Overview of known Armenian manuscripts on horse medicine.
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\r\n\tThe authors are cordially invited to express their knowledge and awareness in this domain, to share their unpublished clinical trials pertaining to any type of STT, to analyse any new data emerged from their studies and to display their information in a methodical way, so that we may present an original book with novel and useful medical material.
In recent years, much research has been dedicated to the cross-cultural and cross-religious aspects of the encounters of peoples from the Christian West and the predominantly Muslim East during the Crusades. The role of the small Oriental-Christian kingdoms and principalities both geographically and culturally located between Europe and Asia was, however, very rarely taken into account.
Equine medicine occupies a prominent role: hippiatric treatises were widely circulated, translated, and adapted. According to tradition, Greco-Roman and Byzantine works lost in Europe in the Middle Ages were preserved in Arabic libraries in translations from the original Greek to Arabic. These texts returned to Europe in the Renaissance, with a greater or lesser influence of Muslim/Eastern knowledge on European. Detailed analyses show that even if European writings provided the basis for Arabic hippiatric books, the Arabs also referred to the knowledge of Indian medicine and their own local practices. Yet none of these studies question how and where European and Eastern traditions met, and whether there were any cultural intermediaries.
Only gradually, researchers began to understand the historical significance of a corridor country and significant negotiator with the peoples of the Far East: the Armenian principality and later Kingdom of Cilicia between the eleventh and fourteenth centuries. Despite religious and linguistic differences, mutual influences were revealed, which help to identify socio-cultural parallels, particularly concerning royal courts.
In addition to the royal treasury, manuscripts, noble horses, and court physicians were among the most respected possessions in many royal and noble courts.
Medical works first appear in Armenian literature with the early translations from Greek into Armenian of the works of Galen (199 AD) by the Armenian philosopher David Anhałt (fifth century). During the age of Hunayn (prior to the ninth century), a translation followed from a Syriac version and the most comprehensive version of Galen’s text was made from Arabic to Armenian in the period covered by the ninth to tenth centuries.
Genuinely Armenian medical literature only emerged in the medieval period, in the Armenian principality and the later Kingdom of Cilicia (1081–1375). Veterinary medicine developed later, initially under the influence of the secondary Armenian translation of the Byzantine compilation on agriculture, known as Geoponica. In this translation, we find the first chapters on horse medicine ever written in the Armenian language, in book 16, chapters 284–310.
From the eleventh century onward, Armenians experienced a striking acceleration of medical activities thanks to the patronage of the Cilician rulers and later royal dynasties. The number of surviving or known Armenian horse treatises is modest [1].
Medieval manuscripts—remarkable books painstakingly written and decorated by hand—are regarded some of the most precious objects produced in medieval times. Another precious object was the horse in the medieval aristocratic society. The horse cannot be dissociated from knighthood. The horses of the high-ranking knights and kings have been considered representatives of royal power, physical strength, beauty, and elegance. They were precious and expensive creatures; so, their training, care, and health were of paramount importance for their owners. Kings very often employed their own horse specialists, farriers, horse doctors or mounted militarists, often named by the rank of marshal or constable (Table 1).
MS | Title | Folios | Date | Place | Scribe | State of Art | Comment |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
About the treatment of horses | ? | 1263? | Baghdad | Step’anos | Not preserved. Only mentioned in colophon of F278, BNF | Commissioned by King Het’um I | |
M10975 | Medical book for horse and mount | 185 | 1296–96 | Sis | T’oros & Farač the Syrian | Edited 1984. Translated and analyzed | Commissioned by King Smbat |
V2385 | Copied from the Medical book for mount | 6 | — | — | — | Edited 1867. Translated and analyzed | Copy of M10975 |
M11161 | Medical book for horses | 287 | 1504 | Sivas | — | Unedited. Superficially analyzed | Copy of M10975 |
M459 | Medical book for horse, mule and donkey | 21 | 1696 | Hogac’ Vank’ | Łazar Amt’ec’i | Unedited; interlinear translation, tentative analysis | Obviously not related to M10975 |
M550 | On the diseases and ulcers of the horse | 2 | 1710? | — | — | Unedited. Superficially analyzed | Unclear relation to M109 |
Overview of known Armenian manuscripts on horse medicine.
And thus, it is not really surprising that kings and nobles combined the esteemed values of a medieval aristocratic society, namely manuscripts, royal steeds, and horse experts serving the king into one single prestigious object: a (professional) medical book on horses.
The Armenian institute for ancient manuscripts, Matenadaran, in Yerevan holds a unique, illustrated manuscript, codex M 10975, called “Medical book for horse and mount” [2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7].
At the beginning of the twentieth century, this manuscript was still found on the “List of Armenian Manuscripts of Tabriz” as MS 74, owned by tailor Širmazani [8]. It was donated to the Yerevan collection only in April 1987, by a private owner named Saračyan from Los Angeles.
The manuscript is a hippological and hippiatric book on 184 folios, containing 182 chapters and some illuminations. It was written in 1296–98 on behalf of the Cilician King Smbat, as can be read in the manuscript’s main colophon (f.184a):
Well, this medical book for horses and mounts was written to recognize the good and the bad [in a horse], on behalf of the Christ-loving 184a // and wise, thoughtful, witty, God-fearing King of the Armenians, Smbat.
And thus, I, the humble physician Farayč, on behalf of my lord, the holy king, took this [task] on me with great difficulty and translated this into a correct and clear language, for I was very well versed and have been trained in the art of healing in the big (city) Baghdad for many years. And I am a Syrian by origin and by faith, and by piety completely orthodox. And I worked on the translation of this medical book in the capital Sis [9].
Before we unfold the general history of this manuscript, its production, reception, and provenance, the socio-historical contexts of its time of production as well as the persons involved must be investigated. The efficacy and importance of this horse book will be tracked in the subsequent horse treatises both in the Armenian and the neighboring traditions.
Toward the end of the thirteenth century, after the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia had already fought on the side of the European Crusaders, the small Christian Kingdom was still under the protection of the Mongolian Ilkhanids. The Armenians fought on the side of the Mongols and the European Crusaders against the Islamic Middle East. The growing conflict with the Mamluks can be seen in this context of the Armenians’ involvement with the Mongols [10]. This alley brought the Armenians into first direct contact with the forces of the Mamluk Sultanate: the Mongol conquest of the Middle East in 1259 was heavily supported by the Armenian King Het’um I. The Mamluks, steadily replacing the Ayyubid masters in the Middle East, by 1250 already controlled Egypt after having it defended from the crusaders. They had succeeded in re-uniting the Muslim Middle East.
The conflict between Mamluks and Armenians broke out with the request of the Mameluk Sultan Baybars to the Armenian ruler Het’um I to break the alliance with the Mongols and give those territories and fortresses to the Mamluks that had been granted to the Cilician king through the alliance with the Mamluks [11]. From the first invasion of the Mamluks in Cilicia in 1266, decades of constant threat to the Christian Armenians began. In 1285, the Armenians had to sign a 10-year armistice under harsh conditions, but the Mamluks did not actually keep it. Already in 1292 another Mamluk invasion forced King Het’um II to abandon many towns. He abdicated in favor of his brother T’oros III and entered the monastery Mamistra. After a short interregnum of his younger brother Smbat, King Het’um II returned to the throne in the summer of 1299. Faced with a new attack by the Mameluks, he asked the Mongol Khan of Persia, Ghâzân, for support. In response, Ghâzân marched toward Syria with the support of Franks of Cyprus. The allied Armenians and Mongols defeated the Mamluks in the battle of Wadi al-Khazandar, 1299. In 1303, the Mongols tried to conquer Syria once again in larger numbers (approximately 80,000) along with the Armenians, but they were defeated at Homs on March 30, 1303. At this time, the Mongol leaders had already turned to Islam, and this put also the Armenian-Mongol alleys to the end [12].
The Armenian royal family of the Het’umids continued ruling the unstable Cilicia until the midst of the fourteenth century, but it could not resist attacks from the Mamluks any longer. The Armenian capital Sis fell to the Mamluks in 1375, and the final king, Levon V, died in exile in Paris in 1393 [13, 14].
Smbat was the king of the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia from 1296 to 1298. He was born in 1277 as one of the 16 children of king Levon II of Armenia and his wife Ker̥an of Lambron and was a representant of the Hetumid noble family.
Upon the death of King Levon II on February 6, 1289 AD, his surviving 11 children fought for control of the kingdom, and three of his sons managed to obtain the throne, mostly for relatively brief periods at a time. First to emerge as king was his son Het’um II [15]. Smbat seized the throne with the aid of his younger brother Kostandin while his brothers King Het’um II and prince T’oros visited Constantinople. In 1297, on a journey to the court of the Mongol ruler of Persia, Ghazan, Smbat received recognition of his position as king from Ghazan, which was necessary to legitimate his usurpation. He also received a bride from the Mongol Khan in order to form a matrimonial alliance. During his return to Cilicia, he came across his two brothers in the region of Caesarea and imprisoned them in the fortress of Barjraberd. In early 1298, Smbat even ordered T’oros to be strangled and Het’um to be blinded with a hot iron. This cruel action resulted in the rebellion of his former ally, Kostantin. Smbat was imprisoned, and Het’um was freed [16]. Smbat plotted again to resume the throne of his brother Het’um, meanwhile a Francisan monk, but he was imprisoned for the rest of his life.
Thus, Smbat reigned only for a period of 2 years; he, however, left essential objects to posterity that make him unforgettable: King Smbat had his own smaller bronze coins, called p’oł, minted, showing him on horseback and he commissioned a medical book for horses. And this makes him unforgettable in Armenian cultural history.
The reception of any manuscript can be measured by its output in the form of later copies and translations. In the later Armenian tradition, we do have at least two preserved Armenian copies of Smbat’s horse book.
In 1867, a Mekhitarist father published the text of a horse book fragment with the title “I grastu bžškaranēn p’oxac” (copied/taken form the medical book for mount) in the armenological journal Bazmavep [17], which we could identify with manuscript Ms 2385 of the Mekhitharist Library in Venice [18]. This text consists only of three folios and was attached to a (human) medical book that was commissioned by King Het’um II and copied by a Vardapet Mkrtič’ in 1294–1295, before Smbat seized his brother’s throne. It is still unclear whether these three folios were written by the same scribe and in the same time or whether they were copied later and just bound into this book. Thus, at the current state of research it is uncertain whether these three folios are a later copy of Smbat’s or of Het’ums horse book; the title, however, and obvious textual parallel speak for Smbat’s horse book [19].
In 2008, the Institute for Ancient Armenian Manuscripts was given a voluminous, damaged codex from the private property of the Nazumlean family of Isfahan. It was catalogued as MS 11161 and contains various medical treatises and a treatise on the care of horses. It has not been explored yet, but in our first analysis after the manuscript’s restoration in 2014 we discovered that the compilation’s third stratum, a medical book for horses, consisting of folios 210a–261b, was copied in 1504 in the town of Sebaste, present-day Sivas (Turkey). It represents definitely a reproduction of Smbat’s Cilician horse book, not an accurate copy, rather an adjusted and updated version.
If we dig deeper into Armenian medieval equine medicine, we see that the other surviving texts and fragments in Armenian language suggest that there was even an older Armenian horse treatise, written some decades before Smbat’s text.
In the main colophon of an Armenian chemistry and pharmacology treatise (Girk’ arvesti k’imiakan), codex 248, kept in the Bibliotheque Nationale de Paris, one gets the following information about another horse treatise on Ff. 34v [20]:
“King Het’um, who marched again the enemy sultan with an army of [corrupt writing] horsemen, massacred and destroyed everything, and he went with big honour to Baghdad […] and there a certain wise man, a deacon named Step’anos, with the king. This man had learnt plenty of languages and writings just like the former philosophers, and there was no writing, this man could not find. He was much loved by the Armenian king because of his knowledge and thus was asked by the King. And he translated three writings about the farriery (i.e. medical treatment) of horses and about how to make a sword…and he took them to the Armenian lands” [21].
These few lines lead us to believe that King Het’um I, one of the most colorful figures in the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia and grandfather of Smbat, had commissioned one or even more horse treatises based on an Arabic source, and that these had been brought to Cilicia in the 1260s.
Unfortunately, there is no trace of these Hetumian horse books; we have to rely only on the information from this colophon. But this leaves another question: are Hetum’s horse book and Smbat’s horse book related? Since there is no preserved copy of Het’ums horse books, a meticulous text comparison cannot answer this question. Therefore, we have to take a deeper look into the literature of the contemporary royal courts to see whether we find any traces of Het’um’s or any other Armenian horse book [22].
A certain Abū l-Faraǧ is named the author of an Aqra’bādīn (al-hayl) “Treatise about horses,” which is kept in the Dār-al-Kutub Library in Cairo [23].
Its introduction says that this treatise was translated from Armenian to Arabic by a certain Mah̥bub (al Armani) and his friend Abū l-Faraǧ, who knew Arabic thoroughly and was versed in many languages. It was commissioned by Mah̥mud b. Khalīfah Ya’qūb and the philosopher Sa’d Al-Dīn b. Z̥āhir al-‘Ajamī, during the reign of Sultan Baybars (i.e., 1260–1277). The colophon tells us that the Armenian king had removed the Arabic original from the school of Baghdad during the reign of Sultan Baybars [24]. This treatise most likely refers to the lost horse book of Het’um I. The mentioned manuscript in Cairo has not been analyzed yet—also because of the complicated access— but the information given in the collection’s catalogue states that many expressions to be found in the text are given in Armenian [25].
The Arabic equine literature also provides further information about several copies of this Arabic translation of Het’um’s horse treatise in London [26], Bethesda USA [27], and Gotha, Germany [28].
The Manuscript or.3133 of British Library was analyzed, literally translated and compared with the existing copy of the Armenian horse book of King Smbat.
In the introduction to the Arabic text, one reads that this text is a treatise on equine medicine:
“The Armenian king took the treatise out of the Dār al-cilm of the Caliph treasures in Baghdād ……. And it was an Arabic manuscript, which he brought to Armenia” [29].
In the first chapter the text continues,
“the one who translated the treatise from Armenian was called Mağbūb, the name of his friend was Abū l-Farağ, who spoke excellent Arabic ... .. And when the Armenian king took this treatise away from Bagdād, this was in the realm of Baybars, the ruler of Egypt ... ” [29].
The colophon gives an exact date of completion of the manuscript:
“The writing of the book was finished, with God’s help, on Thursday, the 11th ğumādā I of 1270” [29, 30].
This means, that the mentioned Arabic horse treatises kept in collections in Cairo, London, Bethesda, and Gotha are all based on the translation from the Armenian horse book of King Het’um I [31]. Historical sources additionally confirm this story. In 1258, joint Mongol-Armenian forces led by Het’um captured Bagdad.
The comparison of the Arabic translations of King Het’um’s horse book with the text of Smbat’s horse book of 1296–98 provokes an even greater confusion: the texts have striking similarities and textual parallels. Thus, a reverse conclusion is obvious: Smbat’s horse book was probably created on the basis of the Arabic translation of Het’um’s horse book.
The conclusion mentioned above could be supported by the key person in the production of the equine manuscripts: the compiler and translator of the Arabic and Armenian copies, the wise Abū l-Faraǧ of the Arabic and the Syrian physician Farač in the Armenian copies. Of course, it could be a simple similarity of names, but the description of a learned Syrian named Farač, who had an excellent command of Arabic and other languages, is found both in the Armenian and Arabic colophons and allows the conclusion that this is a single person. Thus, the Armenian designation as “wise Syrian Farač,” and, especially, the Arabic form Abū l-Faraǧ point to one of the most famous Syrian scholars at the time: Gregory Bar-Hebraeus [32, 33]. The famous Syrian polymath and Bishop Gregory Bar-Hebraeus (1226–1286) wrote and compiled in his numerous and elaborate treatises research in theology, philosophy, medicine, science, and history. Being in general proficient in several languages, he was also known as gifted translator from and into Arabic.
The speculations about Bar-Hebraeus’ involvement in the Armenian horse books could be confirmed not only by the name form Abū l-Faraǧ Ibn al-ʿIbrī commonly used in the Arabic sources, but also by the fact that the learned Syrian had studied medicine and also worked as a personal physician of the Ilkhan Hulegu Khan. He also had contact with the Cilician royal house and was ordained Primate of the East in 1264 in the Cilician capital Sis, in the presence of the Cilician King Het’um I. Moreover, the information provided by the Arabic colophons allows a dating of a translation of an Armenian horse book into Arabic during the reign of both King Het’um I and Mamluk Sultan Baybars and to the lifetime of Bar-Hebraeus. The argument in favor of Bar-Hebraeus may be reinforced by the fact that he was known in the Armenian tradition also very often by the Arabized form of his name, as Abu(l) Faraǰ.
Strong counterarguments are, however, the fact that there is no indication in Syrian, Arabic, Persian, Armenian, or other sources that Bar-Hebraeus ever translated from Armenian into Arabic on the one hand, and veterinary treatises, on the other.
The assumption that the same Abū l-Faraǧ was also responsible for the translation of an Arabic horse book into Armenian on behalf of King Smbat, 1296–98, is difficult to sustain due to the biographical data of Bar-Hebraeus, who had already died in Maraga, Persia, in 1286.
One can even argue that the Armenian priest T’oros may have been working alone on an already existing, earlier translation by the Syrian Farač/ Abū l-Faraǧ particularly taking the fact into account that Arabic terms describing horse coat colors, diseases, and remedies are very often rendered completely corrupt in the Armenian horse book of king Smbat. A person who is said to have an excellent command of Arabic would not use such corrupt Arabic terms in Armenian.
Another further proof of the importance of this horse book is a late translation into Georgian. The national library of Georgia holds the manuscript T 3467, a Georgian horse treatise copied in 1791 [34].
The colophons tell us that
“On May 18th, 1788, we, the High priest of Sioni in Tiflis, Ioane Osedze and the Armenian priest Ter-Petros, were asked by Giorgi [35], the first born son and heir of the King of Georgia Irakli II, to translate this treatise from Armenian into Georgian. The copy was finished on August 23rd, 1791” [36].
From the colophon we also learn that a certain “Parač’i” had translated the original Armenian treatise from Arabic in the Armenian year 953 (1503) in Sebaste (Sivas) and that the exact name of the treatise is “Medical book for horse and mount.” The Georgian translation was obviously based on the copy of Smbat’s horse book in Sebaste 2004, M11161 (Figure 1).
Presentation of the assumed transfer of knowledge and reception of Armenian equine medicine manuscripts between the thirteenth and nineteenth centuries.
Three of the given Armenian horse treatises, the Cilician horse book of king Smbat 1296–98, its not clearly dated Venice copy, and the voluminous Sivas reproduction of 1504, had been kept by private owners in the Armenian-inhabited settlements of Persia before they were donated to the Armenian manuscript collection in Yerevan. It is still one of the many unsolved mysteries of these Armenian horse books, how and when they ended up in Persia.
The Cilician noble families have been under the constant cultural influence of the Frankish kings for many decades, particularly due to the close relations with the European noble crusaders and the Staufer kings. It was Prince Levon II (1150–1219) who profited from this situation by improving relations with the Europeans. Cilician Armenia’s prominence in the region is attested by letters sent in 1189 by Pope Clement III to Levon and to Catholicos Gregory IV, in which he asks Armenian military and financial assistance to the crusaders. On January 6, 1199, Prince Levon II was crowned with great solemnity in the cathedral of Tarsus, in the presence of the Syrian patriarch, the Greek metropolitan of Tarsus, and numerous church dignitaries and military leaders. While he was crowned by the Catholicos Gregory VI of Cilicia, Levon received a banner with the insignia of a lion from Archbishop Conrad of Mainz in the name of Henry VI, Holy Roman Emperor. By securing his crown, he became the first King of Armenian Cilicia as King Levon I [13].
Cilician Armenians were attracted by European culture and art. It did not take long for them to absorb the findings and texts of European science and medicine. In addition to their local knowledge and that of the Muslim East they also started to include European knowledge, in particular also in horse breeding and training.
King Het’um I was a major player in the political struggles and shifting alliances during the Crusades, trying to keep ties with all sides, both in the West and the East. Perhaps he was not only fascinated by the Arabic equine treatises from Baghdad but also somewhat inspired by his European counterpart’s hippiatric book? In Europe, Jordanus Ruffus, chief marshal and close associate of Staufer emperor Frederick II, completed his very influential “Medicina Equorum” around 1250, which was commissioned by and dedicated to his emperor. We know that this work spread quite quickly from Italy through Europe as a result of the Italian equestrian schools. Can the mere fact, that one of the most important contemporary European monarchs has commissioned a horse book, have affected the Armenian King Het’um I who was much oriented toward Europe?
The growing influence of European equestrian art and equine knowledge cannot be investigated in the Het’um’s horse treatises, only guessed. Some 30 years later, however, this influence is clearly presented in the influential horse book of king Smbat, especially regarding breeding, training, and chivalrous tournaments (such as buhurt and jousting) [6]. The European influence was also increasingly reflected in some newly adopted Frankish terms in horsemanship, anatomy, and names of diseases, but hardly noticeable in farriery [37, 38].
In order to understand the history and interrelation of Armenian and Arabic horse treatises, not only the person of the “producer and translator,” the wise Syrian Farač/Abū l-Faraǧ, must be investigated, but also the socio-historical and scientific historical context. Moreover, the efficacy and importance of the Cilician Horse Book 1296–98 will be tracked in all subsequent texts—both Armenian copies and foreign translations. A range of local and foreign treatises will be checked: these are the supposed translations of an Armenian text into Arabic (13th c to 14th c) and into Georgian (18th c).
The meticulous comparison of all texts in question will perhaps also prove that the main source for all texts was an unknown Arabic text, which King Het’um I had discovered in Baghdad and which he had translated into Armenian. Further investigation of Armenian equine manuscripts and fragments will clarify what can be regarded as the actual starting point of the reception history of Armenian horse medicine.
This will be the goal of an interdisciplinary, international research project in the coming years.
Social media refers to the use of websites and applications to create and share content or to participate in social networking [1]. Technological developments have given rise to various gadgets including smart-phones, tablets, and laptops to robots too. Living in a digitized era, communication has now become easier and faster with the emergence of various social applications available at the click of a button. While many may agree that social media has connected individuals globally, it has also been used to set standards of beauty for males, females as well as the third gender. This in turn has been known to affect the self-esteem of individuals with regards to body image, body modification and how they view themselves in society. In order to be accepted in society females have to battle body image issues from a very young age, where thin is considered to be the ideal body type [2].
\nThis chapter focuses on the effects of social media on standards of beauty. We review the literature on the role of social media and how they affect the physical and psychological beauty of individuals in society.
\nToday, Social Media is one of the most important factors contributing to the mental, emotional, physical and spiritual health of an individual. With the media constantly portraying ideal beauty and body image comparisons, the decisions of men and women’s beauty choices are globally affected.
\n“Body image refers to a person’s perception of their physical self and the thoughts and feelings, positive, negative or both, which result from that perception” [3]. Social media has had a major impact on the perceptual, affective, cognitive and behavioral aspects of body image [3] by encouraging lean body patterns and delivering anti-obesity messages [4]. Eating disorders determine a distorted relationship between the individual, their eating behavior and body shape [5]. Adolescence being a crucial age for positive and negative development of body image, the self-esteem and body dissatisfaction adolescents feel are known predictors of eating disorders [6]. Continuous pursuit for the perfect slender lean body may generate negative feelings which can result in a change in eating behavior, thereby increasing the chances of weight issues and eating disorders [4, 7]. Social media portrays women who are slim as being more beautiful and successful compared to overweight women [8]. Body image misperception and dissatisfaction with body weight highlight an association between body dissatisfaction and psychological wellbeing [9].
\nBody image concerns are common in women and men globally, but social media has now increased these concerns through advertising, videos and the use of social media. Milkie [10] conducted in-depth interviews on 60 white and minority girls to examine the effect of media on self-esteem. Results indicated that most girls felt that the images shown in media were unrealistic and not real. White girls felt that boys evaluated them on the basis of the images found on media platforms whereas the minority girls felt that the images portrayed on media did not meet the expectations of the reference group they oriented themselves with. The evolution from adolescence to adulthood has seen 12–16 teenage girls experience emotional changes in interpersonal and intrapersonal development as well as bodily changes such as sudden weight gain and transition from a young girl to a fully grown woman [11, 12]. In today’s world, the self-presentation of beauty and perceptions of others plays an important role in developing identities in girls [13, 14]. New interactive platforms present in social media demonstrate how self-presentations and peer influences are interrelated with the standards of beauty [15]. Many women may imitate their ideal media personality due to the social, psychological and practical rewards associated with this ideal and the belief that their life would change for the better [16].
\nSocial media comprises of social networking sites, image sharing sites, video hosting sites, community blogs, bookmarking sites and gaming sites. Fellow comparisons about self-image and appearances in teenagers have resulted due to social networking sites (SNSs) such as Instagram and Facebook [17]. Teenage girls engage in online self-presentation of posting selfies and sharing the outfit of the day pictures to differentiate themselves with their peers [18]. Media images of ideal beauty standards influence the content and sharing of pictures teenage girls’ post [19]. Individuals are constantly seeking feedback on SNSs through likes, followers and comments to uphold a perfect and stable image of themselves [20]. Teenage girls are vulnerable to the upward comparison as it means that they need to improve their beauty standards, thereby leaving them dissatisfied with their physical bodies, having doubts about their self-worth and also driving them to self-harm behavior [20, 21].
\nTaking selfies and sharing them on popular social platforms such as Facebook, Instagram, Twitter and Snapchat has increased at an alarming rate during the recent years. A recent study compared selfie takers and non selfie takers and their perceptions of their selfies versus photographs clicked by others. Results indicated that selfie takers perceived themselves as more attractive and likable in their selfies as opposed to pictures taken by others leading to positive distortions of the self [22]. Biases in self-face recognition were seen in men and women in selecting the most attractive modified pictures of themselves [23]. Selfies are no harm per se. But obsession with physical features reveals a lack of holistic perception of self-generated sub-consciously, following an “outside” standard of beauty not defined by the “inner self” of the receiver.
\nPopular socialites Kim and Khloe Kardashian have been slammed with media reports of them using photoshop to edit Instagram selfies by making unrealistic alterations to look thinner and more toned. Emily Bryngelson, an associate designer struggling with an eating disorder, admitted to deleting pictures if they did not receive enough “likes.” The time spent on Facebook photos was linked to self-objectification, weight dissatisfaction, thin idealization and pursuit of thinness [15].
\nThere are multiple factors that affect the beauty standards in the world today, which involve women and men and the third gender individuals trying new trends to be socially accepted. The purchasing decisions of millennials are influenced majorly by social media [24]. 72% of millennials procure beauty products based on Instagram posts and other social networks [25]. Makeup consists of the application of cosmetic products to beautify or change the way one looks either artistically or to conceal flaws. Jang-Soon and Hye-Jin [26] investigated 240 teenage males’ preferences for makeup use. Results indicated that their appearance was one of the major reasons for their social success. The male respondents who were young, unmarried and city residents had an overall positive perception about cosmetics [26]. With bloggers constantly advertising on social media, cosmetic products, have gained popularity.
\nThe images on social media sites are idealized and unreal, due to digital alteration thereby setting high expectations from individuals in society. Imperfections are removed by airbrushing and using other digitized apps to whiten teeth, slim waists and reduce sizes in order to be accepted as beauty ideals [27]. These techniques may further lead to negative consequences of increased body dissatisfaction, body modification and low self-esteem issues. Unrealistic images of feminity, beauty, success and body shape promoted through social media images are associated with development of eating disorders and body dissatisfaction disorders [28, 29].
\nFilters and beauty apps represent another area in which social media has a major influence. Beauty apps encourage women to see and surveil themselves within a “pedagogy of defect” [30]. They include filters and modification apps, surgery try out apps, and esthetic benchmarking apps which help individuals visualize how they will look after certain changes such as teeth whitening, eye bag removal and also whether the individual looks old or young [31].
\n“Body modification refers to the deliberate or permanent altering of an individual’s human anatomy or appearance” [32]. They involve two aspects: the processes that modify form or contours of the body such as metabolic manipulation (weight lifting, extreme dieting, use of drugs/steroids, hormones), cosmetic surgeries and procedures (liposuction, face-lifts, rhinoplasty, botox, eye lash extensions), genital surgery and sex reassignment surgery, restriction or compression (waist training, foot binding), abrasion (teeth filing, scourging, flagellation), elongation (neck, lips, earlobes), partial or full removal of body parts (breasts, penis, ribs, nose etc.), implantation of foreign objects (silicone implants, decorative items under the skin), and prosthetics (false limbs, finger nails, lenses) and processes that mark the surface of the body such as tattooing, piercing, tanning/bleaching, scarification, branding and hair removal [32].
\nYoung women and teenage girls following fitness boards on Pinterest were likely to have intensions to engage in extreme crash dieting or extreme exercising as a result of social comparison leading them to feelings of inadequacy and body dissatisfaction [33, 34].
\nFrom professional athletes to celebrities, contouring, tattooing and body piercings has gained popularity in today’s society [35]. Individuals who get tattooed refer to it as a piece of art and piercing as fashion accessories, for the purpose of embellishment or as a self-healing effect after having being abused [36, 37, 38, 39]. A survey conducted at an American University found body piercings in 42% of men and 60% of women with piercings involving tongue, lips, nose, navel, genitals, nipple and eyebrow besides the earlobe piercing. Bacterial infections, bleeding and local trauma were common complications faced. “Tattoos were present in 22% of male students and 26% of female students” [40].
\nAnother reason why individuals engage in body modifications is to maintain self-identities and be distinctive from others [41, 42]. Physical endurance, lust for pain, spirituality and cultural traditions, addictions, resistance, sexual motives, group commitments are reasons why individuals adopt modification procedures [43]. Social Media has had a tremendous effect on how individuals perceive and endure painful tattooing and body modifications after viewing popular Instagram and Pinterest handles. Brief exposure to body modifications on popular social networking sites has seen an increase in tattoo searches and body modification procedures in young as well as older individuals, proving the impact of Social Media on Beauty trends in society.
\nSocial media has a robust influence on the beauty, health and hospitality industry with women and men engaging in weight loss and diets to avoid gaining fat identities that impacted their wellbeing in the long run [44, 45, 46]. Women and men have turned to waxing, shaving and removal of unwanted facial and body hair in order to meet the beauty standards of societal acceptance [47, 48]. Women who did not engage in hair removal were negatively evaluated as being dirty or gross [49, 50]. In 2010, a concept of living dolls emerged online with women practicing the art of appearing “doll like.” These women would engage in usage of wide rimmed contact lenses, hair extensions, corsets, photo editing and surgery including, eye widening, breast implants, liposuction and rib removal to enhance their beauty [31]. Even though women knew the risks in false eyelashes and acrylic nails, they still reported to be continuing to engage in it to feel socially accepted [31].
\nSocial networking sites such as Facebook, Instagram, Twitter and other networking sites have the potential to influence positive beliefs and attitudes in individuals [51]. The online platform has given many individuals a feeling of a “sense of belonging.” Men and women are obsessed with images on social media portals and often search for esthetic body types which are not similar to their own body. Instagram and Facebook often have stories of individuals who have fought hard to change beauty standards through sheer dedication and hard work, be it exercising, eating healthy or building self-esteem and body acceptance through support groups and communities found online. Blocking body shamers can help reinforce confidence in men and women globally. Promoting videos on life struggles with weight motivate others to believe in never giving up and taking charge of their lives. Today social media includes individuals of different race, gender, ethnicity and sexual orientation, thereby focusing more on breaking stereotypes and building communities to support each other.
\nWith technology advancing by the minute and newer apps surfacing online, social media has an immediate effect on beauty. Due to the ever changing body images depicted online, individuals are turning to social media handles for acceptance and support. The selfie culture has brought about a positive and negative change in how individuals perceive themselves. While most research today focuses on the negative impacts of social media on beauty, more interest should be laid on body positivity and using social media as a medium for self-acceptance whether beautified or not.
\nThese Terms and Conditions outline the rules and regulations pertaining to the use of IntechOpen’s website www.intechopen.com and all the subdomains owned by IntechOpen located at 5 Princes Gate Court, London, SW7 2QJ, United Kingdom.
',metaTitle:"Terms and Conditions",metaDescription:"These terms and conditions outline the rules and regulations for the use of IntechOpen Website at https://intechopen.com and all its subdomains owned by Intech Limited located at 7th floor, 10 Lower Thames Street, London, EC3R 6AF, UK.",metaKeywords:null,canonicalURL:"/page/terms-and-conditions",contentRaw:'[{"type":"htmlEditorComponent","content":"By accessing the website at www.intechopen.com you are agreeing to be bound by these Terms of Service, all applicable laws and regulations, and agree that you are responsible for compliance with any applicable local laws. Use and/or access to this site is based on full agreement and compliance of these Terms. All materials contained on this website are protected by applicable copyright and trademark laws.
\\n\\nThe following terminology applies to these Terms and Conditions, Privacy Statement, Disclaimer Notice, and any or all Agreements:
\\n\\n“Client”, “Customer”, “You” and “Your” refers to you, the person accessing this website and accepting the Company’s Terms and Conditions;
\\n\\n“The Company”, “Ourselves”, “We”, “Our” and “Us”, refers to our Company, IntechOpen;
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\\n\\nAny use of the above terminology, or other words in the singular, plural, capitalization and/or he/she or they, are taken as interchangeable.
\\n\\nUnless otherwise stated, IntechOpen and/or its licensors own the intellectual property rights for all materials on www.intechopen.com. All intellectual property rights are reserved. You may view, download, share, link and print pages from www.intechopen.com for your own personal use, subject to the restrictions set out in these Terms and Conditions.
\\n\\nWe employ the use of cookies. By using the IntechOpen website you consent to the use of cookies in accordance with IntechOpen’s Privacy Policy. Most modern day interactive websites use cookies to enable the retrieval of user details for each visit. On our site, cookies are predominantly used to enable functionality and ease of use for those visiting the site.
\\n\\nIn no circumstances shall IntechOpen or its suppliers be liable for any damages (including, without limitation, damages for loss of data or profit, or due to business interruption) arising out of the use, or inability to use, the materials on IntechOpen's websites, even if IntechOpen or an IntechOpen authorized representative has been notified orally or in writing of the possibility of such damage. Some jurisdictions do not allow limitations on implied warranties, or limitations of liability for consequential or incidental damages; consequently, these limitations may not apply to you.
\\n\\nIntechopen.com website content and services are provided on an "AS IS" and an "AS AVAILABLE" basis. Material appearing on www.intechopen.com could include minor technical, typographical, or photographic errors. IntechOpen may make changes to any material contained on its website at any time without notice.
\\n\\nIntechOpen has no formal affiliation to any external sites that link to www.intechopen.com, unless otherwise specifically stated. As such, it is not responsible for content that appears on any such sites. The inclusion of any link to IntechOpen does not imply endorsement by IntechOpen. Use of any such linked website is done solely at the user's own discretion.
\\n\\nWe reserve the right of ownership over our entire website www.intechopen.com, and all contents. By using our services, you agree to remove all links to our website immediately upon request. We also reserve the right to amend these Terms and Conditions and our linking policy at any time. By continuing to link to our website, you agree to be bound to, and abide by, these linking Terms and Conditions.
\\n\\nIf you find any link on our website, or any linked website, objectionable for any reason, please Contact Us. We will consider all requests to remove links but will have no obligation to do so.
\\n\\nWithout prior approval and express written permission, you may not create frames around our web pages or use other techniques that alter in any way the visual presentation or appearance of our website.
\\n\\nIntechOpen may revise its Terms of Service for its website at any time without notice. By using this website, you are agreeing to be bound by the current version of all Terms at the time of use.
\\n\\nThese Terms and Conditions are governed by and construed in accordance with the laws of the United Kingdom and you irrevocably submit to the exclusive jurisdiction of the courts in London, United Kingdom.
\\n\\nCroatian version of Terms and Conditions available here
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\n\nThe following terminology applies to these Terms and Conditions, Privacy Statement, Disclaimer Notice, and any or all Agreements:
\n\n“Client”, “Customer”, “You” and “Your” refers to you, the person accessing this website and accepting the Company’s Terms and Conditions;
\n\n“The Company”, “Ourselves”, “We”, “Our” and “Us”, refers to our Company, IntechOpen;
\n\n“Party”, “Parties”, or “Us”, refers to both the Client and ourselves, or either the Client or ourselves.
\n\nAll Terms refer to the offer, acceptance, and consideration of payment necessary to provide assistance to the Client in the most appropriate manner, whether by formal meetings of a fixed duration, or by any other agreed means, for the express purpose of meeting the Client’s needs in respect of provision of the Company’s stated services/products, and in accordance with, and subject to, the prevailing laws of the United Kingdom.
\n\nAny use of the above terminology, or other words in the singular, plural, capitalization and/or he/she or they, are taken as interchangeable.
\n\nUnless otherwise stated, IntechOpen and/or its licensors own the intellectual property rights for all materials on www.intechopen.com. All intellectual property rights are reserved. You may view, download, share, link and print pages from www.intechopen.com for your own personal use, subject to the restrictions set out in these Terms and Conditions.
\n\nWe employ the use of cookies. By using the IntechOpen website you consent to the use of cookies in accordance with IntechOpen’s Privacy Policy. Most modern day interactive websites use cookies to enable the retrieval of user details for each visit. On our site, cookies are predominantly used to enable functionality and ease of use for those visiting the site.
\n\nIn no circumstances shall IntechOpen or its suppliers be liable for any damages (including, without limitation, damages for loss of data or profit, or due to business interruption) arising out of the use, or inability to use, the materials on IntechOpen's websites, even if IntechOpen or an IntechOpen authorized representative has been notified orally or in writing of the possibility of such damage. Some jurisdictions do not allow limitations on implied warranties, or limitations of liability for consequential or incidental damages; consequently, these limitations may not apply to you.
\n\nIntechopen.com website content and services are provided on an "AS IS" and an "AS AVAILABLE" basis. Material appearing on www.intechopen.com could include minor technical, typographical, or photographic errors. IntechOpen may make changes to any material contained on its website at any time without notice.
\n\nIntechOpen has no formal affiliation to any external sites that link to www.intechopen.com, unless otherwise specifically stated. As such, it is not responsible for content that appears on any such sites. The inclusion of any link to IntechOpen does not imply endorsement by IntechOpen. Use of any such linked website is done solely at the user's own discretion.
\n\nWe reserve the right of ownership over our entire website www.intechopen.com, and all contents. By using our services, you agree to remove all links to our website immediately upon request. We also reserve the right to amend these Terms and Conditions and our linking policy at any time. By continuing to link to our website, you agree to be bound to, and abide by, these linking Terms and Conditions.
\n\nIf you find any link on our website, or any linked website, objectionable for any reason, please Contact Us. We will consider all requests to remove links but will have no obligation to do so.
\n\nWithout prior approval and express written permission, you may not create frames around our web pages or use other techniques that alter in any way the visual presentation or appearance of our website.
\n\nIntechOpen may revise its Terms of Service for its website at any time without notice. By using this website, you are agreeing to be bound by the current version of all Terms at the time of use.
\n\nThese Terms and Conditions are governed by and construed in accordance with the laws of the United Kingdom and you irrevocably submit to the exclusive jurisdiction of the courts in London, United Kingdom.
\n\nCroatian version of Terms and Conditions available here
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