questions delivered to respondents with the aim of generating a particular kind of information. The open-ended questionnaire gives the participants the opportunity of expressing themselves and providing all the details they think are important. The questions are not limiting in any way. The open-ended questionnaire was administered to first-year students. About 624 first year students from 3 faculties completed the questionnaire. The lecturer’s interviews were conducted with the six lecturers (two each from the three faculties) teaching the first-year students. Each interview lasted for 1 hour with the researcher using tape recorders to capture the interview. The researcher obtained permission from the university to conduct the research, and every participant (both the students and the lecturers) understood their participation was voluntary and they could withdraw at any time. The lecturers signed a consent form before the interview was conducted, while the students understood that by completing the questionnaire, they were by default giving consent; those who were uncomfortable participating simply had to refuse filling the questionnaire or fail to return it. The data generated from these two sources were coded and categorised into themes. These themes speak to students and institutional preparedness for educational encounters.
The data generated from both the interviews and the open-ended questionnaires were coded and categorised into themes. Two themes, social and cultural capitals and cognitive skills, emerged with regard to student preparedness, while another two themes emerged with regard to institutional preparedness, educational architecture and institutional culture.
The level of social and cultural capitals a student possesses determines how ready he or she is for educational encounters in the classroom. Since educational encounters are built on the basis of this capital, the more a student possesses, the more prepared or ready the student is for educational encounters. One of the participants pointed out that “most of the students lack the experiences and know-how needed to co-construct knowledge in the classroom. This makes teaching and learning extremely difficult because the teaching has to be the all-knowing in the classroom while students become passive recipients waiting to be filled”. Another participant added that “this place is not easy. I was lost the first time I came here I felt like going back home. I was so lost. Cause imagine from primary to high school I have never been in a class with someone who is not Xhosa. And when especially I was interested in other races, whites and, you see I was so I was completely lost. I didn’t know what to do, like I just watched them take my bags and I was like yoh I’m not going to cope in this institution. I’ve never seen it like this, many white and Indian people in my entire life [laughing]. So it was a difficult experience for me. And again had to communicate in English, of which I wasn’t used at all speaking English”. The feeling of awe in the student puts him in a compromising position in the classroom. Students can barely find their way around understanding the dynamics of the institution and talk less of coming to terms with the racial diversity of the nation amongst other things. These begin to hamper the educational encounters students have in the classroom. The idea of under-preparedness was further supported by another participant who pointed out that “In high school, my teachers would explain some of the things in school when we don’t understand what they are saying in English. But here we are taught using English. At times I don’t understand half of the things the lecturer is saying. I have to go back and ask my friends. It is too much”. Another participant further added that “You know; it’s very hard to understand some of this Indian or white people when they speak. And then you speak and don’t know some of the words in English. You just stop there of say it in Zulu and they don’t understand what you are saying. This has really affected my studies (sighs). I failed four of my test”. The lack of social and cultural capitals amongst the students determines the kind of educational encounters they have in the classroom. The lack of capital inhibits their development of commensurate agency which is needed for critical engagement in higher education. The level of student preparedness for educational encounters is a direct function of the capital he or she possesses, and the encounters in turn determine the kind of performance they produce and whether or not they eventually graduate.
Skills are vital for every educational endeavour, and it becomes particularly critical in the higher education arena where students are expected to perform a variety of tasks using several cognitive skills. To succeed in the higher education landscape especially for students with low levels of social and cultural capitals, there is a need for a variety of skills like note taking, writing, critical thinking, adaptability, creativity, listening, time management, networking, leadership, presentation and resilience, amongst others. Speaking about the importance of this, one of the participants pointed out that “Some of this students don’t even know how to listen in class or take notes. They are distracted for more than half of the class. Some show of very late and hardly ever understand the lesson. At the end when they fail an assignment and you ask them to redo it, some of them just give up or simply want to give up. This makes the chances of their success very slim”. Another participant added that “the lectures are too tiring and some of the lecturers just leave you to do all the work. Managing everything is very difficult. I don’t have any friends, and I am yet to understand life in this city which very different from where I come from. People here don’t care. At times I wake up when the bus for school has left already and I have to wait for the next one which is in two hours maybe and misses my classes. I need help”. The lack of basic cognitive skills with which to navigate through teaching and learning determines the kind of educational encounters students have in the classroom. Some students lack the skills necessary to make constructive engagements not only with the content being discussed in the class but also outside the classroom. Speaking on this one of the participants pointed out that “the teachers are so fast in ways that I can’t hear most of what they are saying. At times I would get notes from my friends and at times they would refused to give or tell me they didn’t write. Lecturers want us to do presentations, use computers and power points and stuff. I am still trying to learn those things”. A variety of cognitive skills are needed to successfully navigate the higher education landscape. The lack of vital cognitive skills is amongst the reasons for poor educational encounters which make for success in academics.
The data also revealed that not only are students ill-prepared for educational encounters, but the institution is ill-prepared as well. The data reveal that the university was littered with poor educational architecture which did little to ensure that students got the best educational experience. Such educational architecture informed the kind of educational encounters students had in the class. One of the participants pointed out that “as a lecturer you have about 120 students in a class which is probably supposed to conducively accommodate 80. It is impossible to engage such a large number of students for a lecture spanning 90 minutes. At the end, the lecturer and one of two students become participants in the knowledge construction process while the others remain passive listeners”. Another participant added that “institutional structures are very unfriendly. They just expect you to know everything. They forget you doing this for the first time. You stand in queue for more than two hours just to get a form signed or to pick a group or submit an assignment and stuff. it’s very annoying”. The educational architecture within the universities determines the kind of experiences students have in the class and the kind of engagements and encounters that ensue. Another participant added that “the classes are not properly ventilated. We almost suffocate in class when it’s hot because we are always more than the class can contain and some students are always seating on the floor”. Another participant yet added that “the classes and overcrowded and yet there are no microphones in the classroom. The lecturer has to shout and some students are always fidgeting because they trying to ask their friends what is being said. These distractions impact the kind of educational encounters happening in the classroom”. If students cannot hear or participate in the knowledge construction process happening in the classroom, then they cannot own the knowledge constructed, meaning no meaningful learning actually takes place. Another participant further added that “the university lack basic educational or teaching and learning facilities like projectors in the classrooms, white boards or responsive boards, enough computers in student’s LANs, enough lecturers and administrative staff to handle the student population. For example, some posts have been vacant in this institution for a year, some two years and some even three, all of which are vital positions requiring key personal to hold them”. The educational architecture of the institution points to the level of preparedness by the institution for educational encounters in the classroom. Poor planning or preparation leads to poor encounters which hamper throughput rates and cause wanton failure and increases dropout rates.
Institutional culture influences everything happening in and around the university campus from the way lecturers teach to the way students are welcomed and treated and the way they are made to feel within the university. Institutional culture is at the epicentre of higher education and would directly and indirectly influence the educational encounters students have in the classroom as well as determine whether or not the university is ready to receive the diverse student body, which represents the diversity within the nation. Speaking about the culture of the institution and the role it plays in the education of the students, one of the participants pointed out that “the university has a culture of throwing the students into the proverbial deep end to either swim or sink. This is done in a variety of ways, from hiring mentors who themselves lack enough social capital to assist their peers in their educational endeavours, to providing support which addresses the kind of help the university think students need rather than provided targeted support to students when they need them”. Another participant pointed out that “there is general culture of resistance to change around the university. The old staff who have been there for years won’t give the new and younger staff members the opportunity to innovate. They lord it over them and stifle them to stay within the culture of under-productiveness and conformity to the statuesque”. Though institutional culture cannot be seen, it is experienced all over the university campus. Universities of technology all over South Africa have the culture of focusing more on technical know-how and pattern development rather than research focused on better ways of teaching and learning. This makes teaching and learning unresponsive to the new demands in teaching and learning and the diversity evident in the classroom. Confirming this, one of the participants pointed out that “the way some lecturers were teaching five or ten years ago, is still the same way they are teaching now. There is no difference in their philosophy and the pedagogy. They see all students as the same”. Another added that “universities of technologies are often seen as the place for the not so bright who have been rejected by other mainstream universities. As such the problem is the quality of student and no matter what you do, most of them will still fail and drop out. This cultural and capital deficiency approach to viewing students already creates a block in the teaching and learning process because the lecturer can never give their best”. Institutional culture therefore presents a significant challenge to the educational encounters happening within the university and by and large shapes the direction of such encounters and how students experience such encounters.
From the findings it is clear that social and cultural capitals, cognitive skills, educational architecture and institutional culture are important factors influencing student and institutional preparedness for educational encounters. Harker, Mahar and Wilkes [15] argue that when students shift or switch from one social field to another (leaving home or local community to the university as is the case with most of the students), they may experience difficulties transferring capitals between fields. This was the case for some of the participants of this study as they strived to develop more capital to tap into in the knowledge construction process. Since capital is the basis of knowledge construction, their ability to construct knowledge is hampered by their inability to develop or possess the right kind of capital. Tzanakis [16] argues that cultural capital is especially transferred by family and education, be it formal or informal, and may be institutionalised or engaged with nominally like group meetings, mentoring programmes, extended programmes and foundation programmes, amongst others. Capital is the primary cause for educational encounters and relative positions within the educational larder. Levina and Arriaga [17] add that cultural capital can exist or be incorporated in three forms, the embodied, the objectified and the institutionalised states, of which the objectified and the institutionalised indicate the possession of cultural artefacts and educational credentials. The embodied state is critical to an individual because it involves an ability to decipher the “cultural codes” which are composed of material cultural objects, for example, writings, paintings and monuments. Preparedness for educational encountered for both the student and the institution is hampered by capital. The kind of capital required for the students to construct knowledge is missing, and the cultural codes around the university which makes for its culture and architecture also present a challenge in itself for students and the drive for better educational encounters in the classroom.
Bourdieu [18] expounds on the interconnectedness of culture, architecture and capital in the educational experience by arguing that learning is sponsored by “systems of durable, transposable dispositions, structured structures predisposed to function as structuring structures, that is as principles of generation and structuring of practices and representations which can be objectively ‘regulated’ and ‘regular’ without in any way being the product of obedience to rules, objectively adapted to their goals without presupposing a conscious aiming at ends or an express mastery of the operations necessary to attain them and, being all this, collectively orchestrated without being the product of the orchestrating action of a conductor”(p. 72). This means that there are a variety of forces at play influencing educational encounters and institutions and the powers that must take action and responsibility to ensure that these forces are dealt with. The multifaceted nature of the forces at play determine preparedness and how successful or unsuccessful educational encounters are for the students attending the university. The more capital and cognitive skills the student possesses, the more they are predisposed to succeed. Within the context of the findings, it is clear that both the educational architecture and institutional culture of the higher education institutions in South Africa are ill-prepared for educational encounters with students. The right kind of architecture and culture would improve the quality of educational encounters and make for better student performance.
Manik [5] argues that both students and universities are often underprepared for higher education, and universities often need to do more to assist underprepared students as well as transform themselves to become better-prepared institutions so as to foster better educational encounters. Lewin and Mayoyo [19] add to this by arguing there are several factors influencing access and success at university, and these are complex and multidimensional. To them, student preparedness is influenced by schooling background, socio-economic status, race and gender and the social context of learning, student and staff ratio, pedagogy, language and literacy. With the participants articulating these as issues influencing or affecting their educational experience, institutions need to take these factors into consideration if throughput rates must increase, and the educational architecture and the institutional culture must be revisited to pave way for new and better facilities which would ensure that the right kind of educational encounters are garnered. Heymann and Carolissen [20] confirm this when they argue that students must be understood as having “real challenges” and in need of institutional support, but they caution that a patronising attitude should be avoided in classifying students according to categories which will lead to labelling: being “pathologised as problematic” for their specific needs. Sosibo and Katiya [21] further buttress this when they argue that institutions need to provide specialised support especially the acquisition of skills and recognise that students may be struggling with critical skills in English such as speaking, reading and writing. This means that universities need to support students to develop cognitive skills as a way of giving them a wide variety of tools with which to navigate their way in the higher education sector. They continue that “under-preparedness refers to the state of students who are in general not academically ready, especially in areas such as reading and writing, and particularly in the language of learning and teaching, which in most cases is English” (p. 274). And this under-preparedness of both students and the university can be improved by considering two key factors which Prinsloo [22] names as timing and appropriateness. In order to be able to provide timeliness and appropriate academic support, institutions need to be able to identify students who need such support at an early stage so as to track and monitor their progress and to evaluate the effectiveness of support systems and programmes offered.
Student and institutional preparedness for educational encounters is a product of a variety of issues. How these issues are addressed will determine whether or not a student’s educational experience improves. From the findings, it is clear that social and cultural capitals, cognitive skills, educational architecture and institutional culture are amongst some of the drivers of educational encounters for students in the classroom. The effects of such encounters are heavily dependent on the levels of preparedness and the drivers that determine such a level. Institutions must therefore recognise the fact that not only are students underprepared but universities themselves are becoming increasingly underprepared as access increases and throughput rates are low. With this in mind, this chapter makes four key recommendations for better educational encounters in the classroom. Firstly, universities need to recognise their capacity and work to improve such capacity in the wake of massification as a way of improving throughput rates especially because they would continuously attract students of similar background or with similar challenges. Secondly, educational encounters are a direct product of work between both the university and students, and specialised support should be tailored and provided to students who need them as a way of empowering them for an improved educational experience. Thirdly, students must strive to improve themselves and garner more capital as they navigate their way through the higher education landscape, for capital is the very currency of educational encounters, and such encounters determine whether or not students succeed and when students succeed. Finally, higher-education stakeholders need to theorise more deeply the ability of higher education institutions to accommodate a certain number of students as well as the ability of certain students to navigate their way through the higher education landscape as a mechanism to ensure that both the institution and the students coming to such institutions are ready for educational encounters in the classroom. This kind of educational encounters is more likely to produce meaningful transformation in both the student and the institution as well as improve throughput rates and guarantee public returns for South Africa’s investment in higher education.
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\n\nPolicy last updated: 2018-09-11
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