Levels of fish domestication. Adapted from [8].
\\n\\n
Dr. Pletser’s experience includes 30 years of working with the European Space Agency as a Senior Physicist/Engineer and coordinating their parabolic flight campaigns, and he is the Guinness World Record holder for the most number of aircraft flown (12) in parabolas, personally logging more than 7,300 parabolas.
\\n\\nSeeing the 5,000th book published makes us at the same time proud, happy, humble, and grateful. This is a great opportunity to stop and celebrate what we have done so far, but is also an opportunity to engage even more, grow, and succeed. It wouldn't be possible to get here without the synergy of team members’ hard work and authors and editors who devote time and their expertise into Open Access book publishing with us.
\\n\\nOver these years, we have gone from pioneering the scientific Open Access book publishing field to being the world’s largest Open Access book publisher. Nonetheless, our vision has remained the same: to meet the challenges of making relevant knowledge available to the worldwide community under the Open Access model.
\\n\\nWe are excited about the present, and we look forward to sharing many more successes in the future.
\\n\\nThank you all for being part of the journey. 5,000 times thank you!
\\n\\nNow with 5,000 titles available Open Access, which one will you read next?
\\n\\nRead, share and download for free: https://www.intechopen.com/books
\\n\\n\\n\\n
\\n"}]',published:!0,mainMedia:null},components:[{type:"htmlEditorComponent",content:'
Preparation of Space Experiments edited by international leading expert Dr. Vladimir Pletser, Director of Space Training Operations at Blue Abyss is the 5,000th Open Access book published by IntechOpen and our milestone publication!
\n\n"This book presents some of the current trends in space microgravity research. The eleven chapters introduce various facets of space research in physical sciences, human physiology and technology developed using the microgravity environment not only to improve our fundamental understanding in these domains but also to adapt this new knowledge for application on earth." says the editor. Listen what else Dr. Pletser has to say...
\n\n\n\nDr. Pletser’s experience includes 30 years of working with the European Space Agency as a Senior Physicist/Engineer and coordinating their parabolic flight campaigns, and he is the Guinness World Record holder for the most number of aircraft flown (12) in parabolas, personally logging more than 7,300 parabolas.
\n\nSeeing the 5,000th book published makes us at the same time proud, happy, humble, and grateful. This is a great opportunity to stop and celebrate what we have done so far, but is also an opportunity to engage even more, grow, and succeed. It wouldn't be possible to get here without the synergy of team members’ hard work and authors and editors who devote time and their expertise into Open Access book publishing with us.
\n\nOver these years, we have gone from pioneering the scientific Open Access book publishing field to being the world’s largest Open Access book publisher. Nonetheless, our vision has remained the same: to meet the challenges of making relevant knowledge available to the worldwide community under the Open Access model.
\n\nWe are excited about the present, and we look forward to sharing many more successes in the future.
\n\nThank you all for being part of the journey. 5,000 times thank you!
\n\nNow with 5,000 titles available Open Access, which one will you read next?
\n\nRead, share and download for free: https://www.intechopen.com/books
\n\n\n\n
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Domestication is a human-induced process that gradually changes a cultured organism. It extends over generations and involves developmental effects within each generation, culminating generally in genetic changes across generations [1]. One of the first domesticated animals was the goat (
Although the usual interpretation of animal domestication has been related to genetic changes induced by artificial selection [9], developmental effects have been gathering more interest recently due to the increasing number of domesticated species and purposes of captive breeding [1]. These developmental responses are especially important in fishes because they present remarkably high levels of phenotypic plasticity, much more than terrestrial vertebrates [10, 11]. In Sections 2.1 and 3.1 of the current text, we will dive deeper into these matters. But in fact, this plasticity allows fish to adapt their phenotype to rearing conditions, which, taking into account their recent domestication process, makes fish domestication a controversial issue: although there is variation in morphology, physiology and genetics between farmed fish species and their wild conspecifics [12, 13, 14], it is generally much lower than between terrestrial farm animals and their wild counterparts [4, 9, 11, 12]. Nevertheless, it is mostly established that fish farmed under well-managed systems (i.e. that provide conditions that enhance growth and survival while supplying the correct nutrition regimes for the species) can maximise growth to nearly their physiological maximum, suffer lower mortality rates than in the wild and are usually less prone to infectious diseases [10].
The domestication process tends to produce a coherent set of behavioural, morphological and physiological changes that are similar in many species. A typical domesticated phenotype of a species could therefore be summarised as differing from its wild ancestor in having a different colour (probably being brighter or spotted); being brachycephalic, chondrodystrophic and smaller; having a reduced brain size, earlier sexual maturation and increased reproduction; with a faster and more flexible development; and being less fearful, more sociable, and more risk-prone towards predators. This is a recurrent trait complex that suggests that it may represent a general adaptation pattern to captivity and domestication [1, 15]. Throughout this chapter, we will review these changes and if and how they can affect the welfare of farmed fish.
The domestication of farmed fish is therefore not straightforward, as it depends on the definition of domestication, and how literally that definition is applied to each case. To tackle this difficulty, some authors proposed that domestication in fish should be considered as a process, with progressive stages summarised in Table 1 [8].
Domestication level | Description | Examples from FishEthoBase (see Section 4 for a description) |
---|---|---|
1 | Acclimatisation to the culture environment | Malabar trevally ( Yellowback sea bream ( Spotted sea bass ( |
2 | Part of the life cycle is completed in captivity, but several important bottlenecks still exist in others (e.g. reproduction, larval rearing, etc.) | Wreckfish ( Yellowtail amberjack ( Greater amberjack ( |
3 | The entire life cycle is closed in captivity, but with wild inputs | Pangasius ( Southern bluefin tuna ( Burbot ( Atlantic halibut ( Senegalese sole ( Turbot ( |
4 | The entire life cycle is closed in captivity without wild inputs, but no selective breeding programme is used | Atlantic cod ( Cobia ( Meagre ( African catfish ( Russian sturgeon ( Adriatic sturgeon ( |
5 | Selective breeding programme is used focusing on specific goals (growth rate, fillet yield, flesh quality, etc.) | Common carp ( Nile Tilapia ( Gilthead seabream ( European seabass ( Atlantic salmon ( Rainbow trout ( Siberian sturgeon ( |
Throughout this chapter and for streamlining purposes, we will adopt the nomenclature given by the authors of the papers cited (e.g. domesticated, artificially selected, strain, etc.), regardless of the stage they appear to be in the classification proposed in Table 1.
Definitions of welfare generally vary between the function-based and the feelings-based approaches [16]. Function-based approaches look more into the biological, physiological and overall health perspective of the animal [17]. Feelings-based approaches, on the other hand, link welfare with the emotional (or emotional-like) state of the animal [18] and define welfare in a longer term as the balance between positive and negative subjective experiences [19]. While the first approach might may be too narrow (e.g. a man in prison may be in perfect health and still be experiencing terrible welfare) and the second too wide (how to measure it?), a behavioural approach may solve the question of incorporating both physiological and mental indicators. Even more, it operationalizes the concept and allows objective measures of welfare [16]. In that sense, we may define welfare as the state of the individual as it copes with the environment [20]. This definition of welfare has several implications: (i) welfare is a characteristic of an animal, not something that is given to it; (ii) welfare will vary from very bad to very good, i.e. along a welfare continuum; (iii) welfare can be measured independently of ethical considerations; (iv) measures of failure and difficulty to cope with the environment give information about how poor the welfare is; (v) knowledge on the biology and life-history of an animal provide essential information about suitable rearing conditions, but direct measurements of the state of the animal must also be used to assess its welfare; and (vi) coping mechanisms may vary among different species, and there are several consequences of failure to cope. Therefore, any one of a variety of measures can indicate that welfare is bad, and the fact that one measure, such as growth, is normal does not mean that welfare is good [21].
In order to understand the effects of artificial selection on welfare-related traits, we must first address natural selection. Although selection acts on differences in survival and reproductive success between individual organisms, or phenotypes, what changes during evolution is the relative frequency of genes. Therefore, Darwin’s theory in modern terms may be stated as follows:
All organisms have genes coding for proteins and regulating the development of everything in the organism, including the nervous system, muscles and structure of the individual—and so influence its behaviour.
Within a population, most genes are present in two or more forms, or alleles, which code for slightly different forms of the same protein or determine when, where and how much of the protein is expressed. These will cause differences in development and function, and so there will be variation within a population.
Any allele that results in more surviving copies of itself than its alternative will eventually replace the alternative form in the population. Natural selection is the differential survival of alternative alleles through their effects on replication success.
The individual can be regarded as a temporary vehicle or survival machine by which genes survive and replicate [22]. Because selection of genes is mediated through phenotypes, the most successful genes will usually be those that are most effective in enhancing an individual’s survival and reproductive success [23].
The actual basis of selection processes is variation, which is widespread in all biological phenomena. Variations within species are called polymorphisms, and these are (at least partly) independent of ontogeny and sex. This variation is genetically based and heritable [24]. Conversely, phenotypic plasticity can be broadly defined as (i) the ability of one genotype to produce more than one phenotype when exposed to different environments, (ii) the modification of developmental events by the environment or (iii) the ability of an individual organism to alter its phenotype in response to changes in environmental conditions [25]. Domesticated strains (lineages or populations that have been under artificial selection for generations and that, at least empirically, seem to differ from its wild origin) rely on natural polymorphisms to be selected: for example, present-day domesticated goats are the product of 10,000 years of artificial selection on breeders for specific traits in meat, milk and fur, as well as of natural selection for fitness under variable conditions [3]; fast growing Atlantic salmon (
Although the gap between the time domestication has been underway in terrestrial farm animals and in farmed fish is enormous, there has been a considerable effort towards fish domestication in recent times [4]. However, the main component in the domestication process is the generation interval (i.e. the average age of the parent animals at the birth of their offspring—note that this is
Comparison between the generation intervals in terrestrial farm animals (white bars) and fishes (grey bars).
While pig (
In the artificial conditions provided by human farming activities, it is likely that the most successful phenotypes of farmed animals are different from those under natural conditions. However, that does not mean that these selected phenotypes carry differential genotypes, especially due to phenotypic plasticity which is remarkably relevant in fish: different populations of the same species present contrasting yet plastic behavioural responses to environmental and social conditions [32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38]. Nevertheless, artificial selection experiments demonstrate that almost any quantitative trait could be permanently altered, that responses (mostly) occurred as a consequence of changes in the frequencies of genes affecting the traits, and not from mutations, and that many genes must be involved [39, 40].
In livestock species, genetic selection has greatly increased production levels. Usually, the breeding goal is to create a population with high economic production efficiency, i.e. high production combined with relatively low feed intake. Breeding programs have become quite successful because of the high accuracy of breeding value estimation, the moderate to high heritabilities of most production traits and the use of large and fast databases containing production records of many animals and their genetic relationships. Apart from genetic changes, production is also increased by improvement of housing, feed composition, feeding strategies, health status and farm management.
However, negative side-effects of domestication largely occur and are expected to increase when the focus continues to be only on production efficiency. Animals in a population that has been genetically selected for high production efficiency seem to be more at risk for behavioural, physiological, immunological, reproductive and consequently welfare problems [41]. This occurs because behavioural traits, as well as the other typical components of the domestication phenotype (growth, stress, immune function, etc.), are most likely controlled by many genes, i.e. they are polygenic [15]. In addition, a given set of genes may influence different traits, a mechanism known as pleiotropy [42]. In such a case, increasing the frequency of alleles that, for example, up-regulate growth, may at the same time modify other essential welfare-related traits under the influence of the same genes. Finally, the function of one gene may also be influenced by the interaction with other genes, which is known as epistasis [43]. Selection for one or a few traits controlled by genes that have epistatic effects may thus influence a group of other genes, regulating other characters than those selected for. Therefore, both mechanisms (pleiotropy and epistasis) are more than likely to create side-effects on traits that are not desirable [15]. In fact, when animals are selected for production traits mainly, many side-effects have been extensively documented in several species [41]. Some of these side-effects will even affect production itself, such as reduced fertility in fast- growing broilers [41], and are likely to be the target of counter-selection. In other cases, the side-effects may be related to less-obvious traits which may nevertheless have a strong welfare aspect [44] because they shift welfare optima towards unknown directions. These processes have occurred in land animals throughout their domestication. However, the slow and long domestication process on land has allowed both humans and many livestock species to adapt and cope with such effects. Conversely, the low number of generations in the rapidly increasing, diverse and generally very recent fish farming activity may be too short to permit this adaption in aquatic species.
Changes in the phenotypes of selected farmed fish usually correlate with changes in physiological indicators. For example, when comparing seventh-generation farmed Atlantic salmon with wild individuals, the domesticated fish grow much faster (even more so in salt water where the difference is threefold), pituitary and plasma growth hormone levels were positively correlated with growth rate and significantly higher in the domesticated strain [45]. The same occurs with strains of Brook trout (
For many physiological indicators such as those listed below, selected strains of farmed fish fail to show positive results:
From the available data on these indicators, it is not clear whether the current domestication process brings any obvious and effective physiological welfare benefits.
As occurs with terrestrial farm animals, the environment experienced by cultured fishes highly differs from the wild [14, 66, 67]: the physical environment is much simpler, space is restricted, and migration is not possible; food is readily available so long distance tracking of food is unnecessary; there are generally fewer or no predators (apart from human), and they are treated for some diseases. For parent animals, reproduction occurs without the need to compete for mates as it is often the case in the wild. In these aspects, the environment is overall less challenging. In others, however, it is more challenging: fishes are frequently disturbed by human activity, they are usually confined at unnatural densities, which potentially increases the risk of infection and the incidence of social encounters, including aggressive ones, especially when competing for food. The hatchery environment is so different from that experienced in nature that it can potentially generate behavioural differences in three, interlinked ways: (1) differential experience, (2) differential mortality and survival of behavioural phenotypes within a single generation and (3) selection for inherited behavioural traits over several generations [68]. In fact, usual conditions in intensive husbandry favour risk-taking/aggressive fish, as available data suggests that competition for food is major driver for high-risk/high-aggression phenotypes [69]. Hatchery-reared fish are more prone to show higher risk-taking behaviour, which is directly linked with a higher risk of escapes from rearing systems (as in the case of sea cages) [70], and may severely decrease their chances of survival in the wild. Consequently, this leads to a wide range of welfare, environmental and economic consequences. Domesticated strains of guppies (
Despite the consistency of the farming environment, different coping styles (e.g. consistent trait associations such as proactive, active coping or bold, and reactive, passive coping or shy) do emerge in farmed fish [72]. The proactive/reactive continuum has been identified in most farmed species and it should be a factor to consider when designing and evaluating production systems. However, the aquaculture industry selects mostly for growth performance [73] and proactive fish grow faster [74]. Consequently, there is a theoretical infinite selection for proactive and aggressive individuals in fish farming. This creates an obvious welfare problem that can only be solved by a deep understanding of the biology of the species as well as through the design of appropriate and diverse farming environments, which can accommodate different coping styles, even at the expense of lower production outputs [72]. In addition to coping styles, there is another source of intrinsic variability in animals that is phenotypic plasticity, best explained by behavioural reaction norms (BRN, i.e. the set of behavioural phenotypes that a single individual produces in a given set of environments) [75]. The BRN may actually be calculated, and it incorporates information on how an animal behaves on average and how its behaviour changes over a gradient, specifying the precise form of the relationship between response value and environmental condition. The relationships between food provisioning rate and begging intensity, between dispersal behaviour and current velocity, or between anti-predator behaviour and predation risk are all examples of BRNs. This approach treats both inter-individual and intra-individual variance in behaviour as meaningful (rather than as ‘noise’) [76].
The implications of the domestication process on the behavioural perspective of welfare are therefore far from simple. Behavioural changes due to generations in captivity do seem to occur but (1) they are accompanied by physiological and cognitive modifications that are challenging to accommodate in good welfare, and (2) while the behavioural phenotypes of wild fish are adaptive and selected throughout stable evolutionary pressures, captive phenotypes are responding to extremely different settings that are artificially rapid and that can often push welfare needs into collision with traits required for production.
The available evidence, however, is largely based on data from salmonids. These species are nonetheless far from representing the majority of production of finfish in global aquaculture: Atlantic salmon ranks seventh in production worldwide with approximately 2.4 million tonnes in 2015 (less than half of the production of the #1, Grass carp (
Fish are an extraordinary group of animals. Our ‘underwater cousins’, as Jonathan Balcombe describes them in his book
In fact, there are likely to be substantial differences in fish sensory systems compared with a terrestrial animal due to differing ecological and evolutionary pressures [81]. The term
Light behaves differently underwater than at the surface and can be influenced by physical and biological factors. Depth can modulate the wavelength (i.e. the colour), while intensity and scatter can be modified by turbidity and suspended particle type. These can also change rapidly with daytime, season or weather conditions. Furthermore, species have different visual systems depending on their life-history (e.g. predators that rely on visual cues for feeding, fishes that are common preys and must remain vigilant for evasion) or even within life stages (e.g. larvae that live in the depths and move to shallower depth when they grow, species with ocean juveniles and freshwater adults). These environmental changes represent huge selective pressures for the radiation of visual systems in fish. Not surprisingly, there is an enormous variety not only in the type of eyes that can be found in fish [83], but also in the brain structures that process visual information [84].
Chemical senses serve an essential ecological role and are extremely relevant in communication contexts in all groups of fish (cyclostomes, elasmobranchs and teleosts). They enable orientation in the dark or blurry waters, predation, foraging and escape from predators for example [85]. Chemical sensing also serves intra-specific communication, allowing males and females to find suitable partners [86], as well as competitors to assess and announce their status in agonistic contexts, which are solved much quicker and less violently thanks to ‘chemical diplomacy’ [87, 88]. Chemical sensing in fish exists in three modalities: olfaction, solitary chemosensory cells and taste. Olfaction may function at a larger distance for all the roles described above, and olfactory receptors are usually located in the nostrils on the most anterior part of the head. Taste cells are usually limited to very close range detection of foodstuffs and are located in the head and mouth [85]. In most predatory fishes, the taste system is used solely during oral food evaluation [89]. Solitary chemosensory cells are not well described yet but may serve as food, predator or conspecific locators, spread throughout the body of the animal [85].
In all fishes, sound is detected by one or more of the otolith organs. As sound passes through a fish and brings its tissues into motion, the otoliths respond to sound-induced motions of the animal’s body. In many fish species, named hearing specialists, the otoliths may also receive a displacement input from the swimbladder or another gas-filled chamber near the ears. These fishes may respond to both acoustic pressure and particle motion with a particularly efficient coupling between the gas bladder and the otolith organs and tend to have very high sensitivity to sound [80].
In addition, fishes have evolved a diversity of sound-generating organs. These include vibrating the swimbladder and pectoral girdle or rubbing bony elements against each other. Sounds are produced in various behavioural contexts (agonistic interactions, courtship, spawning and in distress). Similarly to chemical communication, acoustic signals may serve in decreasing aggression, assessment of the fighting abilities, species recognition, mate attraction and mate choice [90].
The aquatic environment influences basic perception and adaptation to damage in fishes: for example, they cannot fall because of buoyancy in the water column and this prevents injury due to gravity; noxious chemicals entering the aquatic environment may be diluted and thus pose a lower risk; and major shifts in temperature are less common compared with terrestrial environments. This could mean fishes experience less risk of damage than terrestrial animals, and it may be reflected in their nociceptive system [81]. In fact, although receptors for damaging stimuli have been found in all fish groups, and fishes possess neuroanatomical pathways comparable to those found in other vertebrate groups, there are interesting differences that reveal adaptions to evolutionary pressures: for example, rainbow trout nociceptors are not activated in low temperatures, because they live in cold water [91], but they are more sensitive to mechanical stimuli than mammals, probably because their skin is more fragile, and to heat, probably because they live in temperatures usually not above to 25°C [92]. The Chameleon cichlid (
Interestingly, the same groups of substances that reduce pain in humans (opioids, anti-inflammatory drugs and local anaesthetics) are also effective in reducing behavioural and physiological indicators of discomfort in teleosts, which is indicative of similar sensing mechanisms [81].
There are sensory systems in fish that are completely alien to us. The lateral line for example, which serves as a receptor for hydrodynamic stimuli such as those generated by conspecifics, predators or prey. Although the biological processing of hydrodynamic signals has been well studied, not much is known about how fish can discern these from natural occurring events [94]. As all fishes experience night, darkness or turbid waters, there is strong selection for the use of non-visual senses in all fish species. Anatomical diversity suggests that the lateral line is one of the most important senses for fishes. However, research on the function of the lateral line has lagged due to poor understanding of hydrodynamics at small scales and lack of this sense in humans, making it difficult to imagine a fish’s hydromechanical world [95]. Electrical sensing is ancestral to fishes and is present in most non-teleosts as well as certain teleost species. The electrosensory world of fishes is rich with electric fields from a multitude of sources including the earth’s magnetic field and the bodies of all aquatic organisms including the electrosensing fish itself. The fish’s extremely high sensitivity to these fields enables orientation, navigation, communication, and even detection and localization of other fish, both prey and conspecifics [96, 97, 98]. Figure 2 summarises the sensory world of fish.
The sensory worlds of fish.
Not only the sensory world of fishes is difficult to relate to, but also the physics of movement underwater in a three-dimensional world can be challenging to understand for humans, who exist roughly in a 2D world. Despite this challenge, it is nonetheless a critical next step for the understanding of fish locomotion, and the design of appropriate rearing systems. The 3D nature of fish functional design is clearly demonstrated in the enormous diversity of body shapes and swimming modes in fishes [99].
Other physical properties of water affect fish in a different way than dry land does to farm animals: for example, water is a dense medium, so fish are constrained by hydrodynamic demands and fast swimming can be costly; gases dissolve readily in water, but moving water for oxygen extraction is energetically costly; many other chemicals readily dissolve and disperse in water.
In order to adapt to such a different medium, fishes not only develop the extraordinary sensory systems we have discussed above, but also show many amazing morphological and physiological adaptations, that can strongly determine welfare needs: they may undergo dramatic changes in form and function across life stages, as in the case of flatfishes [100]; unlike mammals but in common with birds, fish red blood cells are nucleated, giving them additional functions including immune responses [68]; fish grow continuously [101], influencing their relation with space and density across time; most species excrete ammonia (which is highly toxic, especially in aquaculture conditions [102]) while land animals excrete urea [103]. Finally, fish have more genes, more gene variability and more gene duplicates than terrestrial animals [104, 105].
To summarise, the extraordinary features of the aquatic environment, the exotic adaptations of fish and their
Welfare in aquaculture has been a motive of academic work in the recent past. Several authors have addressed the topic in reviews and research papers [16, 68, 108, 109, 110], and the COST action
In recent years, the FishEthoBase project (http://fishethobase.net) has been working in order to bridge the gap even further between the scientific community and the fish farming industry. This open-access database on fish ethology and welfare provides a platform where scientific knowledge is scrutinised and summarised in order to answer relevant criteria regarding welfare in aquatic animal farming. The aim is to cover all fishes farmed nowadays as well as other aquatic species, delivering concrete solutions for fish farmers, pointing to knowledge gaps for researchers and providing awareness for the general public and other stakeholders. This is accomplished in two ways: (1) full profiles of farmed species, where over 40 criteria and sub-criteria on ethology, but also ecology, physiology and general biology are reviewed in-depth according to the scientific literature. Based on these findings, a series of recommendations are proposed to address identified welfare issues in aquaculture; (2) short profiles of farmed species, where a sharp evaluation of 10 critical criteria is performed, covering ecological, behavioural and physiological traits transversal to all fish species: home and depth range, migration, reproduction, aggregation, aggression, habitat type, stress, malformations and slaughter. In addition, sustainable feeding and domestication are also addressed. These 10 criteria are answered using a welfare assessment protocol based on standardised risk analysis methods. For each species, this protocol provides (i) a comparison between the wild behaviour and the fish welfare state under conventional farming conditions, (ii) the overall welfare potential and (iii) the certainty of our findings. The sum of high scores of each species in these three measures throughout all 10 criteria results in the FishEthoScore, an index that summarises the general welfare state of the species. As occurs with all indexes, the FishEthoScore incurs the risk of oversimplifying a complex array of data concerning welfare. However, by asking the same questions to (ultimately) all farmed fish species, it offers a unique possibility not only for a comparative approach, but also for a global perspective on which species may be farmed most humanely. This is apparently the first effort to create such a welfare assessment scheme for aquaculture, and it may constitute a decisive step for a near-future welfare certification in the industry.
The concept of the Five Freedoms was coined in 1965 in the Brambell Report [112] concerning husbandry of livestock and revised by the Farm Welfare Council of the UK in 1979 into its present form [113]:
Freedom from hunger and thirst—by ready access to fresh water and a diet to maintain full health and vigour;
Freedom from discomfort—by providing an appropriate environment including shelter and a comfortable resting area;
Freedom from pain, injury or disease—by prevention or rapid diagnosis and treatment;
Freedom to express normal behaviour—by providing sufficient space, proper facilities and company of the animal’s own kind;
Freedom from fear and distress—by ensuring conditions and treatment that avoid mental suffering.
This concept forms the basis of recommendations and legislations worldwide and, despite their age, are extensively employed for academic, educational and veterinary purposes with great practical utility [113]. Also, they paved the way so that animals could be considered by European law as sentient beings in the Lisbon Treaty of 2007 [114].
Research on animal sentience, situated between ethology and psychology, was initiated by ethologists such as Dawkins [115, 116] and cognitive psychologists such as Toates [117], around the early 1980’s. These studies allowed a deeper understanding of animal minds and depicted how animals perceive the world and how environmental stimuli may affect their welfare level. Most importantly, they opened the door to the understanding of animal’s subjective experiences. These experiences may be positive and negative, and the latter include suffering, which is fundamentally a wide range of unpleasant emotional (or emotion-like) states. Negative experiences occur when unpleasant subjective feelings are acute or continue for a long time when an animal is unable to carry out the actions that would normally reduce risks to life and reproduction in those circumstances [115, 118].
The five freedoms concept is nonetheless criticised. Some authors claim that this framework is overly guided by anthropocentric thinking about how animals ought to be handled, neglects the concept of allostasis (stability through change) and generally reflects a more ethical view than a science-based approach [119]. The concept may be misleading on, for example, stress and stress indicators such as cortisol [120], because it is well known that stress hormones are also involved in healthy adaptation [121, 122, 123]. Capacity to change, allostasis and biologically relevant challenges are crucial for good health and welfare, therefore stable conditions and homeostasis should not be considered optimal [119, 124]. As discussed in Section 3, phenotypes that are selected exclusively for production traits often show signs of structural and morphological imbalance. This occurs because symmorphosis (i.e. a match between structural design and functional demand) is disrupted [125]. In many farm animals (e.g. broiler chickens or heavily selected strains of trout), the structural design of internal organs does not match functional demand [48, 126]. This imbalance is responsible for many health problems in farm animals.
The Concept of Animal Welfare based on Allostasis aims to be an alternative to the Five Freedoms. It incorporates recent scientific developments in behavioural physiology and neurobiology and can be summarised as follows [119]:
Stability through change (allostasis) and capacity to change are crucial to good health and good animal welfare. Health in this concept has the same meaning as defined in the World Health Organisation’s (WHO) constitution as ‘a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity’ [127].
Good animal welfare is characterised by a broad predictive physiological and behavioural capacity to anticipate environmental challenges.
Good animal welfare is guaranteed when the regulatory range of allostatic mechanisms matches the environmental demands.
A low allostatic load (not very low or zero) is key for good health and good animal welfare.
Symmorphosis should be respected.
Behaviour and physiology should be interpreted in terms of animal perceptions and not exclusively in terms of human values.
To summarise, the Five Freedoms were primarily derived in relation to the welfare of farm animals, but, with the exception of the fifth freedom, would appear to consider that animals are passive within their environment [128]. Despite its undeniable role in the development of present (and future) welfare standards, this concept would benefit from an update in order to incorporate both ultimate (i.e. adaptive) and proximate (i.e. physiological) mechanisms. Integrating phylogeny and ontogeny in the design and analysis of husbandry practices would result in broader and overall better welfare schemes (Figure 3).
Animal welfare in relation to environmental challenges as shown by the out-dated concept based on homeostasis and the new concept based on allostasis. Adapted from [
The ethical discussion on welfare of animals is controversial. This occurs because often the perspectives of scientists studying welfare science(s) and philosophers debating about ethics lie on very different standpoints. While science uses mostly operational and measurable concepts, such as the ones described throughout this chapter, ethics is focused on experiencing values and critically reflecting on them. Three main ethical theories are followed:
The contract theory states that, despite the naturally selfish nature of man, there is a need to waiver rights in exchange for the benefits of a contract (implicit or explicit) [129];
The utilitarianism theory states that the best action is the one that maximises utility, and therefore actions are to be evaluated majorly for their consequences [129];
The deontologist theory states that the ethical value of an action is dependent on the motivation behind it and not on the consequences. It criticises the utilitarianism theory stating that the right of the individual can never be sacrificed for the common good [130].
The following allegory provides a good metaphor for the misunderstanding between philosophers and scientists:
‘Two dog owners met one day to walk their dogs together. One owner had grown up in a small family that valued health, safety, and orderly, disciplined behaviour. The dog of this owner received regular veterinary care, two meals a day of low-fat dog food, and was walked on a leash. The other owner had grown up in a large community that valued conviviality, sharing of resources and close contact with the natural world. This dog (the owner’s third - the first two had been killed by cars) had burrs in its coat, was fed generously but sporadically, and had never worn a collar in its life. Each owner, judging quality of life from very different viewpoints, felt sorry for the other’s dog’ [131].
The challenge lies in the different concepts, assumptions and vocabulary that scientists and philosophers use, which function as two distinct cultures with little mutual understanding or communication. Since the early days of the animal welfare debate, the two sides have struggled to communicate with each other, even though both were (and are) working with the common goal of understanding and improving an appropriate relationship between humans and other species of animals [132]. In fact, scientific research on animal welfare began because of ethical concerns over the quality of life of animals, and the public looks to animal welfare research for guidance regarding these concerns. The conception of animal welfare used by scientists must therefore relate to these ethical concerns in order to make sure that the orientation of the research and the interpretation of the findings are to address them successfully [131]. In order to bridge the gap and seek common ground between ethics and welfare science, it is important to recognise three classes of problems that may arise when the adaptations present in an animal do not fully correspond to the challenges posed by its current environment. These problems summarise the ethical concerns about the quality of life of animals [131]:
If animals present adaptations that no longer serve a significant function in the new environment, then unpleasant subjective experiences may arise, yet these may not be accompanied by significant disruption of biological functioning. For example, species such as sea bream farmed in an open water sea cage may experience a strong, not full-filled need to seek shelter or forage on the sea bottom;
If the environment poses challenges for which the animal has no corresponding adaptation, then functional problems may arise, even if not accompanied by significant effects on emotional-like states. Thus, a fish being fed with feed with incorrect lipid content will accumulate unhealthy body fat without appearing to notice or mind the problem;
Where animals have adaptations corresponding to the kinds of environmental challenges they face, problems may still arise if the adaptations prove inadequate. For example, tilapia farmed in too cold water or trout farmed in too warm water will not be able to adequately regulate temperature, leading to functional failure as well as to a negative mental experience.
Animal welfare science has grown more compatible with the approaches used by some ethicists. Some scientists have recognised the interplay of normative and empirical elements in the assessment of animal welfare, and many are attempting to understand ethically relevant subjective experiences of animals. This convergence of the scientific and philosophical approaches may lead to a more integrated field of study and to a greater awareness that neither empirical information nor ethical reflection can, by themselves, answer questions about our proper relationship with animals of other species [132].
Considering that the domestication process in fishes is still in its early stages, determining whether and how this process affects welfare is not a straightforward task. Our understanding of fish biology is millennia behind that of terrestrial mammals, and the life-history of fish can be highly complex, with many species presenting stages that completely differ in every aspect from the final adult form. Furthermore, the sensory worlds of fish are very different from our own, and only recently have we begun to scratch the surface of the minds of fish, which hinders the establishment of empathy with our underwater relatives. To complicate things even more, fish farming is not focused on a few species, as in the case of land animals, but rather on hundreds of species that the industry invested in rearing for human consumption. Finally, the key concepts guiding welfare in farm animals are currently out-dated and seem to be insufficient to tackle a complex and diverse animal group such as fishes. The present review shows that domestication is not necessarily related to better welfare of fish especially because the traits the industry is selecting throughout the domestication process are generally focused on production (e.g. faster growth, larger mass), without taking into consideration pleiotropic or epistatic effects on other systems and on the organism. This knowledge gap should be bridged with research, either through species-specific approaches such as the COST action
This work was funded by Open Philanthropy Project (San Francisco, USA), Swiss Federal Food Safety and Veterinary Office (Bern, Switzerland), Stiftung Dreiklang (Basel, Switzerland), Haldimann-Stiftung (Aarau, Switzerland) and other private donations.
Sport for Development and Peace (SDP) is an international movement that began in the 2000s to meet the Millennium Development Goals (2000–2015). Several local, regional, national and international organizations are currently continuing to implement sports projects in an international development context to reach the United Nations’ sustainable development goals (2015–2030).
\nThis chapter aims to present the various origins and objectives that are being used around the SDP. It then focuses on current research on SDP, providing illustrations of research projects conducted in the field. Finally, this chapter offers perspectives for future research in this domain.
\nSport for Development and Peace (SDP) is not a new phenomenon contrary to what one might think. In 1894, Pierre de Coubertin had already considered the reconstruction of the modern Olympic Games to bring nations closer together around sports disciplines. He said “I remained convinced that sport is one of the most forceful elements of peace and I am confident in its future action” [1]. But the use of sport to serve development, peace, or diplomatic interests in the contemporary world is more due to the work of Mandela, who said “Sport has the power to change the world. It has the power to inspire, it has the power to unite people in a way that little else does” [2]. Indeed, the South African leader decided to use the power of sport during the 1995 Rugby World Cup to fight apartheid and unite the South African people. According to him, “Sport can create hope, where once there was only despair. It is more powerful than governments in breaking down racial barriers” [2].
\nThe United Nations (UN) took a step further toward the recognition of sport and its diplomatic, integrative, educational, or peace-building potential by signing a resolution in favor of the use of sport as a tool for development and peace-building among peoples, which was adopted by the UN General Assembly in 2003. This vote also led to the reaffirmation in 2015 of the 1978 UNESCO International Charter for Physical Education and Sport. The prevalence of SDP projects was so high that the UN has recognized its potential by setting up a specific instance between 2008 and 2017 (United Nations Office for Sport and Development and Peace; UNOSDP) through which it has initiated a large number of projects, particularly in Central America and West Africa [3]. This office had three main roles: to encourage dialogue, to establish SDP collaborations and partnerships, and to support international sports organizations, civil society, private sector, and media.
\nSDP projects have been developing in recent years around the world. They have been defined as “the intentional use of sport, physical activity and play to achieve specific development objectives in low- and middle-income countries and disadvantaged communities in high-income areas” [4], which includes “all forms of physical activity that contribute to physical fitness, mental well-being and social interaction, such as play, recreation, organized or competitive sport, indigenous sports and games” [4, 5]. These definitions have since been widely used by many SDP actors and several researchers [5, 6, 7].
\nIn these initiatives, sport is presented as a lever for integration or social reintegration in developing countries or in conflict-affected areas [7, 8]. For example, soccer matches are used between two enemy sides to help rebuild relationships. In addition to its positive impact on health, sport is now recognized for having a number of other benefits such as the prevention of violence or doping, awareness of diseases such as HIV/AIDS, and also as a medium for instilling respect for opponents and rules, teamwork, sportsmanship, determination, and discipline, in youth [7, 8]. These fundamental principles could also be transferred to the social life of person according to some organizations that value them [9]. The UNOSDP [10] indicates other elements related to the use of sport as a lever for development and peace, among others:
Sport is a powerful tool with unique power to attract, mobilize, and inspire;
Sport embodies issues of participation, inclusion, and citizenship by its very own nature;
It represents human values such as respect for the opponent, acceptance of restrictive rules, teamwork, and equity;
Sport is used in a very wide range of situations to serve development and peace-building as an integrated instrument in short-term emergency humanitarian aid activities or in long-term development cooperation projects [11, 12].
Finally, sport has benefits such as individual development, health promotion and disease prevention, gender equality, social integration, peace-building or conflict prevention/resolution and post-disaster/trauma assistance [13, 14]. UNESCO published a report in 2016 on the power of the values of sport that reinforces this vision, and then UNOSDP published a document that shows the articulation of using sport to support each of the new Sustainable Development Goals 2015–2030 [10]. From a development perspective, the focus is most of the time on mass sport and not elite sport [15, 16]. In a development context, sport generally includes a wide range of activities adapted to people of all ages and abilities, with an emphasis on the positive values of sport [10]. Sport is used to reach the most needy, including refugees; child soldiers; victims of conflict and natural disasters; poor people; people with disabilities; and victims of racism, stigma, and discrimination [14, 17, 18].
\nBeyond descriptions of SDP programs and contributions from international organizations, researchers examined the SDP field and analyze the benefits of these programs on individual development, health promotion and disease prevention, gender equality promotion, social integration, peace-building or conflict prevention and resolution, and assistance after a disaster or trauma, among others [13, 14]. At the moment, four main types of research that have been conducted around SDP can be identified: (1) macrosociological studies on the positive attributes of SDP; (2) exploratory field and case studies; (3) studies on the management and evaluation of SDP programs; and (4) literature reviews on SDP.
\nFirst, researchers are conducting a large number of macrosociological studies to question the so-called positive attributes of sport by raising its potential abuses [11, 12, 19, 20, 21]. For example, Kidd [14, 22] conducted extensive literature reviews describing the landscape of the SDP movement. According to the author, SDP initiatives were motivated by athlete activism, the reaction to the fall of apartheid and made openings possible by the end of the Cold War, the neoliberal emphasis on entrepreneurship and mass mobilizations for “Make Poverty History,” as part of a major focus of UN political development and the SDP International Working Group [14, 22]. The current results of these global studies show that despite the potential benefits of sport, these positive social impacts do not automatically accumulate. Achieving positive impacts require professional and socially responsible interventions that are adapted to the social and cultural context, prioritize development objectives, and are carefully designed to be inclusive [10, 17, 23]. Nevertheless, some authors note the lack of scientific literature regarding the understanding of the specific mechanisms by which sport can foster development and peace among participants [9, 24, 25].
\nSecond, some researchers have used several exploratory methodologies to conduct field case studies [26, 27, 28]. For example, Oxford [27] focused on the social inclusion of young Colombian women through football, a traditionally very male sport. The researcher conducted a 6-month ethnographic study in Colombian neighborhoods of the SDP organization to explore the social, cultural, and historical complexities surrounding the safe practice of girls’ sports. Whitley et al. [28] attempted to question key players in SDP about their experiences and expertise in the field. The study provided a better understanding of the limit, the lack of efficiency and equity in practices as well as a concrete impact that they felt was unclear. The study concludes with a list of recommendations to improve SDP field work, research partnerships, and evaluation collaborations in a more rigorous way. Finally, some authors such as Gadais et al. also aim to develop research methods adapted to the SDP field, which is often unstable, complex, or unsafe [26]. The authors intended to implement analyses and methods from a distance and on the field to better understand SDP organizations and their needs in order to better support them in their work.
\nThird, researchers are also interested in questions of program evaluation and management of SDP activities. On the one hand, SDP organizations are frequently approached by the funding agencies to conduct SDP program evaluation studies. This is a classic way of observing the impact of sport on social change [29, 30, 31]. The evaluation studies examined various aspects of the missions and paradigms of SDP projects [30, 32, 33]. A literature review conducted by Levermore [30] revealed three major limitations to SDP evaluation studies: (a) monitoring and evaluation are insufficient; (b) they are conducted with acclaimed programs; and (c) they tend to use a positivist logical framework (Levermore [30]). Levermore concluded his analysis by stressing the need for evaluations that can take into account the diversity of SDP projects, some of which have unclear objectives or missing justifications. Indeed, their objectives and strategies remain unclear and questionable in relation to fully implemented program evaluation protocols [30, 34]. Programs should be evaluated using solid methodological documentation on logical frameworks and critical participatory approaches to try to apply these approaches to specific case studies or to consider their use in the context of a particular sporting event [30]. On the other hand, some researchers aim to strengthen the managerial aspects of SDP projects to improve their functioning, management, or implementation mechanisms [34, 35, 36, 37]. Often, the overall idea is to build connections between the theory generated by macrosociological studies and field case studies. Sport management specialists have begun to critically review and evaluate SDP initiatives, and they are now more strategically planned and pedagogically solid than before. For example, Schulenkorf [37] reviewed the main achievements of sport management research and classifies current research under four headings: (a) SDP programming and design; (b) sustainable management and capacity-building; (c) creation and optimization of impacts and outcomes; and (d) conceptual/theoretical advances. Finally, he suggested that future research could focus on the managerial concepts of leadership, entrepreneurship, and design thinking to maximize the potential of sport (management) to contribute to desired, innovative, and sustainable outcomes for community development.
\nFourth, three literature reviews have been conducted on SDP. Until 2016, there was little research to synthesize research on SDP. There was no mapping to know what projects existed and to have an overview of the situation at the global level. In 2017, the review conducted by Svensson and Woods [38] addressed this gap by providing a systematic overview of SDP organizations. While the precise locations of action of SDP organizations remain largely unknown, this review has focused these efforts and on the physical and sporting activities used in the programs. It provided an opportunity to review the practice of SDPs in order to provide an overview of the current state of the field: 955 entities involved in SDP practices were identified based on a systematic review of 3138 organizational entries in the SDP databases. The majority of organizations operate programs in Africa, but many are present in Europe, North America, Asia, and Latin America, with more than 80% of them having their headquarters in the same region. Education, livelihoods, and health emerged as the most common themes, while disability and gender were less represented. A total of 32 types of sports have been identified, one-third is only based on football (soccer). In relation to positive youth development (PYD) through sport, Jones et al. [39] conducted an analysis of how sport is a mechanism for achieving various development objectives. The review shows that this link between sport and development is not inherent and depends not only on a variety of programs and activities but also on contextual factors. The positive potential of sport does not develop automatically; it requires a professional and socially responsible intervention, adapted to the social and cultural context [17, 23, 30]. Finally, Schulenkorf et al. [8] conducted an integrated analysis of the literature on sport for development to provide a comprehensive and holistic picture of the sector. Despite the significant increase in published research in the field of sport for development, there has been no attempt to rigorously review and synthesize scientific contributions in this field so far. The paper shows an upward trend in scientific publications since 2000, with an emphasis on social and educational outcomes related to youth sport, with football (soccer) being the most common activity. The vast majority of SDP research has been conducted at the community level, where qualitative approaches dominate (70% of conceptual and qualitative methods). The authors also noted an interesting paradox regarding the geographical contexts of the studies: a majority of the projects are carried out in Africa, Asia, and Latin America, but 74% of the study fields and 90% of the SDP authors are based in North America, Europe, and Australia.
\nAccording to the Journal of Sport for Development, several research themes have been identified in relation to SDP (Table 1).
\nThematics | \nDescriptions | \n
---|---|
Sport and disability | \nSport and disability focuses on research related to sport as a vehicle for the development, access, inclusion, and human rights of people with disabilities. This section encourages critical thinking and diversity of perspectives, welcoming research at the intersection of theory and practice. | \n
Sport and education | \nSport and education presents research and case studies related to interventions that use sport to advance education, youth development, and life skills. Rather than focusing on sport education, this section discusses the role of sport in achieving the academic and social outcomes of youth. | \n
Sport and gender | \nThe theme on sport and gender presents research and case studies related to interventions using sport to promote gender equality, challenge gender norms, and empower girls and women in disadvantaged environments. | \n
Sport and health | \nSport and health presents a wide range of outcomes associated with physical, mental, and social well-being. This is the effect of SDP programs on the risk factors for communicable and non-communicable diseases, including the direct effect of sports programs on physical activity. It also examines the role that sport can play in preventive education and health promotion interventions. | \n
Sport and livelihoods | \nThe theme on sport and livelihoods presents research and case studies on interventions using sport to improve the livelihoods of disadvantaged people, from programs focusing on vocational skills training to rehabilitation and social enterprise. | \n
Sport and peace | \nSport and peace focuses on projects that use sport as a vehicle for reconciliation and peace-building. The concept of peace is broadly defined to include connotations of personal, community, and social well-being, as well as the absence of conflict and tension between groups. In particular, this section examines the possibilities of creating peace between individuals and groups in socially, culturally, or ethnically divided societies. | \n
Sport and social cohesion | \nThe sport and social cohesion theme includes projects in the areas of community empowerment, social inclusion/integration, and diversity management. It focuses on social impact assessments and capacity-building initiatives that can lead to social cohesion, skills enhancement, and overall community development. | \n
Research themes related to the SDP field.
Bel Avenir (BA) is a Malagasy NGO working in the southern region of Madagascar, through social projects, focusing on “education as a vehicle of development.” BA carries out activities in various fields of education for young disadvantaged populations in Madagascar, particularly in Toliara and Fianarantsoa. The field of education includes: (a) formal education in two schools, (b) non-formal education including a school of sports and a music and arts center, among others, (c) awareness-raising projects, such as international inter-school exchanges, or publications of Malagasy stories. Thus, the organization offers a holistic approach to education for development and the SDP proposed by its school of sports, which is only one of its various services. The country is severely affected by extreme poverty, malnutrition, severe hygiene and health problems, child labor problems (mining or prostitution), corruption in society, and frequent political crises. In this sense, BA works in a complex context, most often difficult, unstable, and sometimes insecure, where reality could be ephemeral. BA is finally a member of the international network Agua de Coco, based in eight countries, and mobilized around children’s rights.
\nTwo research projects are currently running to support and strengthen BA’s projects. The first study attempts to develop a methodology that uses the Actantial Model [40] and the Snakes and Ladders [7] to analyze and understand the NGO’s situation from a distance [41]. By using the NGO’s annual reports and comparing them to reality, the researchers are developing a methodology to verify whether a research can be successfully conducted in collaboration with the local organization. A second study, focusing on the needs of the NGO, aims to measure the effects of sports (school of sports) and artistic activities (arts and music center) [42] in order to understand their consequences on the psychological and social well-being of disadvantaged youth. This research also aims to strengthen monitoring and evaluation tools for young people and to set up a psychological unit to monitor young people in their development.
\nThe non-profit organization Pour 3 points (P3P), established in Montreal, Canada, since 2013, uses sport as a tool to promote the development of youth in socio-economically disadvantaged neighborhoods. More specifically, P3P offers a 2-year life coaching training program for young Canadians who are interested in coaching and are willing to make a long-term commitment to the program and to disadvantaged communities. Their role is to learn how to support young people in their lives and to help them to avoid dropping out of primary or secondary school, and to support those who experience learning problems or have serious behavioral problems. By being well trained, coaches can help young people develop the skills they need to succeed in school and in their life. After parents, coaches are the most influential adults in the lives of young athletes according to P3P. This influence is felt not only in the teaching of the game but also in the teaching of life.
\nCoaches are recruited at the time of enrolment in the training program, based on the skills required to become life coaches while becoming sport coach in one of the organization’s partner schools. Each year, the program recruits approximately 15 coaches who participate in a 4-day training retreat, five peer discussion circles, five formal training sessions, and three personal evaluations each year, all under the supervision of a development consultant.
\nSeveral research projects have been conducted with P3P. A first study conducted on the P3P training program [43], examined coaches’ perceptions based on a humanist coaching workshop they received in their training. The results revealed that coaches perceive positive results in autonomy, communication, skills, motivation, and willingness to help their athletes’ teammates. A second study was conducted to strengthen the organization’s logic model to identify indicators for subsequent program evaluation. The results showed differences in the understanding of the program between key stakeholders. Recommendations from research allowed P3P administrators to reframe their theory of change [44]. This study was designed in collaboration with P3P administrators to help them improve their logic model and prepare their program evaluation. The idea for this research came directly from the P3P administrators and the researchers acted as facilitators.
\nSeveral tensions can be noted between the needs of practitioners and their realities on the field with the possibilities of SDP research. The aim is to identify them and then propose a plan for action and research (Table 2).
\nSDP practice | \nAxis of tensions | \nSDP theory or research | \n
---|---|---|
Practical needs of SDP | \nNeeds for research | \n|
Evaluate effects or impacts of the SDP projects | \n\n | \nNeed for indicators/criteria to conduct evaluation | \n
Projects are imperfect and need be improve | \n\n | \nNeed to critic projects but also support actors and organizations | \n
Reinforce administration team and management work | \n\n | \nNeed to reinforce management elements of projects | \n
What is the finality/use/form of SDP? | \n\n | \nNeed to identify the types of SDP and needs about thematics | \n
What is the qualification/training of SDP personal/staff | \n\n | \nNeed for research on training | \n
Reality field could be unsecure, unstable, complex, dangerous | \n\n | \nNeed to improve quality of research and have adapted tools for investigation | \n
Tensions between practice and theory on SDP.
First, we can observe a first axis of tension around program evaluation. On the one hand, SDP organizations are often asked by their donors to conduct program evaluations. This allows them to justify the rationale for their projects and to demonstrate the effectiveness of their actions. However, if these evaluations are not well planned, negative results can be found that compromise projects. SDP organizations often call on researchers to help them conduct their program evaluation because it is a time-consuming process. On the other hand, researchers need precise and specific criteria to conduct a relevant program evaluation. Unfortunately, few projects are able to provide evaluators with these very important indicators to conduct a fair and meaningful evaluation.
\nSecond, SDP projects are rarely perfect in their planning and implementation because they face limited resources and highly changing contexts. As well, it is necessary for administrators to make constant adjustments to improve the implementation and realization of their projects. While SDP projects are criticized by researchers in demonstrating several nonsense between the aims and actions of the project, it remains true that researchers would also benefit from offering a support and collaboration service to try to solve the field difficulties encountered by the actors.
\nThirdly, another axis of tension can be detected on the managerial aspects of SDP projects. On the one hand, the administrations of organizations are increasingly developing with their projects. As they do so, they must strengthen their structure and organization, which is often dependent on the financial and human resources at their disposal. On the other hand, researchers have started to conduct several studies to better understand the managerial aspects of SDP organizations, and it would be relevant if these studies could strengthen the organizational aspects of SDP projects which often do not have much support.
\nFourthly and for the time being, few differences have been made in SDP projects between those aimed at elite sport, competition, physical education, physical activity for leisure, or another theme such as health education through SDP. In our opinion, there is a very important tension about the purpose, use, and form that the SDP can represent and be truly in field projects. While several texts have been written to attempt to highlight these elements, few studies have attempted to go further in understanding what the SDP really is. This research seems essential to us to make the difference between the various forms of SDP and their multiple uses. This will eventually make it possible to identify new themes to investigate around the SDP.
\nFifth, there are currently many questions around who are the people who work with the populations in SDP, what are their training or qualifications? While the research strongly recommends the use of sport supervised by qualified and trained personnel, few studies have focused on the profiles and the training of those people who work in the field every day. On this axis of tension, research must propose areas of response to strengthen field actions. And on this point, it is therefore necessary for researchers to go down to the field to see and understand the reality of the projects.
\nFinally, SDP fields are often dangerous and unsafe as they are located in humanitarian crisis or international development situations. These situations can change in a few minutes and working in this environment is therefore extremely unstable. They also face very complex realities in which it is necessary to take into account as many elements as possible in order to operate. Faced with the reality of this type of terrain, researchers must adapt their work. In particular, research methods and tools must evolve to adapt to a changing reality and to conditions that are sometimes very inappropriate for conducting a traditional research project. These adaptations are necessary to improve the quality of research in SDP’s fields.
\nSDP research now offers a better understanding of the movement and allows practitioners to better orient themselves in their use of sport for development. However, the research also raised a set of concrete issues for field projects and some questions remain unanswered at this time. Following the results of the latest studies, six main areas of work should be considered to guide further research on SDP.
Provide a space for reflection (criticize vs. support): current research is often critical of SDP projects and too rarely supports or improves the action of actors in the field. However, it seems important to strengthen the work of the actors while continuing to question their actions and achievements. In this sense, the researcher must offer a space for joint reflection with the actors in the field;
Use a collaborative or partnership approach to conduct research (be a facilitator): one of the roles of research is to help solve practitioners’ problems. Specifically in the domain of SDP, field actors express difficulties and needs that must be listened in order to co-construct research projects. In this sense, the researcher should act as a facilitator to support the projects and the work of the actors while continuing to criticize them in his/her support;
Starting from the concrete angle of the field: to be able to fully understand the nuances of the context and/or the environment of the SDP actors, researchers are invited to be as close as possible to reality, and to step into the field as possible. This element is essential to build a relationship of trust with the actors to help them by understanding their background and endings as much as possible;
Seek interdisciplinary research: SDP themes are complex and often overlap with scientific knowledge from several research fields (e.g., sociology, psychology, and education). Researchers from several scientific disciplines must be open and work together as much as possible, in order to have the most precise and complex understanding of the phenomena that are difficult to capture from a single angle. Research must provide a better understanding of the multiple issues and the complexity of the issues, problems, and realities;
Propose better quality of research: it also seems relevant to us to question how to carry out better quality research on ephemeral or unstable fields, when access is considered complex and dangerous. This requires, among other things, the development of methods able to adapt and respond to the requirements of the domain as well as to the various fields of investigation;
Clarify the uses of SDP: finally, it seems essential to us to question the type of sport for development and peace that is used in the various contexts of SDP. More specifically, is it competitive sport, physical education, physical activity, health education, or any other form? On this subject, Hills et al. [45] had opened up interesting avenues for reflection by mentioning sport + and + sport [46], sport for social inclusion [24], sport as a universal language [1, 24], sport as a diversion [47], as a replacement or alternative [48], as a hook [49, 50] or for life skills [51, 52], among others.
This chapter aimed to present the field of SDP, its origins, its evolution, the research that has been carried out so far, as well as illustrations to give the reader a better idea of what “Sport for Development and Peace” is. However, answering the question “what is the SDP?” is not easy given that this field is vast, complex, and constantly changing in practice.
\nIn conclusion, three main elements can be remembered: (1) a large number of projects and programs have been developed since the 2000s, mainly in Africa, Latin America, and Asia, with football being the main sport [8, 38]. Other various forms of physical activity and sports (e.g., physical education, competitive sport, and leisure activities) have also been used in order to achieve development or peace and related topics; (2) research on SDP has intensified since 2010 [8]; and it can be grouped into four main categories of studies: macrosociological, exploratory field studies, managerial and program evaluation, and literature reviews; (3) several challenges and tensions remain to be resolved in order to accomplish quality research that will truly help and support actors from the field who use SDP.
\nWe can finally return to the proposals of Baron de Coubertin and Mandela, who were very visionary in using sport as a vehicle for development and as a means of establishing peace. Because today, many organizations such as the United Nations prefers to rely on the universal potential of sport or other non-formal recreation to resolve conflicts and educate future generations, rather than traditional institutions such as schools or governments.
\nThe author would like to acknowledge all research collaborators (Arvisais, O., Ayoub, M-B., Bardocz-Bencsik M., Belanger, C., Charland, P., Caicedo, J-C., Dalcourt-Malenfant, S., Decarpentrie, L., Falcão W. Parlavecchio, L., Rouzaut, M., Varela, N., and Webb, A.) and also send a special thanks to all field partners of SDP researches (Bel Avenir, Escuela de communidad—Cuidad Bolivar, P3P, Conseil de Bande des Premieres Nations d’Opitciwan).
\nThe author declares no conflict of interest.
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