Descriptive values of ant and child anthropometrics and Bayley Scales of Infant Development scores.
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More than half of the publishers listed alongside IntechOpen (18 out of 30) are Social Science and Humanities publishers. IntechOpen is an exception to this as a leader in not only Open Access content but Open Access content across all scientific disciplines, including Physical Sciences, Engineering and Technology, Health Sciences, Life Science, and Social Sciences and Humanities.
\\n\\nOur breakdown of titles published demonstrates this with 47% PET, 31% HS, 18% LS, and 4% SSH books published.
\\n\\n“Even though ItechOpen has shown the potential of sci-tech books using an OA approach,” other publishers “have shown little interest in OA books.”
\\n\\nAdditionally, each book published by IntechOpen contains original content and research findings.
\\n\\nWe are honored to be among such prestigious publishers and we hope to continue to spearhead that growth in our quest to promote Open Access as a true pioneer in OA book publishing.
\\n\\n\\n\\n
\\n"}]',published:!0,mainMedia:null},components:[{type:"htmlEditorComponent",content:'
Simba Information has released its Open Access Book Publishing 2020 - 2024 report and has again identified IntechOpen as the world’s largest Open Access book publisher by title count.
\n\nSimba Information is a leading provider for market intelligence and forecasts in the media and publishing industry. The report, published every year, provides an overview and financial outlook for the global professional e-book publishing market.
\n\nIntechOpen, De Gruyter, and Frontiers are the largest OA book publishers by title count, with IntechOpen coming in at first place with 5,101 OA books published, a good 1,782 titles ahead of the nearest competitor.
\n\nSince the first Open Access Book Publishing report published in 2016, IntechOpen has held the top stop each year.
\n\n\n\nMore than half of the publishers listed alongside IntechOpen (18 out of 30) are Social Science and Humanities publishers. IntechOpen is an exception to this as a leader in not only Open Access content but Open Access content across all scientific disciplines, including Physical Sciences, Engineering and Technology, Health Sciences, Life Science, and Social Sciences and Humanities.
\n\nOur breakdown of titles published demonstrates this with 47% PET, 31% HS, 18% LS, and 4% SSH books published.
\n\n“Even though ItechOpen has shown the potential of sci-tech books using an OA approach,” other publishers “have shown little interest in OA books.”
\n\nAdditionally, each book published by IntechOpen contains original content and research findings.
\n\nWe are honored to be among such prestigious publishers and we hope to continue to spearhead that growth in our quest to promote Open Access as a true pioneer in OA book publishing.
\n\n\n\n
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As developing countries improve their economies, they increase the availability of food and, theoretically, can meet the food needs of their population. However, the current situation of the problem shows that the phenomenon of food consumption is intricate; a direct relationship between a country’s economic growth and reducing the risk of malnutrition is not always observed [1].
\nIn addition to the macroeconomic factors, other variables of the physical and social context affect the availability of food. The physical approachability is determined by characteristics of a geographical area, such temperature, altitude, and humidity. In the same way, social factors such as population growth, change in the role of women in work and family life, and changes in the perception of the relations between diet and health also define access to food [2, 3]. Moreover, culture as a belief system and customs derived from it influences habits of people, which are concretized in the selection, conservation, and preparation of foods, resulting in the use or waste of food resources. According to Bourges [4], the availability and cultural access to food refer to the way in which customs and traditions delimit the acceptance or rejection of some products or the way in which they should be prepared and consumed.
\nEating habits developed from these factors and others of an individual nature act, in a beneficial or harmful way, on the health condition and the people’s quality of life. Inadequate habits result in a risk powerfully associated with various conditions of infectious origin and conditions related to nutrient deficiencies and non-hereditary chronic-degenerative diseases (NHCDs). Conversely, when eating habits are correct, they become a protective factor for such problems. The imbalance between food intake and energy expenditure leads to a condition of malnutrition. When this is the result of excessive feeding, overweight or obesity is present, these conditions constitute risk factors for several NHCDs; on the other hand, poor nutrition derived from food sub-consumption is generically known as undernourishment [5].
\nUndernourishment or malnutrition is the result of reduced food intake and repeated occurrence of infectious illness [6]. A low height-for-age or stunting represents a chronic malnutrition, a little weight-for-height or wasting denotes a recent loss, and low weight-for-age is a mixed index influenced by both stunting and wasting. Micronutrient deficiencies, such as iron, iodine, or zinc, may also occur [7].
\nUndernourishment can have grave consequences on the physiological and psychological development. The magnitude of the sequelae is determined, in part, by the severity, duration, and temporality of specific or generalized gaps. The most sensitive stages to sub-nutrition are gestational age and the first year of life because damage at this period reduces neuronal proliferation, which cannot be compensated later. Likewise, other developmental processes of the central nervous system (CNS), such as myelination, continue during childhood, so the occurrence of a severe nutritional deficit has the potential to modify the rate of integration of neural structures, related to the emergence of different cognitive and behavioral skills [8, 9]. Critical moments in the development of CNS structures are as follows:
Myelination begins slowly at 16 weeks in the spinal cord and nerve roots of the brain and continues during infancy and childhood.
The vestibuloacoustic system (balance), the parietal cortex (integration of motor responses), and the hippocampus, already myelinated, mature at 12 months of age.
The language area of the left temporal lobe is myelinated at approximately 18 months of age.
Other structures are more slowly myelinated through infancy and childhood: (a) the structures involved in focusing and maintaining attention (reticular formation, a portion of the nucleus, the superior colliculus, and the lateral part of the thalamus) begin myelination at 10 months, and the process continues during childhood, adolescence, and adulthood.
The periods of accelerated development of the frontal lobe (which has a circuit integration function necessary for the higher processes) occur from birth to 2 years, from 7 to 9 years, and in the middle adolescence.
However, when nutrient deficiencies occur at a late stage, the effects may be attenuated as the process of structural development of the CNS is more advanced and it is highly likely that the child already has basic behavioral repertoires, necessary for the acquisition of more complex psychological processes. At that time, the social context surrounding the child can play a crucial role. If the child is given the necessary stimulation and care, the effects of malnutrition can be compensated [10] .
\nIn the behavioral dimension, there is apathy and lack of initiative, emotional monotony, poor social interaction, lack of curiosity and exploration of the environment, and physical closeness to the mother. These forms of response condition malnourished children to perform developmental test unwell when compared to children in optimal nutritional status [9, 11–13]. They also limit the forms of interaction with others, which facilitates that the adverse effects remain for years [14].
\nPoverty and a disorganized psychosocial environment increase exposure to biological and social risks that affect development through changes in the structure and function of the CNS, as well as through the establishment and consolidation of deficient patterns of interaction between the child and his/her physical and social environment [3, 15, 16]. In this way, different variables of both levels act synchronously, and the scope of each of them will vary according to the characteristics of the individual, the social circumstances, and the moment of the child development. The first factor, the type of lack, can determine the nature of the consequences associated with undernourishment, because each nutrient has different functions in the organism according to its composition. The second factor, the social environment, is equally critical to understanding the problem, since an unfavorable social surrounding alone can constitute a risk factor for the child development, especially when this is conjugated with a nutritional status deteriorated.
\nFindings reported in the last two decades of the twentieth century that included the observation of the child’s reactions in interaction with other people led to revalue the functional isolation hypothesis as a conceptual element explaining the processes involved to perpetuate the effects of underconsumption of food. This was formulated by Levitsky and Barnes [17] when they restricted food to newborn rodents during the first 7 weeks of life and underwent a 10-week recovery period where they observed that the adverse effects of malnutrition on performance in several tests were mediated by the decrease in the animal activity level. The additional environmental stimulation provided in the recovery period improved the performance in the tests used.
\nThe functional isolation hypothesis applied to human undernourishment suggests the mechanism by which the performance of malnourished children is affected in psychological tests [18]. Equally, it contributes to explain how these effects last: when there is scarce food intake, physical growth is limited and activity is diminished when compared to that of well-nourished children; this appearance means that the contacts of the caregivers are few and that their behavior is the one shown for younger children; the child is less likely to explore their environment and therefore motor, social, and learning abilities do not reach the levels that characterize development under optimum conditions. When these patterns occur recurrently, the effects are cumulative and the child does not acquire the competencies to cope with the demands of the environment (Figure 1).
\nRepresentation of functional isolation hypothesis.
Studies show that attention, emotion, and affection are the behavioral traits that can be recognized as mediators of learning processes and in turn are most affected by malnutrition [18–20]. Changes in these dimensions reduce reactivity and/or motivation and interfere with processes of selective attention, motor exploration, and also alter the response styles in problem-solving tasks [21], or on the other hand, this changes can be attended to the work but their answers are slower in comparison to a eutrophic child. When the analysis of infant behavior was performed using finer observational categories than in previous studies, it was found that the differences between anemic and non-anemic children were mainly in the orientation toward the mother and in the rapidity of reactions: children with low iron levels tended to be less oriented toward the mother when there was a novel stimulus and their answers were more durable than those exhibited by children with normal iron levels [20]. Similarly, social behaviors such as smiling or approaching the mother used to last longer.
\nSuch forms of response affect the synchrony of interactions between the child and his or her primary caregiver by promoting ineffective behavioral patterns to stimulate child development. Stanfield [22] points out how the dynamics of the mother or caregiver can be altered by interacting with a child who shows less attention and/or little activity and affective monotony: on the one hand, the mother can accept the loss of the interrelation between her and the child or perceive it as a child that does not cause problems, thus developing a neglectful style and an additional form of environmental deprivation; or on the other hand, it may show concern and increase interest in the child by increasing the time of contact with him/her and making him/her more dependent and with less initiative for exploration.
\nSensitive, reciprocal, and development-conducive maternal behaviors depend in part on the signals the child emits and on the reactions he or she exhibits to adult attempts to establish an exchange; a hyporeactive child makes it difficult to establish synchrony in caregiver-child interactions, since the adult does not have the necessary keys to adapt his/her behavior and thus satisfies the child’s needs [23, 24]. The functional isolation in conditions of poverty or social disorganization can be interpreted as a double-risk model for optimal child development: the biological risk (undernourishment) that restricts the child’s response team, necessary to meet the demands provided by the child environment, and social risk, determined by the alteration of the patterns of interaction between the child and the caregivers.
\nThe modification of risk factors to protective factors conducive to a healthy and adequate environment to stimulate child growth and development must necessarily require an understanding of the problem of malnutrition from a broader and more inclusive perspective, multiple dimensions of this health issue highlighting the role of the caregiver as one of the most relevant explanatory variables.
\nThe parenting practices used by the primary caregiver determine to a large extent the quantity, quality, and manner in which children receive food. Developing skills to interpret and respond to the child’s needs can improve feeding practices even in marginal populations [25]. Therefore, it is necessary to address in a clearer and the more precise way the ecological conditions in which the child develops and the specific demands of the social environment in which he/she participates.
\nHere, it is necessary to distinguish between what is meant by parenting styles and parenting practices or rearing practices. The first term refers to a compound of relatively invariable attitudes and beliefs that guide the way of communicating with the child and establishing an emotional climate to educate the child. Parenting styles have been extensively studied through Baumrind’s original categorization that includes four styles: authoritarian, democratic, permissive, and negligent [26]; there is a broad range of studies, mainly within the areas of clinical and educational psychology, which address the styles of parenting relating them to results on the psychosocial functioning and school achievement of the child and adolescent. By contrast, the term parenting practice has been used to refer to concrete actions that meet parents in education and childcare. Myers [27] defines them as
\nGenerally accepted activities that respond to the survival and development needs of children in their first months and years of life, so as to ensure the survival and maintenance (and sometimes development) of the group or culture as well as of the child (p. 431).
\nThese activities include food, hygiene care, and health preservation, as well as those focused on adjusting social and educational demands. It highlights three characteristics that must be addressed when describing and/or analyzing a practice: action (what it does), the person who performs it (who does it), and how to carry it to term (how it does it). The level of responsiveness or sensitivity to detect signs that account for the needs of the infant is an essential feature of the rearing practice that maintains the correct child nutritional status and favors a better psychological development.
\nBoth the physical and social conditions of a family and the prevailing customs and beliefs in their culture define the set of practices designated for the care of children. The practices used to feed the child are then determined by a number of factors, including the ethnic group of belonging, beliefs about food [28], the educational level of the caregiver, family income, physical housing conditions [29–31], and how the adult perceives the child’s health status and the child’s ability to perform different activities [15].
\nAlso, there are many factors that can significantly deteriorate child-care patterns related to food, health preservation, and development, such as the family environment characterized by apathy and disorganization [32], and emotional disturbances such as depression and parental stress [33, 34]. Addressing these factors is critical as, as a child health regulatory axis, parenting practices will determine the degrees of exposure to factors that protect or impair health. On the contrary, it is very likely that appropriate raising conditions will operate as a development-promoting element and thereby compensate for the lack of economic resources in the family or the existence of unfavorable environmental factors. Through sensitive practices and quality care, one can ensure proper child feeding to prevent undernourishment, and in the case of having suffered, one can reverse or minimize the adverse impact on psychological development.
\nFrom the above, it is evident that the practices of aging should be incorporated in a more systematic way to the analysis of the relationship between the psychosocial conditions of children at risk of malnutrition and the scope in terms of psychological development. Focusing on behavior and socio-emotional conditions of caregivers can provide valuable information to be incorporated into undernourishment prevention strategies and intervention programs aimed at reversing or minimizing their impact on child development.
\nThe present work addresses this problem, from the point of view of Health Psychology, and aims at exploring the influence of rearing practices and socioemotional caregiver factors on the nutritional status and psychological development in a sample of Mexican children. Additionally, some sociodemographic variables involved will be analyzed.
\n\n
Analyzing if relations between nutritional status and development in children are present.
Examine the relations between the variables of the caregiver, child nutrition, and child performance of mental and psychomotor development test.
To explore if in the studied sample some demographic variables are involved in the parenting, children nutritional condition, and their development.
It expects to find: The more obvious undernourishment is, the lower scores on developmental tests. Levels of parental stress and anxiety in caregiver will be negatively related to indicators of nutritional status and child development. Scores on the responsive parenting will relate positively to the infant’s nutritional status and development.
Non-random sampling was used. The sample is part of a longer study whose objective is to assess an intervention strategy, based on the responsive parenting, to reverse child undernourishment and its effects on motor and cognitive development. Participants were invited through outpatient clinics of the State of Mexico Health Institute (ISEM) located in marginalized areas at the municipality of Tlalnepantla. Thirty-three caregiver-child dyads were involved in this research, but only 16 of them completed all measures. Children were 9–19 months old (M = 10.9): 68.7% (n = 11) girls and 31.3% (n = 5) boys, and they were at risk of undernutrition (n = 10) or were moderately undernourished (n = 4). Fourteen of caregivers were child’s mothers (M = 23.9 years old), and two more were their grandmothers (M = 48 years old). All participants came from economically deprived families: three were income vulnerable, nine had moderate multidimensional poverty, and four extreme multidimensional poverty. In two households, the father was absent.
\nAn interview questionnaire was applied to obtain information about schooling and age of the mother, father and the main caregiver—when not the mother—type of work, and family structure. There are also questions on child and family health status, and child appetite perceived by the caregiver. In addition, the National Council for the Evaluation of Social Development Policy (CONEVAL) Instrument was used to obtain the Wellness Index. CONEVAL [35] proposes a set of indicators complementary to those used in the Multidimensional Measurement of Poverty Methodology, which aim to determine if a family’s income is insufficient to meet their needs and if there are scarcities in each of the six indicators in order to identify the population in a situation of multidimensional poverty. The Wellness Index show five levels: extreme multidimensional poverty, moderate multidimensional poverty, vulnerable by social scarcity, vulnerable by income, and nonvulnerable.
\nOnce the child measures of weight and supine length were obtained, according to the technique suggested by the World Health Organization (WHO) [36], z-scores were calculated for body mass index (BMI), body weight (BW), and body height (BH), using the tables included in the ANTHRO 2005 software as a reference measure [37]. All children whose measurements fell between ≤1 and 2 standard deviations below the median in any of the parameters, BMI, BW, or BH, were considered at risk of malnutrition (wasting, underweight, and stunting, respectively). Children whose measurements were 2 standard deviations below the median in any of the three parameters were considered cases of undernourishment.
\nBayley Scales of Infant Development (BSID) Spanish-language version of these scales was used, designed to assess developmental status in children aged 1–40 months [38]. This instrument provides the child’s assessment base through two components: (1) The Mental Development Scale that assesses sensory-perceptual acuity, discrimination, and responsiveness to stimuli; memory and solution; early vocalizations, as well as first classification and generalization. The results of this scale are expressed in standardized scores or Mental Development Index (MDI) and (2) the Psychomotor Scale provides information on the degree of body control, coordination of large muscles, and fine coordination of hands and fingers. The results of this scale are expressed in standardized scores or Psychomotor Development Indexes (PDI).
\nThis instrument provides a measure of maternal discomfort related to child-rearing work: higher scores, greater worry, and inadequate parenting to promote child development [39]. It comprises three dimensions: child characteristics, parent characteristics, and life stressors. The first two are constructed as a Likert scale and composed of the following subscales: (1) child characteristics: Adaptability, Acceptability, Demandingness, Mood, Distractibility/Hyperactivity and Reinforcement of Parents and (2) parent characteristics: Depression, Attachment, Role Restriction, Sense of Competence, Social isolation, Relationship with the Spouse, and Parental Health. A version adapted for children from northern Mexico [40] was used, with 38 items for child dimension, 35 for parent dimension, and 21 of stressors related to vital events. In this study, some lexical changes were made to suit the population of central Mexico. The internal consistency showed the following values of Cronbach’s α: r = 0.75 for child subscales, r = 0.78 for parent subscales, and r = 0.84 for the whole instrument.
\nTrait-State Anxiety Inventory (IDARE). The Spielberger and Díaz Guerrero [41], Anxiety Inventory: Status—Index (IDARE) consists of two separate self-assessment scales used to measure two different dimensions of anxiety: (1) Anxiety-Trait (A-Trait) and (2) Anxiety-State (A-State). The self-assessment inventory, IDARE, ranges from a minimum score of 20 to a maximum score of 80, on both the A-State scale and the A-Trait scale. The interpretation of both scales is according to the following scores: <30 low anxiety, 30–44 moderate, and >45 high.
\nThis aspect was assessed using the Responsive Practice and Stimulation Questionnaire (RPS-Q); this instrument allows to detect the sensitivity and effectiveness of the caregiver to meet the basic physical and psychological child needs, and care patterns adopted by adults in daily situations to meet the needs of children at complementary feeding age. It is made up of 23 Likert items, ranging from 1 for the “never” answer to 5 for the “always” option. The items are grouped into four factors: Stimulation from Play, Responsive Practice, Skills Promotion, Planned Attention, and Willingness to childcare. The internal consistency of the instrument yields Cronbach’s alpha of 0.83 and correlations with the total score between 0.26 and 0.61 [42].
\nAll persons with a child younger than 24 months in outpatient clinics, who attended the child’s vaccination, were invited to participate in talks on health, nutrition, and child development. At conferences, the child’s primary caregivers were called to take part in the research. Once the caregivers were informed about the purpose of the study and the type of participation that they and their children would have, then each couple was evaluated by two psychology interns previously trained in the use of the instruments. In the first instance, the child’s weight and height measurements were taken; then both observers applied the development scales with caregiver collaboration. It was preferred first to use the Psychomotor Scale since this order facilitates the child’s responses on the Mental Scale; an evaluator presented the tests and another noted the answers. In case the child showed signs of fatigue or distress, a new appointment was arranged to continue with the application of the scales. The evaluation of child development was videotaped for later review by those responsible for the research. The RPS Questionnaire was applied as an interview at the health center after evaluating the child. Subsequently, a home visit of the participants was carried out for the application of the Demographic data questionnaires, corroborating the conditions of family life. It also applied the instruments that evaluate parental stress and anxiety. After qualifying the instruments, the report was given to the caregiver and an appointment was made to be involved in an intervention program, not reported in this work and which is in progress.
\nDescriptive statistics were obtained for sociodemographic, nutritional and child development, and parental variables. Non-parametric Mann-Whitney U-tests were used to observe the effects of nominal dichotomous variables and Kruskal-Wallis for nominal variables with more than two values. The relationship between parental variables, anxiety and parenting stress with effective parenting practices, as well as between parenting and child variables, was evaluated using a Spearman Rho correlation test. All analyses were performed using the statistical software SPSS, version 20 [43].
\nSociodemographic characteristics of the sample are presented first. Subsequently, based on the nutritional state and the level of mental and psychomotor development, the characterization of the child variables and the demographic variables related to the variability of these measures.
\nDescriptive statistics corresponding to the RPS-Q and the variables of the socio-affective adjustments (Parenting Stress Index (PSI) and IDARE) are shown, as well as the demographic variables that are related to these variables are addressed. At the last point of the data presentation, the relationships between the caregiver’s variables, the effective parenting practices, as well as the socio-affective variables with the child’s nutritional status and scores obtained on the Bayley Infant Development Scales are presented.
\nAlthough all the families of the participants had some degree of lack, from being vulnerable by income to having extreme multidimensional poverty, there were no differences attributable to this variable in terms of family structure, the degree of mother or father studies, father absence, or the child’s usual health. In the same way, children gender was not associated with the child’s health, nor the perceived appetite. The results of child health and disease management by the caregiver indicated that 18.8% of the children had suffered diarrhea in the last 2 weeks, 62.5% of caregivers approached management of the disease adequately, and 37.5% inadequately; while 50% of children had respiratory disease in the previous 2 weeks, 81.2% with adequate management and 18.8% with poor management, 56.3% of caregivers reported using home remedies to treat children’s illnesses.
\nA criterion for inclusion in the study was that the children were at risk of malnutrition or already present. In Table 1, it can be seen that the parameter most affected is body height, which indicates a history of nutrient deficiencies. However, in all three parameters there were cases of moderate malnutrition: one was wasting, one was underweight, and nine were stunting. None of the participating children were severely malnourished.
\nMeasures | \nMin | \nMax | \nM | \nSD | \n
---|---|---|---|---|
Anthropometrics | \n\n | \n | \n | \n |
Body Mass Index | \n−2.23 | \n1.93 | \n−0.45 | \n1.14 | \n
Body Weight | \n−2.53 | \n0.85 | \n−1.01 | \n0.69 | \n
Body Height | \n−2.82 | \n1.81 | \n−1.25 | \n1.33 | \n
BSID | \n\n | \n | \n | \n |
Mental | \n81 | \n119 | \n101.81 | \n12.96 | \n
Psychomotor | \n75 | \n119 | \n102.13 | \n14.29 | \n
Descriptive values of ant and child anthropometrics and Bayley Scales of Infant Development scores.
Note: Out-of-range values are shown in bold.
Regarding the developmental scales, it was found that the average of the children is with the expected values for a healthy child on both the psychomotor scale and the mental scale. However, it can be observed in minimum values that there were cases in which the execution of the infants was lower than expected: three children showed a slight psychomotor retardation and three others low score on the mental scale.
\nWhen calculating the correlation between the nutritional status scores and results on the developmental scales, a statistically significant positive correlation was found between the psychomotor development index and the body mass index (r = 0.52, p < 0.05), and negative with the body height parameter (r = 0.46, p < 0.05).
\nThe non-parametric analysis based on different demographic variables did not reveal any difference in the child’s nutritional status associated with demographic variables like child’s gender, family or caregiver type, birth order, age or schooling of both parents, but a statistically significant correlation was found between the age of the child and the BW parameter (r = −0.56, p < 0.05), the older the child, the less weight gain was observed.
\nConcerning the developmental tests, the PDI scores showed a positive correlation with the Wellness Index (r = 0.502, p < 0.05) and with the BW, showing better scores as this parameter approaches typical values (r = 520, p < 0.05), while the MDI was affected by the child’s gender (U = 7.5, p < 0.05), with girls showing higher scores (M = 108.81) compared to boys (M = 90.80). No other sociodemographic variables showed an effect.
\nTable 2 shows the descriptive statistics of the variables related to parenting. It can be seen that the means of the total RPS-Q score and the scores of the five factors that make up the instrument were within the range of an adequate rearing practice. However, in each factor there are cases within the values of less effective practices: two cases related to Stimulation from Play, Responsive Practice, and Skills Promotion; three corresponded to the Willingness to attend the child and four to Planned Attention. In the total score, two caregivers are observed with values of little effective practice and one that corresponds to inadequate practices.
\nMeasures | \nMin | \nMax | \nM | \nSD | \n
---|---|---|---|---|
RPS-Questionnaire | \n\n | \n | \n | \n |
Stimulation from Play | \n3 | \n5.00 | \n4.31 | \n0.69 | \n
Responsive Practice | \n3.67 | \n5.00 | \n4.52 | \n0.50 | \n
Promoting skills | \n2.33 | \n5.00 | \n3.96 | \n0.86 | \n
Planned Care | \n4 | \n5.00 | \n4.66 | \n0.44 | \n
Willingness | \n3 | \n5.00 | \n4.00 | \n0.75 | \n
Total score | \n3.13 | \n5.00 | \n4.26 | \n0.49 | \n
Parenting Stress Index | \n\n | \n | \n | \n |
Child characteristics | \n92.64 | \n155.50 | \n116.87 | \n14.69 | \n
Adaptability | \n19.05 | \n44.45 | \n32.15 | \n3.91 | \n
Acceptability | \n7.02 | \n23.40 | \n13.09 | \n7.89 | \n
Demandingness | \n13.5 | \n45.00 | \n22.08 | \n8.39 | \n
Mood | \n6 | \n17.00 | \n11.12 | \n3.75 | \n
Distractibility/Hyperactivity | \n20.64 | \n34.83 | \n26.53 | \n2.75 | \n
Reinforcement of parents | \n9 | \n14.50 | \n11.90 | \n1.25 | \n
Parent characteristics | \n83.50 | \n133.75 | \n114.15 | \n14.30 | \n
Depression | \n10.5 | \n25.50 | \n18.84 | \n4.38 | \n
Isolation | \n6 | \n22.00 | \n12.69 | \n6.36 | \n
Attachment | \n8.75 | \n24.50 | \n14.76 | \n5.90 | \n
Role Restriction | \n8.75 | \n28.00 | \n18.92 | \n6.95 | \n
Competence | \n10 | \n34.00 | \n20.25 | \n4.65 | \n
Spouse | \n8 | \n29.00 | \n16.50 | \n4.14 | \n
Health | \n7.5 | \n23.75 | \n12.19 | \n4.88 | \n
Total score | \n187.9 | \n273.75 | \n219.94 | \n21.23 | \n
IDARE | \n\n | \n | \n | \n |
State Anxiety | \n23 | \n69.00 | \n43.13 | \n12.48 | \n
Trait Anxiety | \n21 | \n55.00 | \n38.25 | \n9.21 | \n
Caregiver descriptive values.
Note: Out-of-range values are shown in bold.
The variability of the values of the effective practice was affected by the Wellness Index, since to better living conditions, the scores were more favorable in Responsive Practice (r = 0.625, p < 0.01), Promotion of Skills (r = 521, p < 0.05), Willingness (r = 0.520, p < 0.05), and total score (r = 0.515, p < 0.05). Willingness correlated positively to child’s age (r = 0.503, p < 0.05). A significant difference was also found in the values of the Responsive Practice according to child’s gender (U = 8, p < 0.05), caregivers show higher scores with girls (M = 4.7) than children (M = 4.06). The other sociodemographic variables did not show significant effects on the RPS-Q.
\nResults in the PSI showed high levels of parental stress related to the child’s characteristics. The subscales whose values exceeded adequate coping scores for childcare were the following: adaptability that gives information about the parent’s perception of the child’s ability to adjust to changes in the physical and social environment; demandingness, where high values indicate that the caregiver perceives that the child requires too much attention and care; and Reinforcement of Parents, in this subscale values higher than expected report distress generated by not finding the relationship with the child as a source of gratification. Parents characteristics dimensions show that the averages in all subscales are within a suitable range. However, it is necessary to note that in both the dimensions, child and parent, the maximum values found to exceed the cutoff point of the accepted stress levels in all the subscales, and in the parent dimension there are several that show shallow values.
\nAgain, the gender of children marked differences. In this case, it was the Adaptability subscale, where caregivers present stress above the cutoff point in the parenting of the girls (M = 35.21), while distress generated from care of boys is within the typical (M = 25.4); this difference was statistically significant (U = 9, p < 0.05). It was found that at older children, caregivers perceived that raising the child made them more problematic with the couple (r = 529, p < 0.05) and higher levels of father’s schooling, the less gratification the parents felt about the relationship with the infant (r = 0.658, p < 0.05). By contrast, the Wellness Index showed a negative relation with the difficulties seen by the caregiver to capture and understand the child’s needs, obtaining lower scores in the Attachment subscale (r = −0.563, p < 0.05).
\nAverages anxiety state and trait found at moderate levels. Six caregivers showed high anxiety-state and two anxiety-trait levels. The only sociodemographic variables associated with IDARE scores were the age of the mother (r = −0.533, p < 0.05 for anxiety-state and r = −528, p < 0.05 for anxiety-trait) and of the father (r = −0.703, p < 0.05 for anxiety-state and r = −0.845, p < 0.01 for anxiety-trait).
\nBest scores on the RPS-Q correlate with better indicators in the child. In particular, Responsive Practice is positively associated with body mass index, mental development, and psychomotor development. The PDI also correlates with the Skills Promotion and Willingness factors, as can be seen in Table 3.
\nMeasures | \nBMI | \nBW | \nBH | \nMDI | \nPDI | \n
---|---|---|---|---|---|
RPS-Questionnaire | \n\n | \n | \n | \n | \n |
Stimulation from Play | \n−0.205 | \n−0.049 | \n0.059 | \n0.386 | \n0.136 | \n
Responsive Practice | \n0.544* | \n0.188 | \n−0.378 | \n0.487* | \n0.457* | \n
Promoting skills | \n0.301 | \n0.169 | \n−0.124 | \n−0.001 | \n0.440* | \n
Planned Care | \n0.141 | \n0.048 | \n−0.089 | \n0.198 | \n0.063 | \n
Willingness | \n−0.090 | \n−0.248 | \n−0.075 | \n0.121 | \n0.502* | \n
Total | \n0.171 | \n0.043 | \n−0.138 | \n0.344 | \n0.346 | \n
Parenting Stress Index | \n\n | \n | \n | \n | \n |
Child characteristics | \n−0.259 | \n0.100 | \n0.085 | \n0.438 | \n0.166 | \n
Adaptability | \n0.199 | \n0.277 | \n−0.145 | \n0.234 | \n0.192 | \n
Acceptability | \n0.091 | \n0.034 | \n0.058 | \n−0.752** | \n0.102 | \n
Demandingness | \n−0.438* | \n−0.264 | \n0.125 | \n−0.116 | \n−0.512* | \n
Mood | \n0.098 | \n0.064 | \n−0.241 | \n0.299 | \n0.058 | \n
Distractibility/Hyperactivity | \n−0.473* | \n0.070 | \n0.507* | \n0.176 | \n−0.257 | \n
Reinforcement of Parent | \n0.071 | \n0.219 | \n0.170 | \n−0.108 | \n−0.129 | \n
Parent characteristics | \n0.150 | \n0.181 | \n0.062 | \n0.100 | \n−0.032 | \n
Depression | \n−0.371 | \n−0.006 | \n0.324 | \n−0.445* | \n−0.538* | \n
Isolation | \n0.135 | \n0.376 | \n0.076 | \n−0.051 | \n−0.100 | \n
Attachment | \n−0.154 | \n0.211 | \n0.265 | \n0.039 | \n−0.366 | \n
Role Restriction | \n0.311 | \n−0.034 | \n−0.497* | \n0.045 | \n0.327 | \n
Competence | \n0.284 | \n−0.226 | \n−0.331 | \n−0.021 | \n0.194 | \n
Spouse | \n−0.033 | \n0.067 | \n0.089 | \n−0.358 | \n−0.093 | \n
Health | \n0.274 | \n0.375 | \n0.139 | \n−0.125 | \n−0.213 | \n
Total | \n0.132 | \n0.193 | \n−0.132 | \n−0.324 | \n−0.056 | \n
IDARE | \n\n | \n | \n | \n | \n |
State Anxiety | \n0.056 | \n0.013 | \n0.004 | \n−0.441* | \n−0.122 | \n
Trait Anxiety | \n−0.119 | \n0.111 | \n0.409 | \n−0.324 | \n0.083 | \n
Show correlation values between child and caregiver variables.
<0.05.
<0.01.
BMI = Body mass.
Following the values in the same table, some negative correlations, moderate or high, can be observed between parenting stress scores and child variables. Lower values of the BMI were associated with two subscales: Demandingness denoting distress generated by the appreciation that the demands of the children are too much, and Distractibility/Hyperactivity related to discomfort because child behavior is valued as erratic and lacking attention. The parameter who can indicate chronic malnutrition (BH) finds a negative correlation with the subscale Role Restriction that shows the interpretation of its role of caregiver as a restriction to its freedom, and positive with Distractibility.
\nThe child’s mental development shows a negative correlation with the values of Acceptability—the high scores in this subscale result when children possess physical, intellectual, and/or emotional characteristics that do not harmonize with what parents expect—and Depression, as well as with IDARE scores for state anxiety. On the other hand, the psychomotor development was related, also negatively, with Demandingness and Depression.
\nFitting to the objective, this work explored the influence of rearing practices and socioemotional caregiver factors on the nutritional status and psychological development in a sample of Mexican children. At the outset, it is important to mention that relevant relationships were found between the variables under study; however, the reduced size of the sample requires assessing the findings with due caution.
\nAll children who participated in this study lived in conditions of economic and social scarcities [35] and were at risk of undernourishment or suffer it. Because of this, the variability of the values of the different measures is not very wide. Given the relative homogeneity of the sample in the sociodemographic variables, the possible contribution of parenting in the results on nutrition and child development was highlighted.
\nThe parameter that was most affected was BH whose low values indicate a history of malnutrition and/or diseases, although the means of the other two parameters did not reach the values corresponding to emaciation and low weight, there were cases of mild and moderate undernourishment which corresponded to emaciation and low weight. According to the first hypothesis, it was expected that if the anthropometric parameters were adversely affected, this would be reflected in levels of mental and psychomotor development. This hypothesis was partially corroborated since the prediction is supported by BMI, a needle of recent faltering, data that correlate positively with the PDI, but the same was not true for parameter BH, an indicator of chronic malnutrition because the results pointed to a negative correlation of this parameter with the PDI. That is, at more height for age a lower development score was found.
\nThis finding does not harmonize with most of the antecedent literature that demonstrates the existence of adverse effects of nutrient deficiencies on different indicators of psychomotor development in early ages [9, 10, 18, 19, 44]. There are three possible alternative explanations for this result. The first has to do with the size of the sample and the method of non-random extraction, given with small sizes the samples can be affected by very few atypical cases; in a previous study, carried out with a similar population in the State of Mexico that included a larger sample, stunting highlighted as one of the factors with greater weight to explain development deficits [45]. The second possibility is related to the lack of information on the specific children’s nutritional deficiencies, since many of the developmental deficit caused by malnutrition, mainly those that corroborate the functional isolation hypothesis, consider the deficiency of anemia [18, 19]; in this study, we did not have the possibility of having information about serum iron levels. The third possibility relates to the explanation of David Seckler, and recovered by Pollitt [46], to understand cases where there is child malnutrition and development is not affected. It is an idea where the evolutionary principles of biological adaptation are applied, which argues that food deficiencies slow the child’s growth rate in order to maintain a functional physiological balance, and therefore children with mild or moderate malnutrition maintain the capacity of adaptation to adverse circumstances. Considering that the children in the sample had mild (risk) and moderate undernourishment, the assumption of biological adaptation is plausible and could help to understand why, despite the slow growth, infants present adequate levels of psychomotor development.
\nWith respect to the second hypothesis where it was predicted that at higher levels of parenting stress and anxiety the caregiver would have worse outcomes in the child’s nutrition and development, the results point to its confirmation. Except for the distractibility factor, the relationships between the parenting stress factors with BMI parameters and BH were negative. Then, we may consider the possibility that in this sample the stress concerning the child caregiving is connected with the state of nutrition, although perhaps not directly. Some studies on this aspect [47, 48] have found associations between alterations in caregiver-child interactions at the mealtime, where the refusal to eat in the infant and the negative effect in both the caregiver and the child prevail, and high levels of parenting stress [34, 49, 50]. It can be assumed here that the parenting stress is the result of insufficient caregiver practices to promote child feeding. As long as their instrumental behavior is ineffective for the childcare, it can generate the distress regarding the nurturing and thus impede its future practices. In other studies, a decrease in parenting stress or anxiety following interventions aimed at reducing problematic behavior at mealtime [51, 52] has been described. The same can happen with regard to the development of the child, since the strongest relationships between anxiety and PSI scores and delay in psychomotor and mental scales occurred with the perception of a dependent child making many demands toward his caregiver, and also with the discomfort generated by the child’s failure to meet expectations in terms of physical, intellectual, or emotional characteristics.
\nResults concerning parenting practices, measured using the RSP-Q, showed a positive relationship between the BMI and the Responsive Practice factor, which describes the caregivers’ sensitivity and her/his resources to detect and react to needs based on the signals provided by the infant. This finding is in agreement with previous research on the importance of responsive parenting on child feeding [22–24]. An even clearer relationship was observed between this variable and child development, as the results showed positive correlations between developmental test scores and Responsive Practice, in addition to the factors of skill promotion and Willingness. These results replicate what was found in other studies and support the third hypothesis of this research. The level of sensitivity to detect signals that account for the infant’s needs and the ability to respond to them in a timely and fitting manner are essential features of the parenting practice, which allows the child to maintain adequate nutritional status and favor a better psychological development; otherwise negligence or little skill in childcare is a further risk for malnutrition to occur with its adverse effects on child development [18, 45, 53].
\nAmong the sociodemographic variables, the Wellness Index stood out as an important factor, since the results showed positive relationships with the variables of the child weight for the age and the index of psychomotor development. It also had a presence on the results about caregiver characteristics, mainly on the effective parenting practices related to the skills promotion and the responsiveness to child demands [28]. Another relevant demographic factor was the child gender, as it was found that caregivers were more responsive to the needs of girls, who scored better than children on the mental scale, despite being perceived as having difficulty adapting to the demands of the environment.
\nThe children age also appeared as an important variable, the older infants showed greater affectation to the weight gain, despite showing a positive association with the caregiver’s willingness for their care. An element that could explain weight loss according to the child’s age is that caregivers are facing more problems feeding the child, related to neophobias and rejection. Even though they are responsive and encourage the child to eat, but many sometimes do not use the appropriate strategies for the child to accept the food [54]. Although it found an only association with a characteristic of the caregiver, the age of both parents seems to be attenuating the levels of anxiety, which were linked with those resulting from the mental development of the children.
\nAlthough the sample of this study is small and made with Mexican population, it can be assumed that the results found here can be extended, conserving the cultural peculiarities of each region, to other populations where the problem of malnutrition is present together with precarious living conditions and where caregivers of developing children face situations of high demand. The variables explored have also been relevant in studies carried out in different latitudes, such as poverty and malnutrition [1]; a low sociocultural level associated to affective instability and malnutrition [33, 55]; likewise, relations between ineffective parenting practices and malnutrition [24, 56] or disadvantages in psychological development [18].
\nHowever, these relationships were analyzed in this research from the use of different measurement instruments, particularly the Wellness Index and the RPS-Q. Likewise, adapted and validated versions for the Spanish-speaking population of instruments of extended use were employed, such as the BSID, the IDARE, and the Parenting Stress Index. The Wellness Index is a World Bank proposal that has recently been used to measure poverty on a large scale; unlike previous ordinal measures where the greatest weight fell on family income, it is based on a cardinal measurement with different axes to determine the degree of people’s economic and social deprivation, social support and rights. Thus, a multidimensional poverty index reflects incidence, intensity, and composition picture of acute poverty [57, 58]. Because this way of measuring poverty is indicated for developing countries, several of them have already developed an index adapted to their specific conditions [59]. Recovering this measure for an investigation, such as that described here, represents an advantage due to the profusion of information obtained.
\nRegarding the extension of the use of the RPS-Q as a rearing practice measure in different contexts, it is suggested that this methodology can be used in other country settings making cultural adaptations. Despite its reliability and validity was performed in the Mexican population, the questionnaire was built considering basic principles of the rearing process that can be generalizable to diverse populations. The underlying sensitivity and responsiveness of caregiving constructs have been described as the ability to recognize and interpret the signals which the other emits about their needs and also respond to them in an appropriate and timely mode [23, 25].
\nResponsive parenting has been identified in observations of caregiver-infant interactions in different countries [60, 61]. This characteristic is identified through indicators of attention to the other, the relevance and contingency of responding, as well as the amount of socioemotional support provided to the child; these dimensions are present in every care interaction. The RPS-Q made it possible to obtain one of the most important contributions of this work showing relations between affective and emotional aspects with the effective caregiver practices that, ultimately, mediate the child’s feeding behavior, as well as the exposure of stimuli environmental factors that contribute to their motor and mental development.
\n\nIn this study, it was possible to describe several relationships between variables that may constitute risk factors or protection for child development problems associated with malnutrition. It is necessary to confirm these relationships with a larger sample that allows, at the same time, to test models that propose the directionality of the variables of the child and the caregiver, as well as the possible role as mediators or moderators of the characteristics of the caregiver and their rearing practices, between the effects of malnutrition on the development of the child.
\nThis research was made possible thanks to financial support from UNAM DGPA-PAPIIT program. Granted project IN307914.
\nThe author is grateful to authorities of the Sanitary Jurisdiction of the Institute of Health-State of Mexico (ISEM), Tlalnepantla, for facilities provided to fulfill the objectives of this study, as well as to the staff of the Health Centers ISEM, Lázaro Cárdenas II, Lázaro Cardenas III, and Benito Juárez. Also thanks to fellows participating in the project for the field work.
\nA special acknowledgment to all caregivers and their children for taking part in this study, as well as Addalid Sánchez Hernández for the supervision of fellows and their active participation in the research activities.
\nObvious and aggressive propaganda of ideas, various kinds of falsity in social relations, manipulations with public consciousness have become a peculiar feature of the culture of the second half of the twentieth century. European sociologists and philosophers had purposefully written about this: J. Habermas, S. Moscovici, P. Ricoeur, M. Foucault, M. de Certeau, H. Arendt, A. Heller, J. Baudrillard, J. Assmann, A. Assmann, L. Althusser, S. Zizek, J.-L. Nancy. In their opinion, this state of the social-everyday sphere of culture is largely correlated with the development of mass media and with the growth of various opportunities for a person to present his life in the form of a narrative about it. This range of possibilities unfolds from the traditional genres of journalistic interviews, articles, memoir literature to the modernity genres of reality TV, posts, comments and stories on social media. Media communications specialists emphasize: “The social channels we use are less important now than ever before. Today, it’s all about how you tell your story” [1]. In addition: “Stories are immersive not only because they are full-screen, but because they are shared in the moment with your audience. <… > you are giving your followers a glimpse into what’s happening in your life right now. They’re getting a look at a moment in your day, and they feel like they are a part of it because you have invited them in” [2]. Modern society and people are becoming in many ways media texts. They turn out to be not only passive consumers of information from the mass media, but also, if desired, active participants in media communication, creators of conditional media reality. In this process, modern society and a person at the same time settle down in a new space, master forms of coexistence with it, and lose sensitivity to convention, play and, most importantly, to the invariably public essence of media reality. Therefore, social-everyday reality and media reality are constantly in the process of convergence.
\nThis reveals two interrelated key issues: moral-ethical and sociocultural. Society and a person master media reality, be taught relationships with it, designated the foundations, boundaries, principles of what is permitted, of the trust and of the doubts about it, developed new ideas about building a reputation. In media reality quickly the formation of what H. Rheingold designated as informal public accumulation of useful knowledge and a change in the role of the degree of trust [3] to people and groups collecting and disseminating information. The degree of trust in the source, quality of information is one of the key conditions for a long, stable, effective existence of participants in both media communication and social communication. Simultaneously a predictable transformation of technologies for creating fake news, opportunities for manipulation, propaganda, and disinformation is observed. They are becoming more and more sophisticated and seek to captured, colonized the private world of an ordinary person. But, most importantly, they fill it with the necessary – from the point of view of ideological, political, economic benefits – ready-made ideas, meanings.
\nThis kind of relationship between society, a person, and media communications is justly alarming. These are, at the outset, concerns about how, in what directions and on what basis the social-everyday reality develops. Undoubtedly, these are fears about what moods, preferences, ideas and dreams it produces, what behavioral patterns it sets under the influence of long and frequent interaction with media reality. This is actualized the issues that are related to: firstly, to the preservation of the ability and desire of society and the individual to distinguish truth from falsehood, disinformation, manipulation; secondly, with the problematic field of simplification, a kind of primitives of moral-ethical, socio-cultural problems and, accordingly, the perception of news, information, their identification as truthful, reliable/deceitful, fake; thirdly, with the education of a sharply critical attitude to information at first sight about useful things, products, opportunities, primarily in the private sphere; fourthly, with the proliferation of leisure and entertainment programs in the media reality, in which the borderline between facts and reality is inevitably blurred. These programs are initially based on obvious playful and highly emotional moments. They seduce society and a person with the possibilities of quick, easy, all kinds of pleasure from simple and ethically generally recognized, permissible joys and comfort. These are, generally, gastronomic culture, fashion, sports, home design, healthy lifestyle, and family and youth entertainment, travel. In many ways, they make up the circle of useful social-everyday knowledge about which H. Rheingold wrote. This invariably leads to a smoothing of critical consciousness, activation of the emotional and sensory beginning and simplifies tasks for various kinds of manipulations.
\nOne way to overcome these qualms is to cultivate the fair memory ([4], p. 9). This is a special kind of memory associated with collective memory. The collective memory is “the memory of the moral obligation to exercise fairness or to allow its embodiment. By doing good or bad deeds, a person is not just an individual under the pressure of circumstances, but a thinking subject who, faced with an obstacle, creates his own identity. Individual and collective memory, contributing to the formation of personal identity, gives rise to the problem of a fair memory” ([4]p. 10). One of the key points in this process is the formation of personal identity through a critical attitude to reality, as well as personal choice and actions conditioned by it. This applies not only to the “high” spheres of life associated with civil, political rights and freedoms. The creation of a fair memory (P. Ricoeur) is no less relevant for the sphere of everyday life. It is important to consider the following. Concepts memory and of a fair memory (P. Ricoeur) inextricably linked to language and narration: “Memory needed language as a means of expression, and a narrative” ([4] p. 8). The languages of mass media, media text in this sense play one of the leading roles. They are able to form not only collective, but also a fair memory (P. Ricoeur), principles, foundations, models for identity, but they can also play with memory, subtly manipulate it.
\nIt is clear that the formation of a fair memory (P. Ricoeur) is in many respects the basis and condition for the stabilization, survival of the modern world, for which the problems of ethics, morality, responsibility, reputation, identity, self-identity of a person are relevant. Mass media continues to play the role of a strong consolidation factor, the creation of a collective mindset, consciousness, mentality. Although it is also clear that in the situation of strengthening the positions of the mass media, their focus on the private sphere of society and person life, the formation of the total of media reality, often filled with information chaos, dubious, unreliable news, it is necessary to understand the following issues. Firstly, what and as a result of what is included in the semantic and axiological scope of concepts of fake news, information chaos. Secondly, what are the conditions, principles, mechanisms of their implementation in social and everyday reality? Thirdly, is it always necessary and productive to consider them in a binary coordinate system: false/true, bad/good, unfair, forged/correct, trustworthy? Fourthly, what can resist, protect society, people from information and social chaos, inaccurate information, fake news?
\nFake news, unreliable information has become one of the characteristic features of modern mass media. It does not have to prove it anymore [5–13]. Rather need to join fair questions L Corbin: “Do not you find it unfair that in this new, complex eco-system of the new media, news organizations like the BBC, putting an effort into making sure that the piece of information is accurate, can lose to mere individuals, handsome men (or women) with good presentation, making people believe in something which is just not right? To an ordinary viewer, a nice guy sitting on a couch and making a self-video of his own might be more trustworthy than well-established news organizations, because of his/her appearance, the “one of us” style?” [5].
\nTo date, researchers has identified the following leading types of fake news: “…six types of definition: (1) news satire, (2) news parody, (3) fabrication, (4) manipulation, (5) advertising, and (6) propaganda” ([6], p. 147). The creation and dissemination of fake news, disinformation is associated primarily with political, social, economic topics, with the violation of civil rights and freedoms, with the era of universal propaganda, devaluation of democratic values and the development of post-truth. This is not contested too. Fake news is correlated with a distortion of reality, lies, forgery, forgery, manipulation, inconsistency with reality, its transformations using parody, satire.
\nLeading signs of fake news: retreating from facts, hiding the truth; emphasis on rumors, speculation, links to unreliable, anonymous sources; non-personalized experts; the desire not to focus on the consequences of events; purposeful used of negative strong emotions; aggressiveness of tone, style of presentation; escalation of threats. Fake news has become a threat in itself “…not only to the integrity of political debate, but also to the broader health of society in general” ([13], p. 464). Furthermore: “On its own, this is a serious concern, but perhaps the most serious concern is the ability of Fake News to create an artificial worldview for specific groups of citizens that systematically distorts reality. There have been several recent examples where precisely this kind of distortion has led to devastating consequences” ([13], p. 466).
\nAccordingly, the advice on combating false information is focused on the opposite properties. Despite the fact that there are no easy answers to questions about the methods of struggle, according to experts, they agree on the following points. Society and individual must work out and than invariably, systematically exercise a skeptical attitude towards information; they must remember about democratic values; be supposed to take care of their media ecology; must learn to understood the disinformation landscape and tasks, goals of business models; check sources of information; constantly compare information about one event from different mass media; to give special attention to the emotional saturation of suspicious, controversial topics; enhance the role of analytics; to become a kind of researchers of what they see, hear. At the same time, it is important to take into account that it will be extremely difficult and long to get rid of the consequences of exposure to fake news.
\nWhen studying fake news and ways to overcome them, the attention of researchers is focused on the position, systemic actions and responsibility of a journalist, an editor and an edition, and their reputation. It is they who are called upon to resist information chaos, manipulations, lies, fake news, to fight their using traditional methods, the capabilities of high-quality journalism.
\nDominance of this kind of approach to the problem of fake news leads to three key points is emphasized. Firstly, it is the position of the person which consumes mass media. The accent is on personal and conscious choice, responsibility for what he accepts/rejects as true, reliable, necessary, useful/false, unreliable, harmful information for him. Secondly, it is the informational content. Priority is given to socially, economically, politically obvious topics in their relevance, for example, presidential elections, military conflicts, increased civil protests, government response to the pandemic, falling living standards. Thirdly, it is the reputation and social responsibility of the journalist, editor and edition. They are viewed as guarantors of reliable, high-quality, socially responsible information. These are important, relevant and promising aspects of fake news research. But this approach misses a few significant points. Without a systematic study of these moments, it will remain incomprehensible why an ordinary person began to trust information from little-known handsome young man more than professional news from journalists and publishers with a good reputation. The question remains unclear why different people from different social groups are more concerned about how best to present themselves and their private life in the form of a media text than about the consequences of such actions.
\nNews is essential for people not only from the world of politics, economics, civil rights and freedoms, but also from more “simple” spheres of life, which form the backbone of everyday life. For example, news of fashion, home design, gastronomic culture, etc. This is a socially everyday sphere and its forms of life, according to J. Habermas, which for several hundred years have shaped the culture of countries belonging to the “spiritual contour of the West” and its identity ([14], p. 44–45). They are important for the individual, for the family, and for various social groups. To manage them, to be able to gently, without violence, change their ideological and semantic content, values – means to have complete control over modern society. This kind of news about the “simple” private sphere of life is capable of no less creating an artificial worldview, as well as fake news from the sphere of politics, as Alibašić and Rose wrote about [13]. However, if the news about political, socio-economic events is perceived by an ordinary person as something external, as attempts to invade his private space, the desire to impose someone else’s opinion, to deceive, then with news about “simple” spheres of life, the situation is different. There is no explicit and traditional opposition between power/person, public/private, society/home. These social-everyday forms of private life and their reflection in the mass media are initially perceived as efforts to support and revive the positive private values of everyday life.
\nThe mass media have long invaded the world of everyday life, for example, through the genres of reality (reality shows, lifestyle). They show an ordinary person a variety of opportunities for entertainment, pleasure, comfort, fashion in what for a long time belonged to the sphere of private life, or rather even routine. Mass media at the beginning of the XXI century very quickly mastered this social-everyday form of life, realizing its importance from an ideological, political and economic point of view. The emergence and development of the lifestyle genre plays one of the leading roles in this process. So, P.M. Jensen especially emphasizes the socio-cultural environment of the emergence and spread of this new media phenomenon: “The lifestyle genre has its historical roots in factual programming genres of the didactic sort <…> Another particularity of the genre is that lifestyle programs are increasingly traded internationally as program formats, which are subsequently adapted locally to meet national market conditions outside their country of origin <…>” ([15], p. 37). This is primarily due to the high standard of living in these countries, as noted by experts analyzing the lifestyle genre [16–31]. Judging by the research conducted the emergence and rapid development of this genre led to four main consequences.
\nFirstly, it is the desire of an ordinary person, who leads a stable, financially successful and socially predictable lifestyle, to improve with the help of advice on design, cooking, fashion, healthy lifestyle, leisure time, their home, appearance, and routine. This contributes to the further development of reality genres to striving to maximize the fullness covered of social-everyday life forms.
\nSecondly, the spread of the Anglo-Saxon way of life to other, less socially, economically successful regions, which, through reality genres, adopt the image, living standards, behavioral patterns, value orientations of their more successful geopolitical neighbors. These genres, as A. Mazel emphasizes, analyzing programs with Jamie Oliver, create this or that image as a desirable lifestyle, encouraging users to buy goods in order to acquire this lifestyle. This is achieved, in particular, by the fact that “Cooking and eating are not represented as domestic labour or a necessity, but rather as a form of leisure and a pleasurable lifestyle activity. Oliver’s ‘naked’ style makes cooking look effortless, accessible, and achievable” ([31], p. 138). The origin and development, the successful existence of the lifestyle genre is associated with the everyday life of an ordinary person. P.M. Jensen describes it this way: “Lifestyle television deals with ordinary people’s everyday lives. <…> The genre, together with reality, falls into the factual entertainment category, and programs are most often didactical at their core and give practical advice and inspiration on food, fashion, body, garden and house, all of which are phenomena through which we express and develop our identities” ([15], p. 38). As a result, a phenomenon develops, which researchers (Kate Soper, Lyn Thomas, Robert Caruana, Sarah Glozer, Giana M. Eckhardt [32–34]) refer to as “alternative hedonism”: “‘Alternative hedonism’ is here theorized as an immanent critique of ‘consumerism’, and the impulse behind a new ‘political imaginary’ or vision of the ‘good life’ that might influence (along with other developments) the move to a more socially just and environmentally sustainable and enjoyable future” ([33], p. 1). This phenomenon is directly related to the genres of reality: “In lifestyle television we identified four sub-genres where the representation of the joys of consumption is tempered by anxieties about quality of life, and desires for other pleasures: narratives of ‘relocation’ from urban noise and pollution to rural community and natural beauty; cookery programmes focusing on quests for authentic, wild or local food; programmes focusing on spiritual journeys motivated by disillusionment with material success; and finally, ‘ecoreality’ programmes, where the protagonists are challenged to adopt a new and ‘greener’ lifestyle” ([33], p. 2).
\nThirdly, the inevitable fusion of lifestyle with reality shows, as well as the purposeful use of melodrama and documentary drama techniques, first of all, to improve the image of reality. Although lifestyle, according to researchers, is softer, emotionally calmer, kinder, in fact harmless, in contrast to the real show genre.
\nFourthly, the emergence of various kinds of manipulations, fake news, people who work for corporations, create a personal image through fictional stories, deception, speculation on vital topics. This creates quasi-social relations: “Lifestyle gurus embody the para-social, trading off the appeal of intimacy, authenticity and integrity. <…> social media have increased the levels of emotional investment, trust and attention capital in para-social relationships by providing ubiquitous access to native experts and creating the platform to achieve influence and micro-celebrity status. <…> the growing number of lifestyle gurus providing the public with health advice and scientific knowledge points to the need to examine critically the social and cultural landscape that enables micro-celebrities to emerge” [35]. However, in such cases of manipulations, deceptions, their exposure, the same ideas, advice, approaches work for the reality genres as for other fake news. We are interested in a completely different aspect, which, as a rule, is not taken into account by researchers.
\nIt is important to understand: what kind of transformations and distortions of social-everyday reality genres of reality produce; how these distorted views are formed; why they should be interpreted in the problematic field of fake news and understand the full extent of the threats they pose.
\nThe social-everyday sphere of life, as the development of reality genres has shown, is no less saturated with news and events than the political, social and economic. In this sphere of life, no less than in the sphere of civil rights and freedoms, moral and ethical principles, trust, foundations and values for identity and self-identity are important. News about the “simple” private sphere of life actively, but gently, unobtrusively forms an artificial worldview (Alibašić, Rose), similar to the “high” spheres of life. Influence of programs Званый ужин (Dinner party) (Ukrainian and Russian programs), Едим дома (Eat at Home), Завтрак с Юлией Высоцкой (Breakfast with Yulia Vysotskaya), Кулинарные путешествия с Юлией Высоцкой (Culinary Journeys with Yulia Vysotskaya), Паломник с половником (Pilgrim with ladle) (Russian programs), Baking Tips from Anna Olson, Fresh with Anna Olson, Barefoot Countessa, Dinner at Tiffani, Private Chef Neill Anthony, Giada at Home, Everyday Italian, Giada’s Weekend Getaways, Siba’s Table, The Pioneer Woman: Ree Drummond, Kitchen, Southern at Heart, Girl Meets Farm, Yes to the Dress, Tiny house, big dreams at the mindset and behavior patterns of an ordinary person are notably. At the same time information which they have been provided about products, wines, recipes, methods of preparation, design of kitchens, living rooms, dining tables, cafe halls, restaurants, methods of building small houses, renovating old houses, etc. has based on knowledge and on experience of everyday life. An ordinary person in general knows about those things, products, situations that are discussed in reality programs, and at the same time receives new information about them, their possibilities and ways of application. It is important to take into account that the hosts of the programs are famous and popular personalities of show business, motion picture industry, business. Consequently, all things, products, situations, skills, clothes of presenters, heroes in the genres of reality have a direct and increased ideological and symbolic meaning.
\nThis is how a certain way of life (urban, rural, “green”, secular, healthy, slowly food) is created and set, which is offered to an ordinary person as an ideal and model. In addition, value preferences and behavioral models are accented through individual points that are purposefully emphasized in various reality projects. For example, presenters, heroes of programs create certain connotations for spices, products, recipes, dishes. Cinnamon is warmth and a feeling of home, comfort; greens of spinach, mint, leaf celery, parsley is the taste of freshness and a sense of joy, fullness of a healthy life; raspberries, strawberries is the taste of sweetness and feelings of pleasure, happiness, family vacations with children, romantic mood; vanillin is refinement in everything and refinement of the atmosphere; graceful fruit bowls are a sign of a sincere friendly/love meeting; a large dish is a sign of a family holiday, a party of a cheerful company of friends; chocolate cake with creamy cherry or strawberry filling is dessert for Valentine’s Day, pasta options is family dinner. This is reinforced both through verbal repetition, and through a kind of careless, fleeting glance of the camera at products, spices, objects, flowers, glancing around the kitchen, living room in such a way as to create from fragments a hint of a holistic, flawless and harmonious world. The design of the table, choice of dishes, places for breakfast/lunch/dinner/picnic/party are thoroughly commented on by the hosts, guests, heroes. It sets and gently promotes value images of places and situations. Scaling, abrupt or smooth change with the help of playing with plans, cadres of the images of the face, hands of the host, products, cooking process, dishes, combined with constant explanations of the hosts, guests create the sensation of simultaneously stable, pleasant, familiar and newly discovered through the nuances and images of tastes and smells of the world. Additionally they fill him with strangely elusive memories of things, emotions, smells, tastes, and strongly seduce him with the desire to repeat/embody all this in life. In this regard, the montage of media text also plays a key role. In this regard, the montage of media text also plays a key role. Similar techniques are actively used in lifestyle genre varieties dedicated to home design, the art of make-up, a healthy lifestyle, fashion for small houses, vintage kitchens and the ability to make and restore furniture. It is apparently that advertising and PR of goods and services are gently and carefully interwoven into these programs through an emphasis on comfort, beauty, usefulness of a particular thing, device, spice, product. There is no obvious deception or forgery here, but this does not mean that there are no fake information and manipulations in these programs.
\nAn ordinary person falls under the influence of that information that he cannot, even with a critical attitude, actualize with a binary system true/false. On the one hand, there is nothing deceiving, fake in taste such as of cinnamon, chili, frittata from zucchini, bacon baked with maple syrup or a tiny house, a wedding dress from a famous couturier. This is not deception or fake information. This, as emphasized in the programs, is being a matter of personal taste/choice/favorite preferences.
\nOn the other hand, all this can only be verified by personal experience, having tried to cook a dish, organize a party for friends, restore the kitchen, put the house in perfect order, and choose the wedding dress of your dreams. The reality show’s presenters and guests of also constantly and persistently call for such an experience. However, it is important to take into account that genres reality TV is grouped into problem-thematic blocks and focused on one, local, way of life. Reality-project is propagandized of conceptual components this concrete, local way of life. Nevertheless, there are many such concrete, local ways of life. They endeavor to form simultaneously a holistic picture of social-everyday reality, and created information, semantic, ethical and esthetic chaos. Each of the ideological and semantic lifestyles claims to be unique, correct. Although this seems to be the basis and condition for the plurality and variety of choices for every person, social group, this is not the case. Each problem-thematic group of reality television genres is focused on the creation and soft promotion of the same value meanings and images, which can and should only have shades just to maintain the illusion of diversity. This is evidently, for example, when comparing programs like The Pioneer Woman: Ree Drummond and Girl Meets Farm. In these reality-projects, the farming lifestyle is contemporaneously realized through general, constant schemes, ideas, values, and through their detailing with recipe options, the nuances of the images of the presenter, their family life, house designs. All this leads to various kinds of distortions, first of all, the simplification of social-everyday reality, which is under the influence of ideas, images of media reality. Moreover, the proposed lifestyle appears in its kind of “ceremonial” form, when the external appearance of the presenters, guests, heroes of programs, situations, processes are shown from a side ideally designed for public representation. In this regard, they are close to the advertising world and its heroes, who are oriented, imitate social-everyday reality, but are not it.
\nOn the third hand, an ordinary person falls under the influence of the image of “star” presenters, guests of programs, under the charm and pressure of ordinary people – participants in projects – who were able to realize their dreams of “simple” joys of life.
\nThis is how reality genres set and sell not only an integral way of life, but also creates an idea of the value, importance, meaning of simple basic things, services, concepts, situations, as well as ways of articulating them. In the genres of reality stable set of models of behaviors and accompanying emotions is proposed. In the genres of reality, there are always a lot of smiles, laughter, emotions of happiness, pleasure. They constantly and persistently frame the stories of the presenters, the heroes of the programs about their families, past, failures, sufferings, dreams, desires, aspirations. The reality genres are always based on a certain minimal everyday situation, which is repeated from episode to episode in each season. This, too, inevitably leads to a simplified and lightened image of social-everyday reality. Especially when you consider that in the lifestyle genre, as a rule, all stories end up happily. All this actively contributes to the creation of identity, self-identity of the ordinary person, social groups, society as a whole, and, consequently, the formation of a collective and a fair memory (P. Ricoeur).
\nConsequently, one should not neglect the study of fake news and artificial worldview in this sphere of life of an ordinary person. It is no less important with what, how and due to what dominant models of communication an ordinary person, social group, society correlates himself after consuming stable sets of lifestyles, their components, heroes, ideas from reality genres. The types and methods of organizing the narrative, the peculiarities of the language of these genres gently set those models, meanings, ideas, values that will serve as the basis for the life of an ordinary person for a long time. An ordinary person usually is striving to inherit, imitate various lifestyles from reality TV. He will be building his life, social ties, relationships, values focusing on the resulting models.
\nSocial-everyday reality is extremely saturated with various places of formation and existence of common senses, about which wrote J.-L. Nancy. They are created, in particular, through active communication, discussion of problems, phenomena, situations, including from the world of reality TV. This is evidenced by the popularity of reality genres, of comments on program sites and sociological research. These places of common senses (J.-L. Nancy) are always and invariably filled with ideological values. At the same time, they undergo qualitative transformations in the era of the dominance of propaganda and post-truth. J.-L. Nancy, in a conversation with M. Ryklin, insisted: “… in the era of domination of the masses …” “… material force cannot hold out for more than a certain, very short time, if it fails to legitimize itself with the help of symbolic ties” ([36], p. 117). Manipulations, fake news from the “high” spheres of social culture are based on the chain of power, on the importance of social hierarchy. For a “simple” social-everyday reality, such mechanisms are not so effective due to the fact that people are used to protecting their private space from external intrusions. This requires other approaches, which are actually used by reality TV. According to J.-L. Nancy, the modern “world ceases to be grasped in the form of a figure, the chain of power, the chain of existence disappears, there remains only a constantly growing ideology in which the masses are trained and which has its own rationality. The masses themselves may be irrational, but the mechanisms that take possession of them and that use them are rational” ([36], p. 113). Media communications continue to play one of the key roles in this process. This is especially important from the point of view of the development of reality genres, which smoothly push social-everyday reality to change with the help of temptation. Reality genres neutralize the opposition power/person, outside world/private space. But they, through the techniques of seduction, give the masses rational mechanisms, which will gently control an ordinary person, social groups.
\nThis is a temptation, firstly, by the ease and speed of achieving the dream of comfort, prestige, affordability and, which is extremely important, personal conformity with generally accepted ethical and social norms. In the genres of reality, this is always emphasized: “You deserve it”, “It’s simple and easy”, “It won’t take much time and effort”, “The efforts made will pay off with the joy of your loved ones”, “It’s so tasty, healthy, great …” that “you and your friends will not regret about … “,“We managed to do it”,“ It was all worth it”. This kind of verbal suggestion is always supported and enhanced by the appropriate musical accompaniment, video images, what in general creates and launches the rational mechanisms of symbolic connections, about which wrote J.-L. Nancy. Secondly, this is a temptation a diverse stable set of television lifestyles, through which the places of formation and existence of common senses (J.-L. Nancy). It is important that these lifestyles are only touching each other in passing. For example, cooking reality shows will not show how difficult and laborious it is to wash the dishes, the kitchen, the living room after lunch, dinner, what is emphasized in reality-projects about the love of cleanliness. How will it not be in reality about the restoration of old furniture or the construction of a small dream house close-up to show broken nails, scratched, cut hands, bruises on the legs, dirty clothes, fatigue, as they do in reality, dedicated to the transformation of the body, its correspondence to ideas about beauty and glamor. They will not show in reality about the importance of a small house of the financial difficulties associated with its construction or purchase, the rough going of finding a place for its long-term parking. Together, in the reality they do not lie about real difficulties, problems associated with this or that lifestyle, but only gloss over them. Together, in the reality they do not lie about real difficulties, problems associated with this or that lifestyle, but only obscured, blur over them. Sometimes they are given a beautiful frame through the stories of the presenters and heroes about the importance and joy of overcoming these objective difficulties and problems, thereby making them seem insignificant, simplifying their sense. Consequently, to what extent the meanings and values from reality lifestyles correspond to the facts and possibilities of social-everyday reality is a significant question. It would seem that sets of lifestyles create and represent an integral, systemic social world and its key meanings. It would seem that the lifestyles offered by reality are an unconditional reflection of the objective social-everyday reality. It would seem that advice on improving the way of life, physicality softly offered with a smile and benevolently – these are just good, sincere, visual recommendations for achieving a model, a dream. It would seem that the variety of sets of lifestyles, situations and models, options for their solution is the proposed freedom of choice. It would seem that these are the places of existence of common senses are formed and developed (J.-L. Nancy), which the mass media wants to help people improve. It would seem that there is no point in talking about distorting the truth in this regard. But on this gap between simultaneously soft, insistent advice and seduction, the transformation and various kinds of distortions of social-everyday reality, as well as the formation of new and largely artificial places of existence of common meaning, are based. These places turn out to be representatives of the lightweight and simplified truth about social-everyday reality, its peculiar of fragments, claiming to be central and fully reliable knowledge about the world.
\nA person, trusting a smile, the benevolence of the world of reality shows and especially lifestyle becomes dependent on given and persistently, lucidly, imperatively explained for him places of common meaning. That is why the didactic aspect is so important in the genres of reality. This moment is simultaneously allows the heightened emotionality to be fully realized, which is important from the point of view of the introduction of inaccurate information, distortion of reality, and focuses on the purely positive nature of this emotionality, which neutralizes the critical attitude to information. In this regard, the tasks for manipulating personal and public consciousness are simplified; their impact is become more effective. J.-L. Nancy in book “Unproductive Community” (1986, 1990) defines the essence of the fate of a modern person as an atom, a part of society as follows: we must not forget that “… the fate of the atom is the fate of the world” ([37], p. 27). In genres reality persevere of the attachment is cultivated to idealized society. Moreover this society understood is as the “… loss or degradation of social (and communicative) intimacy …” ([37], p. 35). A value emphasis is placed on this systematically and purposefully. So, in all genres of reality there are presenters surrounded by guests and/or heroes of the program. The world that is created in reality is always densely populated with participants. And in this world always there are also many stories about the upcoming joyful, pleasant, crowded event In addition, in this world there are always many mentions, allusions, references to past pleasant, happy events, situations conditioned by the general theme of reality and the specific theme of each of its episodes. An ordinary person in reality exists in a stream of memories and anticipations of joyful, sweet, kind, friendly communication. And cooking breakfast/lunch, party planning, renovating the kitchen, purchasing a wedding dress, cleaning the living room are an ordinary, necessary and also quite pleasant component of this everyday stream. Moreover, the audience is told stories about the private life of the presenters, guests of the programs, another’s to them. This kind of narration is built according to a typical monotonous scheme: the memory of good events, moods, friends, relatives; a confidential story about supposedly very personal moments; moral and ethical conclusion in relation to the story; a clearly substantiated connection between the memory of good, kind events, people and how this influenced the choice of this particular recipe, dress, house; general conclusion about the importance of links between the past/present/future. This scheme is based on positive emotions, is aimed at ethical moments and is designed to activate similar moods and actions in the audience. Furthermore, the audience is actually asked to build, evaluate their life according to the models shown by the media text.
\nSuch an idealized society and the importance of belonging to it are embedding as values for the collective memory. This happens, for example, by emphasizing attachment to family values: “This is the recipe of my mom, aunt, grandmother”, “This is how my dad cooked”, “I am (preparing, building a house, choosing this wedding dress, taking part in a competition, going on a culinary journey) because of my mom, uncle …”, “We have been going to this cafe since our youth”,“Let us remember what dishes were fashionable in the era of youth of our mothers and grandmothers“. These can be moods of openness to the world of adventures, of tastes: “I have long dreamed of street food in Mexico City”, “We are building a tiny house so that we can always travel freely, at will”, “I want to feel the taste of all the capitals of the world”. This is all amplified and constantly supported by musical accompaniment and images of handsome, well-groomed, happy people, kitchens, living rooms, cafes, restaurants, street food and always different beautiful landscapes.
\nIt is fundamentally impossible to update this with the usual binary coordinate system for fake news: true/false, genuine/invented. It is fundamentally impossible actualized this with the usual binary coordinate system for fake news: true/false, genuine/invented. Reality genres use typical stories from everyday life and the corresponding emotions, feelings that could really happen to the presenters, guests, heroes of the programs, or could be skillfully acted by them. But this is not a deception in its usual interpretation. His exposure will not significantly affect the worldview of people, but only change their attitude towards the presenter of the program. For example, if it turns out that the presenter’s grandmother (aunt, mother) never knew how to cook well and did not keep a culinary diary with family recipes, tips that are shared with the audience. However, this kind of discloses will not cancel people’s beliefs in family values, love, friendship, and even more so in sauce, pasta or fried chicken. Consequently, the information that is introduced through the genres of reality should be considered in a coordinate system not true/false, genuine/fictional, but in a different one. This coordinate system is as follows: naturally relevant, important for society/artificially relevant, significant for society.
\nThrough the activation and scaling of positive emotions, feelings of affection, idealization, the importance of compliance with generally accepted ethical standards in the genres of reality, ideologically, value-marked meanings are created and maintained. In counterweight to this, the voice, the position of an ordinary person and social groups move to the marginal area for it is used traditional, standard techniques propaganda methods and techniques. First of all, this is the technique on which all reality is built: Ad nauseam is the tireless repetition of an idea. In reality and in general, and in each problem-thematic group, and in each specific episode, sets of general ideas are repeated, which are tirelessly promoted with the help of significant details, clarifications, explanations. The technique of beautiful people is especially important, which in reality is complicated and deepened by the technique of beautiful things, situations, utensil, food, landscapes. This is a well-known technique of labeling, when, for example, Greek yogurt is promoted as ideal for many dishes and people, and mayonnaise is declared unfashionable, unhealthy. Although recently in many programs you can see how dishes with mayonnaise are prepared, and the presenters, guests of the projects admit that they love this product very much and ask to put it in a larger dressing. The technique of brilliant uncertainty is also used, when, for example, a crunchy layer on pies without explanation, just is enveloped in a flavor of emotionally attractive words, expressions and pronouns. Also important are the methods of appeals to authority, the bandwagon, “inevitable-victory” and join the crowd, the common man, when the opinion, tastes of an ordinary person, of a social group purposefully and gently switch to the necessary meanings and goals. We can also say that in the reality genres they are actively developed the cherry picking or the fallacy of incomplete evidence technique, when they give a certain stable set of truths about the social-everyday reality, but and giving it mixed up with some meanings, ideas, images the audience wants to hear. As a result, positive emotions and stereotypical didactic maxims from reality genres begin to actively play the same role as whipping up negative emotions, aggression and deception in fake news. They distort the social-everyday reality and actively manipulate the mindset and worldview. However, in relation to reality, the advice and methods of traditional exposing of fake news fundamentally do not work. This is due to the fact that reality is initially aimed at more complex and subtle layers of senses: constant socio-cultural values. In consequence of the reality, it is important to present the socially everyday world in a lightened and simplified way, so that it been more natural, familiar and people are easier to believe in it.
\nSo the place of common senses (J.-L. Nancy) are gently prescribed to society through the distortion of a person’s relations, his desires, opportunities and social-everyday reality. There is a gradual distortion of ideas about the complexity, diversity and reliability of social-everyday reality, its basic general meanings. This distortion is based on purely positive meanings, feelings, values and emotions, which, after repeated reproduction, acquire the features of exaggerated hyperreality. Everything in it is always good, easy, simple and cute, and the opposite sides of life, the variety of its shades are not important. More precisely, they are subordinated to ethically generally accepted joy, comfort, pleasures. Then this distorted view is introduced into the foundations of person’s identity and social groups. Behind the seemingly simple, lovable, native desires to make people’s lives happy and comfortable in society, something else is revealed. They display meanings, ideas, values, which, similar to news from “high” spheres of social culture, can be trivial manipulation and distortion of reality.
\nHowever, this kind of manipulations carries more threats and is stronger than false information from the “high” spheres of social life. They purposefully, insistently place an excessive emotional emphasis on a lightweight and simplified image of the world. In this world cooking, cleaning the house, choosing a wedding dress, fashionable makeup, plastic surgery, purchasing, building a dream house, culinary journey contemporaneously are the right moral-ethical choice and of a series of joyful pleasures. At the same time, moments that do not completely fit into the concept of the projects are still demonstrated. For example, these are the most time-consuming, difficult, requiring time, skills, unpleasant, painful, disgusting, fearful moments of cooking, cleaning, repairing, building a house, the first days after plastic surgery etc. But they move to the margins and are leveled by the stories of the presenters, guests, heroes of reality about joy, pride, satisfaction, new opportunities because of what has been done, what has been achieved. So reality, by means of the temptation of the ease, simplicity and speed of achieving a dream which can be realized, distorts the basic ideas, meanings, processes, situations, and values of social-everyday reality. They level, and gradually destroy, the notions of complex and always systemic social, economic, political, household ties and personal, collective moral and ethical responsibility for the choice made.
\nThe soft introduction of distortions based on a lightweight and simplified truth into social-everyday reality will inevitably lead to a revolution in everyday life. A. Heller has been thinking about this problem for half a century, starting with the book Towards a Sociology of Knowledge of Everyday Life. Developing these ideas, she already in an interview in 2001 emphasized, “… that a revolution cannot be political or economic, but can only be a revolution of everyday life” ([38], p. 161). The increase of media communications, the activation of reality genres in them proved the correctness of A. Heller, for whom it was important to show the perniciousness of the ideas of communism, the common good and the need to sacrifice of personal happiness and pleasure and life in his name. She rightly insisted that the ideology of self-sacrifice was initially false and distorted the relationship between a person and society, perverted the very idea of society. In counterweight to this distortion, A. Heller put forward the idea of everyday life as the value basis of society. Similar ideas are characteristic of J.-L. Nancy. He too reflects on the importance of maintaining an intimate and trusting relationship between a person and society. This kind of relationship contributes to the design of a long, natural life of the places of common senses (J.-L. Nancy). However, in the XXI century the development of reality genres has shown that the world of everyday life can also be successfully colonized by the mass media, which through the networks of soft temptation will begin to make a “quiet” revolution of everyday life in it. This “quiet” revolution is based not on aggression and the demand for personal sacrifice in the name of the common good, but on the contrary. A person voluntarily gives his tastes, desires, ideas, principles at the disposal of foreign, external, ready-made meanings. A person and society, not realizing themselves as victims of propaganda and manipulation, become such, first of all, betraying their own private life. Such a revolution of everyday life is based on an increased, systemic and deliberate exploitation of positive emotions and perceptions of social-everyday reality as a set of easily and quickly attainable goals. But this will be an artificial revolution of everyday life, built on the soft and strong manipulation of emotions and moods. But it will be an artificial revolution of everyday life, built on the soft and strong manipulation of desires, dreams, emotions, moods. It is clear that this will lead to a distortion of the collective mindset and memory. It is also clear that in this case it is impossible to talk about a fair memory (P. Ricoeur).
\nThus, it is inappropriate to limit fake news and information to the topological range of deception, disinformation and forgery. Although difficult, they can and should be exposed. It is possible and necessary to oppose them with the truth, reliable information. In genres of reality this kind of binary relationship does not work. Social-everyday reality in these genres is presented as it is, as it is own copy. Social-everyday reality in these genres is presented as authentic, reliable, indisputably, documentary image of oneself. However, this is a reflection with seemingly insignificant semantic and emotional accents on the everyday situation that is important for this project and for a specific episode of the show. But these accents are also false. They reflect real, natural reactions for a given situation, albeit exaggerated, scaled up to meet the goals of leisure’s, entertainment programs. Emotions and stories, descriptions of situations, events in reality are true. But this is a kind of truth, representing a one-dimensional world in which you can achieve a result (cooking a delicious dinner, buying a dream wedding dress, a successful life on a farm) outside the complex system of social-everyday relationships. In this one-dimensional world of one dominant situation, truth does not oppose lies or false information and knowledge. Truth is opposed to itself in the sense that exaggeration, distortion, strengthening by positive emotions of the familiar, recognizable, but differentiated by sets of ways of life of the world, is the creation of an image of truth. There is no problem of lies, falsehood/truth. More important is the problem of the plurality of images of situations and the truths corresponding to them, which do not require self-sacrifice from an ordinary person in the name of society, suffering and submission. They, it would seem, do not pretend to be unique, absolute rightness, but offer good options for a comfortable world and the right to choose. However, it is precisely clear sets of lifestyles that distort the truth about social-everyday reality, replacing it with ready-made private meanings, ideas, types of heroes and values that are conditioned, subordinate to a specific everyday situation. The common thing that unites and connects these sets of lifestyles is desire, dominance of positive emotions, a life-affirming worldview, simplified beauty and comfort. The common thing that unites and connects these sets of lifestyles is the desire to live happily, easily, ethically of dignity; dominance of positive emotions; life-affirming worldview, simplistic interpretation of beauty and comfort. In this regard reality distorts social-everyday reality like all ideologically marked phenomena, when, according to J.-L. Nancy: “This is a simple and dangerous logic, implying that the absolutely separate contains, in its separation, something more than just the separate, or that the separation itself should be closed, and the closeness should not be limited to the territory <…>, but should be limited by itself closeness” ([37], p. 28). This determines the creation of artificial places of formation and existence of common senses (J.-L. Nancy), and it too is lead the distortion of social-everyday reality, and a change in cultural attitudes and collective memory. This kind of information, knowledge in the social-everyday sphere is based on a lightweight and simplified truth about a particular event, situation, phenomenon, ways, possibilities and ways to achieve the desired result.
\nBut, in this case, there is no reason to talk about the possibilities of forming a fair memory (P. Ricoeur) and its implementation of moral, ethical and social tasks to create the foundations and principles of the natural identity of an ordinary person, social groups, and society as a whole. The languages of the mass media, the narration in the media text, are based on a simplified, lightened image of social-everyday reality, create, and set artificial of models everyday situations and of languages for a person and society.
\nThe development of media communications, propaganda technologies and their fusion with social-everyday reality could not but lead to a number of fundamental changes. These changes, first of all, are aimed at the private space of an ordinary person and the cultivation in it of an irresponsible attitude towards their own private life, everyday life, and corporeality. This kind of sentiment is supported and encouraged by the media through reality genres: reality and lifestyle. These genres primarily produce are formation of an image of a lightweight and simplified truth about social-everyday reality.
\nThe lightweight, simplified truth is a deliberate distortion of ideas about social-everyday reality, its basic models, and principles of existence. The lightweight, simplified truth is the desire to create the illusion of the possibility of a happy society in which ordinary people live comfortably, joyfully, cozily in harmony with friends, family, themselves and without violating the moral and ethical generally accepted ideas. The lightweight, simplified truth is not a lie, not a deception of the audience by means of traditional methods and techniques of propaganda, but also not a genuine representation of the completeness, integrity of social-everyday reality. The lightweight, simplified truth is a complex kind of falsification, distortion through the cultivation and propaganda of a “one-dimensional” world order, a worldview based on the ideas and values of “everyday hedonism”. The lightweight, simplified truth is the desire of the mass media to break up a complex social-everyday reality into separate independent problem-thematic sets (cooking, sports, housing design, bodily beauty …) and present them as an illusion of the fullness of life and of the possibilities of choice for an ordinary person. The lightweight, simplified truth is the desire to seduce an ordinary person with what he can collect, as in a supermarket or a restaurant, his own version of a comfortable, pleasant world from various sets. For example, such a comfortable and pleasant world may consist of genre varieties of culinary reality shows, lifestyle about fashion trends in living room design and makeup. But this image of the world may not include programs about travel, a healthy lifestyle. Consequently, distortion of social-everyday reality inevitably occurs simultaneously due, firstly, to the fact that in reality, through problem-thematic sets, its numerous variants are created. These options are easily, quickly constructed into a “ready-made” picture of social-everyday reality in accordance with the desires of an ordinary person. Similarly, any of the sets in such a world can be removed, replaced by a new one, which is fundamentally impossible in social-everyday reality. Secondly, all problem-thematic sets are based on positive emotions and on the desire to assure an ordinary person that he can achieve, try, get everything that is described and show in the program. The only condition is to want and not be afraid to repeat in your real life what was discussed in the program. Thirdly, reality TV distorts the truth about the necessary skills, abilities; material conditions opportunities so that, for example, an ordinary person can restore a vintage kitchen himself, build a tiny house, Thai chicken coconut curry, buy a designer wedding dress of his dreams, or dramatically change your lifestyle and move to a farm/small town. Fourthly, this kind of distortion is possible with the help of temptation by beautiful faces, things, landscapes, stories about successful events, which are traditional techniques and methods of propaganda.
\nThe lightweight, simplified truth is both a perfectly acceptable embellishment of reality, and a desire to remove labor-consuming, difficult, unpleasant, disgusting moments, things on the margin, to pass them by in silence, or to present them in a playful light. This is initially and irreparably laid down in programs of leisure, entertainment nature, which are based not on deception, but on the exploitation of the means and methods of fiction, theatrical culture. However, this moment of the playing, and of some permissible conventionality, is made deliberately obvious to the viewer for several purposes. Firstly, in order to draw attention to the positive emotions, positive aspects of situations as central and value-determining, and to present difficult, disadvantageous moments as self-evident, well-known, and therefore do not require attention. Secondly, in order for didactic moments, which are ideologically significant, to be realized not due to obvious mentoring and edification, but due to the conventionality of the playing world, the active involvement of all communication participants in it. Thus, the lightweight, simplified truth gradually teaches an ordinary person, in a conventionally playful way of theatrical culture, to perceive himself and socially everyday reality.
\nIn addition, in the genres of reality, especially lifestyle, the simplification of the model lifestyle is important from the point of view of its visibility and persuasiveness for the audience. This is, as it were, not a deception, but not the real truth, but its idealized version. This kind of truth about social-everyday reality presupposes the gradual creation and protection of a uniformity worldview and attitude. They are based on the ideals of a simplified understanding of beauty, ethics, social harmony, the meaning of which is offered as ready-made ideas and beliefs. They are methodically and repetitively explained in each of the sets of life and each specific episode. In reality, it’s simple. In reality, it’s simple. After all, a person can buy, judging by the assurances of the presenters, guests, heroes of the programs, this or that sort of cheese, wine, bread, meat, dress, a set for the restoration of the kitchen in any supermarket, bakery, salon of wedding dresses. It is clear that along with these products, things, he cannot and should not receive the promised comfort, prestige, and joy. It is conspicuous that along with these products, things, he cannot and should not receive the promised comfort, prestige, and joy. An ordinary person acquires only a minimum condition, a basis for trying to enjoy food, beautiful clothes, and a home. The semantic and moral-ethical emphasis is carefully transferred to the ordinary person: this is your choice, do not be afraid to make a choice, and do not be afraid to try. However, at the same time, complex cause-and-effect relationships, characteristic of social-everyday reality, and the seriousness of responsibility for the choice made are leveled. In counterweight to this, a lightweight, simplified truth about life is proposed, which in reality is formed through a system of symbolic connections. So, in different problem-thematic sets of reality between meanings, ideas, situations, emotions, both general and private connections are established and fixed. For example, nuances such as burning candles and small flower arrangements on tables create the image of a romantic date. Through the fashion for Greek yogurt, spinach, cinnamon is fixed the possibility of a variety of tastes and need to take care of one’s health and the happiness of the family. The question is, are there in fact such kindred, friendly, social relationships, connections that imply and describe in reality of the situations of a dinner party, a good meal, a fun party, a wedding dress, a new home?
\nAnother is important group of questions. How is a person seeking to obtain one or the other way of life from reality, responsible for the choice they make in social-everyday reality? Can an ordinary person, facing an obstacle in the reality of his life, create his own identity and be responsible for his choices and actions, which is what fair memory suggests (P. Ricoeur)? Are these kinds of senses and techniques effective for fostering a fair memory (P. Ricoeur)? They are essential for building collective mindsets and memories. But the lightweight, simplified truth about social-everyday reality, based on separate sets of situations that can be quickly constructed in any set, does not prepare an ordinary person, social groups, society as a whole for complex problems of choice, for the difficulties of finding identity. It does not prepare for the inevitable responsibility of interactions between collective and individual memory. Lightweight, simplistic truth offers “ready-made” lifestyles and “ready-made” ways, ways to acquire them. In this sense, the lightweight, simplified truth turns out to be more harmful, pathogenic for the social-everyday reality than traditional fake news. Considering that a kind of mutual transition of media reality and social-everyday reality is gradually being established, and then it is necessary to ask the following questions. If an ordinary person and society as a whole get used to the world of the lightweight, simplified truth, then will not this destroy their ability and desire to distinguish lies from truth, fake from the original, the convention of a playing from the complexity of social-everyday reality? If the lightweight, simplified truth introduces into the world of a person, a social group, society, seemingly insignificant distortions, small erroneous ideas about reality, then will this not form a persistent desire to build, have, live in such a simple world in which there is no place for serious social, political, economic problems, and civil rights and freedoms are less valuable than the comfort and hedonism of everyday life?
\nThis kind of lightweight, simplified truth and its purposeful cultivation of mass media lead to serious socio-cultural worldview consequences. A person and society lose the ability of critical consciousness and gradually get used to living in a simple, one-dimensional, joyful, comfortable world, lose the ability and desire to be serious, analytically inclined to all news, situations, events. This gradually, but invariably, forms a community of not individuals, but their opposites: those whom J. Lacan called dividuals, videlicet disintegrated, fragmented people. Consequently, a comprehensive study of a lightweight, simplified truth in the context of the problems of false information, information chaos is a promising and productive direction.
\nGeneral requirements for Open Access to Horizon 2020 research project outputs are found within Guidelines on Open Access to Scientific Publication and Research Data in Horizon 2020. The guidelines, in their simplest form, state that if you are a Horizon 2020 recipient, you must ensure open access to your scientific publications by enabling them to be downloaded, printed and read online. Additionally, said publications must be peer reviewed.
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\n\nMetadata for all publications is also automatically deposited in IntechOpen's OAI repository, making them available through the Open Access Infrastructure for Research in Europe's (OpenAIRE) search interface further establishing our compliance.
\n\nIn other words, publishing with IntechOpen guarantees compliance.
\n\nRead more about Open Access in Horizon 2020 here.
\n\nWhich scientific publication to choose?
\n\nWhen choosing a publication, Horizon 2020 grant recipients are encouraged to provide open access to various types of scientific publications including monographs, edited books and conference proceedings.
\n\nIntechOpen publishes all of the aforementioned formats in compliance with the requirements and criteria established by the European Commission for the Horizon 2020 Program.
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