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1. Introduction
The aim of the electric power system is to produce and deliver to the consumer’s electric energy of defined parameters, where the main quantities describing the electric energy are the voltage and frequency. During normal operation of system the frequency varies as a result of the variation of the real power generated and consumed. At the same time, because of voltage drops in the transmission lines and transformers it is impossible to keep the voltage at the nominal level in all the nodes of the power system. It is also impossible to keep an ideal sinusoidal shape of the voltage or current waveform due to the nonlinearities in many devices use for electric energy generation, transmission and at end users. That is why the electric power system require to keep the quantities near the nominal value[1]-[5].
Recently, the deregulated electricity market has also opened the door for customers own distributed generation due to economical and technical benefit. The liberalization of the grid leads to new management structures, in which the trading of energy is important. The need to integrate the renewable energy like wind energy into power system is to minimize the environmental impact on conventional plant of generation. The conventional plant uses fossil fuels such as coal & petroleum products to run the steam turbines and generate the thermal power. The fossil fuel consumption has an adverse effect on the environment and it is necessary to minimize the polluting and exhausting fuel. The penetration of renewable energy especially wind has been increasing fast during the past few years and it is expected to rise more in near future. Many countries around the world are likely to experience similar penetration level. During the last decade of the twentieth century, worldwide wind energy capacity is doubled approximately every three years.
Today’s trends are to connect all size of generating units like wind farm,solar farm,biogas generation and conventional source like coal,hydro,nuclear power plant in to the grid system shown in Fig.1.0
Figure 1.
Grid integration of interconnected system
The critical power quality issues related to integration of wind farms have been identified by team of Riso National Laboratory and Danish Utility Research Institute, Denmark and Electronic Research and Development Centre, India in Nov.1998.The power quality in relation to a wind turbine describe the electrical performance of wind energy generating system. It reflects the generation of grid interference and the influence of a wind turbine on power and voltage quality of grid. The issue of power quality is of great importance to the wind turbines. There has been an extensive growth and quick development in the exploitation of wind energy in recent years [6]-[7]. The individual units can be of large capacity up to 5 MW, feeding into distribution network, particularly with customers connected in close proximity. However with rapidly varying voltage fluctuations due to the nature of wind, it is difficult to improve the power quality with simple compensator. Advance reactive power compensators with fast control and power electronic have emerged to supersede the conventional reactive compensator [8]-[9].
It has been suggested that today’s industrial development are related with generalized use of computers, adjustable speed drives and other microelectronic loads. It also becomes an increasing concern with power quality to the end customer. The presence of harmonic and reactive power in the grid is harmful, because it will cause additional power losses and malfunction of grid component. The massive penetration of electronically controlled devices and equipments in low voltage distribution network is responsible for further worsening of power-quality problem [10]-[13].
The problems are related to the load equipment and devices used in electric energy generation. Now a days the transmission and distribution system become more sensitive to power quality variation than those used in the past. Many new devices contain microprocessor based controls and electronics power elements that are sensitive to many types of disturbances. The wind turbine generating systems are the highly variable sources of energy and wind turbine are belonging to the source of such problem.
The wind power in the electric grid system affects the voltage quality. To assess this effect, the knowledge of about the electrical characteristic of wind turbine is needed. The electrical characteristics of wind turbine are manufacturer’s specification and not site specification. This means that by having the actual parameter values for a specific wind turbine the expected impact of the wind turbine on voltage quality is important. The need for consistent and replicable documentation of the power quality characteristics of wind turbines, the International Electro-technical Commission (IEC) started work to facilitate for power quality in 1996. As a result, IEC 61400-21 was developed and today most wind turbines manufacturers provide power quality characteristic data accordingly. Wind turbines and their power quality will be certified on the basis of measurements according to national or international guidelines. These certifications are an important basis for utilities to evaluate the grid connection of wind turbines and wind farms.
The power quality is defined as set of parameters defining the properties of the power supply as delivered to user in normal operating condition in terms of continuity of supply and characteristics of voltage, frequency.
Today the measurement and assessment of the power quality characteristics of the grid-connected wind turbines is defined by IEC Standard 61400-21 (wind turbine system) prepared by IEC- Technical Committee 88.
The need of power quality in wind integration system and its issues are highlighted in further section.
2. Need of power quality studies
The power quality studies are of importance to wind turbine as a individual units can be large up to 5 MW, feeding into distribution circuit with high source impedance and with customer connected in close proximity.
With the advancement in fast switching power devices there is a trend for power supply size reduction. The current harmonics due to switching converters makes supply current distorted. The increase of electronic controllers in drives, furnaces, household equipments and SMPS are increasing the harmonic content and reactive power in electric supply. The distribution transformers apart from reactive loads draw reactive current from the supply to meet the magnetizing current. The ever-increasing demand for power is not fulfilled by increase in generation and particularly in distribution for various reasons such as environmental issues, increasing cost of natural fuel, opposition to nuclear power plants, etc. This puts excessive burden on the electric supply resulting in poor power quality. The term power quality here refers to the variation in supply voltage, current and frequency. The excessive load demand tries to retard the turbines at generation plant. This results in reduction in voltage and more severely reduction in the supply frequency. The authorities are working for power quality improvement by using reactive compensators and active filters on supply side and penalizing consumers for polluting the power grid.
The increasing problems and advances in power electronic technology, has forced to change the traditional power system concepts. Use of fast reactive power compensators can improve the power system stability and hence, the maximum power transfers through the electric system.
The reactive power in its simpler form, for a single phase sinusoidal voltages and current can be defines as the product of a phase current (reactive component) and the supply voltage. There is a simple right angle triangle relation between active power, reactive power and apparent power. But, this definition of the reactive power is not sufficient for non-linear loads where fundamental current and fundamental voltage may not have any phase difference. However, for such loads, power factor is still less than unity. The power factor definition is modified to accommodate for non-linear loads.
The overall power factor has two parts, the displacement power factor and distortion power factor. The displacement power factor defined as cosine of phase shift between fundamental supply current and voltage.
Distortion power factor “DF” or harmonic factor is defined as the ratio of the RMS harmonic content to the RMS value of fundamental component expressed as percentage of the fundamental.
DF=sum of squares of amplitudes of all harmonicssquare of amplitude of fundamental*100%E1
DF(for current) = ∑h=2∞Ih2I1E2
2.1. Issue of voltage variation
If a large proportion of the grid load is supplied by wind turbines, the output variations due to wind speed changes can cause voltage variation, flicker effects in normal operation. The voltage variation can occur in specific situation, as a result of load changes, and power produce from turbine. These can expected in particular in the case of generator connected to the grid at fixed speed. The large turbine can achieve significantly better output smoothing using variable speed operation, particularly in the short time range. The speed regulation range is also contributory factor to the degree of smoothing with the large speed variation capable of suppressing output variations.
2.2. Issue of voltage dips
It is a sudden reduction in the voltage to a value between 1% & 90 % of the nominal value after a short period of time, conventionally 1ms to 1 min. This problem is considered in the power quality and wind turbine generating system operation and computed according to the rule given in IEC 61400-3-7 standard, “Assessment of emission limit for fluctuating load”. The start up of wind turbine causes a sudden reduction of voltage. The relative % voltage change due to switching operation of wind turbine is calculated as
d=100Ku(Ψk)SnSk*E3
Where d - Relative voltage change,
ku(Ψk)- Voltage change factor, Sn- Rated apparent power of wind turbine and Sk* short circuit apparent power of grid. The voltage dips of 3% in most of the cases are acceptable. When evaluating flicker and power variation within 95% of maximum variation band corresponding to a standard deviation are evaluated.
2.3. Switching operation of wind turbine on the grid
Switching operations of wind turbine generating system can cause voltage fluctuations and thus voltage sag, voltage swell that may cause significant voltage variation. The acceptances of switching operation depend not only on grid voltage but also on how often this may occur. The maximum number of above specified switching operation within 10-minute period and 2-hr period are defined in IEC 61400-3-7 Standard.
Voltage sag is a phenomenon in which grid voltage amplitude goes below and then returns to the normal level after a very short time period. Generally, the characteristic quantity of voltage sag is described by the amplitude and the duration of the sags. The IEEE power quality standards define the voltage sag when the amplitude of voltage is 0.1–0.9 p.u. value and its duration is between 10 ms and 1 min. A voltage sag is normally caused by short-circuit faults in the power network or by the starting up of Induction Generator/Motors.
The bad weather conditions, such as thunderstorm, single-phase earthed faults are the causes of voltage sags. In addition, large electric loads such as large electrical motors or arc furnaces can also cause voltage sags during the startup phase with serious current distortion.
The adverse consequences are the reduction in the energy transfer of electric motors. The disconnection of sensitive equipments and thus the industrial process may bring to a standstill.
2.4. Harmonics
The harmonics distortion caused by non-linear load such as electric arc furnaces, variable speed drives, large concentrations of arc discharge lamps, saturation of magnetization of transformer and a distorted line current. The current generated by such load interact with power system impedance and gives rise to harmonics. The effect of harmonics in the power system can lead to degradation of power quality at the consumer’s terminal, increase of power losses, and malfunction in communication system. The degree of variation is assessed at the point of common connection, where consumer and supplier area of responsibility meet. The harmonics voltage and current should be limited to acceptable level at the point of wind turbine connection in the system. This fact has lead to more stringent requirements regarding power quality, such as Standard IEC 61000-3-2 or IEEE-519. Conventionally, passive LC resonant filters have been used to solve power quality problems. However, these filters have the demerits of fixed compensation, large size, and the resonance itself. To overcome these drawbacks, active filters appear as the dynamic solution.
The IEC 61000-3-6 gives a guideline and harmonic current limits. According to standard IEC 61400-21 guideline, harmonic measurements are not required for fixed speed wind turbines where the induction generator is directly connected to grid. Harmonic measurements are required only for variable speed turbines equipped with electronic power converters. In general the power converters of wind turbines are pulse-width modulated inverters, which have carrier frequencies in the range of 2-3 kHz and produce mainly inter harmonic currents.
The harmonic measurement at the wind turbine is problem due to the influence of the already existing harmonic voltage in the grid. The wave shape of the grid voltage is not sinusoidal. There are always harmonics voltages in the grid such as integer harmonic of 5th and 7th order which affect the measurements.
Today’s variable speed turbines are equipped with self commutated PWM inverter system. This type of inverter system has advantage that both the active and reactive power can be controlled, but it also produced a harmonic current. Therefore filters are necessary to reduce the harmonics.
The harmonic distortion is assessed for variable speed turbine with a electronic power converter at the point of common connection. The total harmonic voltage distortion of voltage is given as in (4).
VTHD=∑h=240Vh2V1100E4
Vh- hth harmonic voltage and V1 –fundamental frequency 50 Hz. The THD limit for various level of system voltages are given in the table 1.0
Table 1
Voltage Harmonics Limit
THD of current ITHD is give as in (5)
ITHD=∑h=240Ih2I1100E5
Where Ih - hth harmonic current and I1 –fundamental frequency (50) Hz. The acceptable level of THD in the current is given in table 2.
Table 2
Current Harmonic Limit
Various standards are also recommended for individual consumer and utility system for helping to design the system to improve the power quality. The characteristics of the load and level of power system significantly decides the effects of harmonics. IEEE standards are adapted in most of the countries. The recommended practice helps designer to limit current and voltage distortion to acceptable limits at point of common coupling (PCC) between supply and the consumer.
IEEE standard 519 issued in 1981, recommends voltage distortion less than 5% on power lines below 69 kV. Lower voltage harmonic levels are recommended on higher supply voltage lines.
IEEE standard 519 was revised in 1992, and impose 5% voltage distortion limit. The standards also give guidelines on notch depth and telephone interface considerations.
ANSI/IEEE Standard C57.12.00 and C57.12.01 limits the current distortion to 5% at full load in supply transformer.
In order to keep power quality under limit to a standards it is necessary to include some of the compensator. Modern solutions for active power factor correction can be found in the forms of active rectification (active wave shaping) or active filtering.
2.5. Flickers
Flicker is the one of the important power quality aspects in wind turbine generating system. Flicker has widely been considered as a serious drawback and may limit for the maximum amount of wind power generation that can be connected to the grid. Flicker is induced by voltage fluctuations, which are caused by load flow changes in the grid. The flicker emission produced by grid-connected variable-speed wind turbines with full-scale back-to-back converters during continuous operation and mainly caused by fluctuations in the output power due to wind speed variations, the wind shear, and the tower shadow effects. The wind shear and the tower shadow effects are normally referred to as the 3p oscillations. As a consequence, an output power drop will appear three times per revolution for a three-bladed wind turbine. There are many factors that affect flicker emission of grid connected wind turbines during continuous operation, such as wind characteristics and grid conditions. Variable-speed wind turbines have shown better performance related to flicker emission in comparison with fixed-speed wind turbines.
The flicker study becomes necessary and important as the wind power penetration level increases quickly. The main reason for the flicker in fixed speed turbines is to wake of the tower. Each time a rotor blade passes the tower, the power output of the turbine is reduced. This effect cause periodical power fluctuations with a frequency of about ~1 Hz. The power fluctuation due to the wind speed fluctuation has lower frequencies and thus is less critical for flicker. In general, the flicker of fixed speed turbines reaches its maximum at high wind speed. Owing to smoothing effect, large wind turbine produced lower flicker than small wind turbines, in relation to their size.
Several solutions have been proposed to mitigate the flicker caused by grid-connected wind turbines. The mostly adopted technique is the reactive power compensation. It can be realized by the grid-side converter of variable-speed wind turbines or the Static synchronous compensator connected at the point of common coupling (PCC). Also, some papers focus on the use of active power curtailment to mitigate the flicker [5].
The flicker level depends on the amplitude, shape and repetition frequency of the fluctuated voltage waveform. Evaluating the flicker level is based on the flicker meter described in IEC 61000-4-15. Two indices are typically used as a scale for flicker emission, short-term flicker index, Pst and long-term flicker index, Plt. Plt is estimated by certain process of the Pst values.
It is assumed that wind turbines under study is running at normal operation; hence, the long-term flicker index (Plt), which is based on a 120-min time interval, is equal to Pst and, therefore, Pst is only considered in this work. The normalized response of the flicker meter described in Figure 2.0.
Figure 2.
Influence of frequency on the perceptibility of sinusoidal voltage change
A quite small voltage fluctuation at certain frequency (8.8 Hz) can be irritable. The flicker level (Pst ≤ 1) is a threshold level for connecting wind turbines to low voltage. The measurements are made for maximum number of specified switching operation of wind turbine with 10-minutes period and 2-hour period are specified, as given in (6)
Plt=C(ΨK)SnSKE6
Where plt- Long term flicker. C(ΨK)- Flicker coefficient calculated from Rayleigh distribution of the wind speed. The Limiting Value for flicker coefficient is about ≤0.4, for average time of 2 hours.
2.6. Reactive power
Traditional wind turbines are equipped with induction generators. Induction generator is preferred because they are inexpensive, rugged and requires little maintenance. Unfortunately induction generators require reactive power from the grid to operate. The interactions between wind turbine and power system network are important aspect of wind generation system. When wind turbine is equipped with an induction generator and fixed capacitor are used for reactive compensation then the risk of self excitation may occur during off grid operation. Thus the sensitive equipments may be subjected to over/under voltage, over/under frequency operation and other disadvantage of safety aspect. According to IEC Standard, reactive power of wind turbine is to be specified as 10 min average value as a function of 10-min. output power for 10%, 20% … 100% of rated power. The effective control of reactive power can improve the power quality and stabilize the grid. Although reactive power is unable to provide actual working benefit, it is often used to adjust voltage, so it is a useful tool for maintaining desired voltage level. Every transmission system always has a reactive component, which can be expressed as power factor. Thus the some method is needed to manage the reactive power by injecting or absorbing VAr as necessary in order to maintain optimum voltage level and enable real power flow. Until recently, this has been especially difficult to effectively accomplish at a wind farms due to the variable nature of wind. The suggested control technique in the thesis is capable of controlling reactive power to zero value at point of common connection (PCC).The mode of operation is referred as unity power factor.
2.7. Location of wind turbine
The way of connecting wind turbine into the electric power system highly influences the impact of the wind turbine generating system on the power quality. As a rule, the impact on power quality at the consumer’s terminal for the wind turbine generating system (WTGS) located close to the load is higher than WTGS connected away, that is connected to H.V. or EHV system.
Wind turbine generator systems (WTGS) are often located in the regions that have favorable wind conditions and where their location is not burdensome. These regions are low urbanized, which means that the distribution network in these regions is usually weak developed. Such situation is typical for all countries developing a wind power industry.
The point of common coupling (PCC) of the WTGS and the power network parameter and structure of grid is of essential significance in the operation of WTGS and its influence on the system. WTGS can be connected to MV transmission line and to HV networks.
The WTGS connected to the existing MV transmission line, which feeds the existing customers is presented in Figure 3.
The distance between WTGS and PCC is usually small up to a few kilometers. Such connections are cheap as compare to other types of connection but greatly affected on consumers load (power quality).
If the location of WTGS is connected to an MV bus in feeding an HV/MV substation through a separate transmission line (position 1), the connection has some advantages related to low influence of WTGS on customers load. Such connection are expensive than presented above.
The location of WTGS connected to HV bus through a separate transmission line, when a relatively large rated WTGS has to be connected in the power network, where the MV network is weak. This type of connection are most expensive than other presented.
Figure 3.
WTGS coupled to MV transmission-line.
2.8. Low voltage ride through capability
The impact of the wind generation on the power system will no longer be negligible if high penetration levels are going to be reached. The extent to which wind power can be integrated into the power system without affecting the overall stable operation depends on the technology available to mitigate the possible negative impacts such as loss of generation for frequency support, voltage flicker, voltage and power variation due to the variable speed of the wind and the risk of instability due to lower degree of controllability. Many countries in Europe and other parts of the world are developing or modifying interconnection rules and processes for wind power through a grid code. The grid codes have identified many potential adverse impacts of large scale integration of wind resources. The risk of voltage collapse for lack of reactive power support is one of the critical issues when it comes to contingencies in the power system. The low voltage ride through (LVRT) capability, which is one of the most demanding requirement that have been included in the grid codes and shown in Fig. 4.
Figure 4.
Low voltage ride through (LVRT) capability
It defines the operational boundary of a wind turbine connected to the network in terms of frequency, voltage tolerance, power factor, fault ride through is regarded as the main challenges to the wind turbine manufactures. The wind turbine should remain stable and connected during the fault while voltage at the PCC drop to 15% of the nominal value i.e. drops of 85% for the part of 150 msec. Only when the grid voltage fall below the curve, the turbine is allowed to disconnected from the grid.
Significant barriers to interconnection are being perceived already with the requirements of the new grid codes and there it is a need for a better understanding of the factors affecting the behavior of the wind farm under severe contingencies such as voltage sags. Wind farms using squirrel cage induction generators directly connected to the network will suffer from the new demands, since they have no direct electrical control of torque or speed, and would usually disconnect from the power system when the voltage drops more than 10–20% below the rated value. In general, fulfillment of LVRT by reactive compensation will require fast control strategies for reactive power in wind turbines/farms with cage induction generators. The LVRT requirement, although details are differing from country to country, basically demands that the wind farm remains connected to the grid for voltage dips as low as 5%.
2.9. IEC recommendation
For consistent and replicable documentation of power quality characteristic of wind turbine, the international Electro-technical Commission IEC-61400-21 was developed and today, most of the large wind turbine manufactures provide power quality characteristic data accordingly.IEC 61400-21 describe the procedures for determine the power quality characteristics of wind turbines. It is a guideline for power quality measurements of wind turbine. The methodology of IEC standard consists of three analyses. The first one is the flickers analyses. IEC 61400-21 specified a method that uses current and voltage time series measured at the wind turbine terminals to simulate the voltage fluctuation on a fictitious grid with no source of voltage fluctuations other that wind turbine switching operation. The second one is regarding the switching operation. The voltage and current transients are measured during the switching operation of wind turbine. The last one is the harmonic analysis which is carried out by FFT algorithms. Recently harmonic and inter harmonic are treated in the IEC 61000-4-7 and IEC 61000-3-6. The method for summing harmonics and inter harmonic in the IEC 61000-3-6 are applicable to wind turbines. The inter harmonics that are not a multiple of 50 Hz, since the switching frequency of the inverter is not constant but varies, the harmonic will also vary. Consequently, the grid codes has been define to specify the requirements that the wind turbines must meet in order to be connected to the grid, including the capabilities of contributing to frequency and voltage control by adjusting the active and reactive power supplied to the transmission system.
3. Grid code for wind farms
The Electricity Grid Code is a regulation made by the Central Commission and it to be follow by various persons and participants in the system to plan, develop, maintain, and operate the power system grid in the most secure, reliable, economic and efficient manner, while facilitating healthy competition in the generation and supply of electricity.
The first grid code was focused on the distribution level, after the blackout in the United State in August 2003. The United State wind energy industry took a stand in developing its own grid code for contributing to a stable grid operation. The rules for realization of grid operation of wind generating system at the distribution network is defined as - per IEC-61400-21.The grid quality characteristics and limits are given for references that the customer and the utility grid may expect. According to Energy-Economic Law, the operator of transmission grid is responsible for the organization and operation of interconnected system. The grid code also covers some of the technical standards for connection to the grid.
To ensure the safe operation, integrity and reliability of the grid is utmost important. It is mentioned that reactive power compensation should ideally be provided locally by generating reactive power as close to the reactive power consumption as possible. The regional entity except generating stations, expected to provide local VAr compensation/generation such that they do not draw VArs from the grid, particularly under low-voltage condition. Indian grid code commission mentions that the charge for VArh shall be at the rate of 25 paise/kVArh w.e.f.1.4.2010, for VAr interchanges.
The wind farms must be able to run at rated voltage at a specified voltage range. The voltage range depends on the level of the voltage on the transmission system, which varies from country to country.
The wind farms shall have a closed loop voltage regulation system. The voltage regulation system shall act to regulate the voltage at the point by continuous modulation of the reactive power output within its reactive power range, and without violating the voltage step emissions.
Voltage fluctuations at a point of common coupling with a fluctuating load directly connected to the transmission system shall not exceed 3% at any time. The flicker contributions Pst and Plt are defined in IEC 61000-3-7 (Electromagnetic compatibility).
The wind turbine generator (WTG) shall be equipped with voltage and frequency relays for disconnection of the wind farm at abnormal voltages and frequencies. The relays shall be set according to agreements with the regional grid company and the system operator. Following are the technical requirements to be fulfilled to integrate the wind generation system.
Voltage Rise (u) -The voltage rise at the point of common coupling can be approximated as a function of maximum apparent power Smax of the turbine, the grid impedances R and X at the point of common coupling and the phase angleϕ. The Limiting voltage rise value is < 2%
Voltage dips (d) - The voltage dips is due to start up of wind turbine and it causes a sudden reduction of voltage. The acceptable voltage dips limiting value is ≤3 %.
Flicker-The measurements are made for maximum number of specified switching operation of wind turbine with 10-minutes period and 2-hour period are specified. The Limiting Value for flicker coefficient is about ≤0.4, for average time of 2 hours
Harmonics−TheTHDlimitfor132KVis<3%.E7
Grid frequency- The grid frequency in India is specified in the range of 47.5-51.5 Hz, for wind farm connection. The wind farm shall able to withstand change in frequency up to 0.5Hz/sec. Thus the requirements in the Grid Code can be fulfill the technical limits of the network.
4. Conclusion
The chapter provides the challenges regarding the integration of wind energy in to the power systems. Today the worldwide trend of wind power penetration is increased. The integration of high penetration level of wind power into existing power system has significant impact on the power system operation.
The wind turbines connected to weak grids have an important influence on power system. The weak grid is characterized by large voltage and frequency variations, which affects wind turbines regarding their power performance, safety and allied electrical components. The strength of the distribution system is important from the point of power quality. The needs for consistent qualification of power quality characteristics of wind turbines, the International Electro-Technical Commission to facilitate for power quality parameters for various issues are presented. The latest grid code requirements are to ensure that wind farms do not adversely affect the power system operation with respect to security of supply, reliability and for power quality.
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Aware",authors:[{id:"151321",title:"Dr.",name:"Sharad",middleName:"W.",surname:"Mohod",fullName:"Sharad Mohod",slug:"sharad-mohod",email:"sharadmohod@rediffmail.com",position:"Professor & Head",institution:null},{id:"152015",title:"Dr.",name:"Mohan",middleName:null,surname:"Aware",fullName:"Mohan Aware",slug:"mohan-aware",email:"mva_win@yahoo.com",position:null,institution:null}],sections:[{id:"sec_1",title:"1. Introduction",level:"1"},{id:"sec_2",title:"2. Need of power quality studies",level:"1"},{id:"sec_2_2",title:"2.1. Issue of voltage variation",level:"2"},{id:"sec_3_2",title:"2.2. Issue of voltage dips",level:"2"},{id:"sec_4_2",title:"2.3. Switching operation of wind turbine on the grid",level:"2"},{id:"sec_5_2",title:"2.4. Harmonics",level:"2"},{id:"sec_6_2",title:"2.5. Flickers",level:"2"},{id:"sec_7_2",title:"2.6. Reactive power",level:"2"},{id:"sec_8_2",title:"2.7. Location of wind turbine",level:"2"},{id:"sec_9_2",title:"2.8. Low voltage ride through capability",level:"2"},{id:"sec_10_2",title:"2.9. IEC recommendation",level:"2"},{id:"sec_12",title:"3. Grid code for wind farms",level:"1"},{id:"sec_13",title:"4. Conclusion",level:"1"}],chapterReferences:[{id:"B1",body:'H.HolitinenR.HirvonenPower system requirement for wind power.”, Wind Power in Power System, T. Ackermann, Ed. New-York, 143157Wiley, 2005'},{id:"B2",body:'R. C.BansalAhmedF.ZobaaR. K.Saket, “Some issue related to power generation using wind energy conversion system: An overview”Int. Journal of Emerging Electric Power System, 321142005'},{id:"B3",body:'J.Charles Smith, Michael R. Milligan, Edgar A. DeMeo, “Utility wind integration and operating impact state of the art., IEEE Trans on Energy Conversion Vol.22, No.3, pp 900-907, August 2007. '},{id:"B4",body:'Z.Sadd-saoudN.JenkinsModels for predicting flicker induced by large wind turbinesIEEE Trans on Energy Conversion, 143743751Sept.1999'},{id:"B5",body:'Weihao HuZhe Chen, Yue Wang and Zhan Wang “Flicker Mitigation by Active Power Control of Variable-Speed Wind Turbines With Full-Scale Back-to-Back Power ConvertersIEEE Trans on Energy Conversion,\n\t\t\t\t\t243640648Sept. 2009'},{id:"B6",body:'F.ZhouG.JoosC.AbheyVoltage stability in weak connection wind farm.” IEEE PES Gen. Meeting, 2148314882005'},{id:"B7",body:'S. W.MohodM. V.AwarePower quality issues & its mitigation technique in wind generation, ”Proc. of IEEE Int. Conf. on Harmonics and Quality of Power (ICHQP), 16Sept. 2008'},{id:"B8",body:'S. Z.DjokicJ. V.MilanovicPower quality and compatibility levels: A general approach.”, IEEE Trans on Power Delivery,\n\t\t\t\t\t22318571862July. 2007'},{id:"B9",body:'HelderJ.Azevedo, Jose M. Ferreiraa, Antonio P. Martins, Adriano S. Carvalho, “An active power filter with direct current control for power quality conditioningElectric Power Component and System,\n\t\t\t\t\t265876012008'},{id:"B10",body:'Z.ChenE.SpoonerGrid power quality with variable speed wind turbines”, IEEE Trans on Energy Conversion, 162148156June 2001'},{id:"B11",body:'Dusan GraovacVladimir A. Katic, Alfred Rufer, “Power quality problems compensation with universal power quality conditioning system.” IEEE Trans on Power Delivery,\n\t\t\t\t\t222968975April 2007'},{id:"B12",body:'Juan Manuel CarrascoLeopoldo Garcia Franquelo, Jan. Bialasiewicz, “Power electronic system for the grid integration of renewable energy sources: A survey.” IEEE Trans on Industry Electronics,\n\t\t\t\t\t53410021010Aug. 2006'},{id:"B13",body:'“A report on Indian Wind Grid Code”- Committee draft, Version 1.0, pp 5-42 July 2009. '},{id:"B14",body:'J. F.ConroyR.WatsonLow-voltage ride though of full converter wind turbine with permanent magnet generator”, Proc. IET Renew. Power Generation.\n\t\t\t\t\t221131222008'},{id:"B15",body:'BousseauP.Solution for the grid integration of wind farms- A survey”, Proc. of European Wind Energy Conf., 1216Nov. 2004'},{id:"B16",body:'S.W.Mohod, M.V.Aware, “A\n\t\t\t\t\t\tSTATCOM-Control Scheme for Grid Connected Wind Energy System for Power Quality Improvement”, IEEE System Journal, A special issue on sustainable development, 4\n\t\t\t\t3\n\t\t\t\t346352 , Sept-2010.'},{id:"B17",body:'S. W.MohodS. M.HatwarM. V.AwareWind Energy Generation Interfaced System with Power Quality and Grid SupportJournal of Advanced Materials ResearchVolumes 403- 408, Tech Publication Swizerland, 20792086Nov.2011'}],footnotes:[],contributors:[{corresp:null,contributorFullName:"Sharad W. Mohod",address:null,affiliation:'
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1. Introduction
Children’s experiences with digital technologies actually involve an increasing quote of young users (also defined as “digital natives”) who are born and are developing in environments in which new digital technologies are widely available [1]. This currently occurs from early infancy, due to the rapid diffusion of touchscreen devices among younger children (or “touch generation”; [2, 3]). Children aged 2–4 years actually are able to use touchscreen devices, such as tablets or smartphones, to play or watch movies, and often parents themselves introduce kids to use them in boring social situations (i.e., in the pediatrician’s waiting rooms or in the restaurant; [4]). On the basis of the most recent report on worldwide diffusion of the Internet among young people [1], one in three users is estimated to be a child or teenager (under 18). Generally children use digital technologies in their home, particularly younger children, with intense and prolonged activities especially on weekends. Children often use their digital technologies at school at least a day a week (almost 30% among 9–11 years), although it is prohibited in many countries by school regulations. The access to digital technologies is expanding among young generations, even if many inequalities of resources remain between developed or developing countries [1]: for example, it has been estimated that in Africa (Ghana) children mainly use 0.9 mobile devices to connect to the Internet, against 2.9 in South America (Chile) or 2.6 in Europe (Italy). Similarly, only 12% of children in Africa (Ghana), 21% in the Philippines, and 26% in Albania can connect to the Internet at school, against 63–54% of children in other South America or European countries, such as Argentina, Uruguay, or Bulgaria. This reality raises several questions on how to guarantee the young generations the opportunities offered by new technologies (for studying, enhancing skills, socializing, etc.), protecting them from potential dangers of digitalized world (i.e., contacts with unknown people, exposure to violent/pornographic contents, etc.). In fact, although children grow in a reality permeated by new media, they are not automatically “digitally literate,” that is, able to juggle the digital world and to reflect on it. Studies show that not only young users, but also teenager users “have difficulties in finding, managing and evaluating information, managing their privacy online and ensuring their online personal safety […]and may thus vary in their digital skills” ([5], p. 186).
Together with their children, parents themselves are largely exposed to media experiences in many fields of their life. Digital technologies have quickly changed the way in which family members communicate, enjoy themselves, acquire information, and solve daily problems. Parents are also the first mediators of children’s experiences with digital tools: they have the task of integrating their use into ordinary routines (play, entertainment, learning, mealtime, etc.), promoting constructive and safety uses. Digital parenting describes parental efforts and practices for comprehending, supporting, and regulating children’s activities in digital environments. A growing research on digital parenting identified the main approaches that can allow parents to “mediate” children’s activities with digital technologies [6, 7, 8]. According to Vygotsky’s theory of child development and his concept of proximal development zone [9], parental mediation can be considered a key aspect in facilitating the interactions between children and new media. The proximal development zone is an intermediate area between what the child is able to do alone and what he/she can learn thanks to the guidance of others. In the course of a shared activity, the support and the help are adapted so that the child can improve his/her skills and gradually assume responsibility for acting alone. However, the activities that take place in the virtual environments of the web, unlike the experiences in the real environments, can reverse the relationship between the competent person (the adult) and the learner (the child). Today’s children have an early, almost “intuitive” approach to digital technologies, so in some cases they can become active agents towards their parents. When children’s knowledge and digital competence (e.g., functions/benefits of a new app) overcome that of parents, many shared experiences can be child-initiated, and children can also perform some forms of support and digital teaching to parents. This reverse socialization [10] seems to be a peculiar feature of digital experiences, and it poses new challenges to parental role. Reverse socialization describes all situations where children possess a better understanding or more advanced skills than adults. This gap between generations is more marked in low-income families or low-educated parents who possess limited resources and access to digital technologies [11]. However, over the past years, many parents have developed adequate knowledge and technical skills to share digital experiences with their children [3, 12]; they appreciate benefits of the web and strive to comprehend its complexity.
A common difficulty that parents actually encounter derives from the diffusion of “portable” devices (smartphone and tablet) that children start to use in early infancy (under the age of 2; [13]). Later, due to unlimited Wi-Fi access and enhanced connectivity, children insert activities with mobile devices into many daily routines, for example, during mealtime, school homework, conversations with parents, or before sleeping [14]. Particularly, parents worry about the “pervasiveness” (or ubiquitous) of mobile technologies in daily activities [15], and they fear that an effective guidance and control over them may decrease. Studies with large samples of young digital users (9–16 years old) in many European countries have compared parents’ opinions before (2010 Eu Kids Online Survey; [12]) and after (Net Children Go Mobile; [3]) the diffusion of mobile devices. After 4 years, many parents declare that they know less about their children’s online activities and have more difficulties to closely monitor children’s usage (e.g., time spent connected). Interestingly, parents now are more aware of the risks of using the web [16], and they prefer to talk to children about Internet security (e.g., do not leave personal data online or block unknown people) rather than limiting or prohibiting Internet use [17]. Parents can encourage or limit the use of digital technologies to children according to the opportunities or danger they attribute to them. Since parents themselves are regular, sometimes enthusiastic, users of digital media, their digital skills and confidence and daily frequency of usage (or overuse; [18]), together with beliefs about digital world [3], are all crucial factors that researchers have begun to explore systematically.
2. Parental beliefs
Each parent has beliefs, that is, convictions and personal opinions, regarding the usage of media by children, such as their usefulness or damage, or the age at which children should use them. Beliefs are the cognitive dimension of attitudes, guiding individual’s behavior and choices. When parents raise their children, they act and make choices for them following their own perceptions of what is desirable or what they positively value for their child’s development [19]. Although parents are not always aware of their beliefs, these influence parent-child interaction and the child’s opportunity to learn, do experiences [20], and develop digital skills [5]. Parental beliefs are important aspects of parenting and family microsystem, together with factors such as parent’s history and education, socioeconomic status, and culture.
Parents possess personal ideas about modern technologies: they can be considered a source of entertainment/relaxation or a learning tool [21, 22]; conversely, for other people, PC, tablet, and smartphone can be harmful to children’s health (such as sleep problems, obesity, etc.; [23]), for social risks (such as contacts with unfamiliar or social isolation; [24]), or because they interfere with parent-child activities and time spent together [25].
A qualitative study [26] shows that parents have more pessimistic (70.55%) than optimistic opinions (29.45%) on the Internet use by primary school children: for example, parents worry about the excessive time spent online, the interference in face-to-face conversation, or that children lack of skills and maturity in dealing with some contents suitable for older children (such as violence, sex, or drug-related contents). Other worries concern negative consequences on learning and academic performance (i.e., reduced attention span), physical development (i.e., prolonged sedentary activities), social skills and peer interactions (i.e., fewer opportunities to “learn to play together”), and child’s well-being (i.e., using smartphone to overcome boredom). Interestingly, many parents fear losing control over their children’s online behaviors. Conversely, the positive beliefs concern positive effects of digital technologies on child’s entertainment, communication and learning, access to information, and enhancing of child’s skills (such as brain functioning, self-regulation, autonomy, critical attitude, etc.).
Other researchers [27] explored parent’s perceptions about positive (i.e., they are shared by generations) or negative impact (i.e., they expose family privacy to risks) of social media—such as Facebook or WhatsApp—on family open communication. Teenagers are intensely involved in social media use, but adults also are regular users. On the one hand, parents use social networks to communicate; on the other hand, they fear that they negatively impact family relationships, for example, through the phubbing phenomenon (i.e., ignoring someone or interrupting a conversation or mealtime to check the smartphone). Authors found that parents’ perceptions are a meditational variable between the collective family efficacy (i.e., the perceived efficacy to manage family relationships, to support each other, etc.) and the openness of communication: “it is not only the actual impact of social media on family systems that matters but also parents’ perceptions about it and how much they feel able to manage their children’s social media use without damaging their family relationships” (p. 1).
Parental beliefs may influence the degree to which parents give opportunities or restrict their children’s media use, but beliefs should not be considered the “cause” of behavior towards children. Researches show that parents’ positive beliefs (e.g., “the tablet improves reading skills”) are associated with favorable attitudes, co-using approach, communication, or suggestions to enhance their child’s appropriate use of the Internet [28]. For example, when parents think that smartphones are useful tools (i.e., they promote child’s intelligence and knowledge), they more often allow their preschool children to use them (i.e., at the restaurant), and children become regular users, spending more time (at least 2 h a day) with smartphone activities [29]. Conversely, parents who attribute negative effects to digital media tend to limit activities to children (i.e., put time limits or react for smartphone overuse); in turn, these restrictive behaviors can influence how much the children use these devices [28]. Therefore, the influences of parental beliefs on child’s behaviors are not directed, but they are mediated by parental practices and other factors such as parental education or involvement with mobile device (“attachment”; see, e.g., [30]) that can intervene.
3. Parental media competence and self-efficacy
Parental beliefs include also self-efficacy [31, 32], that is, parent’s sense of competence in their own digital skills and in managing their children’s technology usage. An example of parental self-referent estimation of competence is “I won’t bother setting parental controls or passwords because my kids will “hack” around them” (cfr. [33]). In many studies, parental self-efficacy is positively associated with active parental practices: when parents feel confident about their Internet skills, they more often are involved in or monitor their children’s media activities [6]. Recently Shin [34] distinguishes general self-efficacy (the confidence to be a good parent; [35]) from two self-efficacy domains assessing parental beliefs more strictly related to digital tasks: parental “media competency” in using media technology (such as sending/receiving email with a smartphone) and “perceived control over mediation strategies” (the degree to which the parent feels to be able to guide or modify their children’s behaviors on smartphone). All these domains of parenting self-efficacy are associated with each other [34], suggesting that perceived competence on their own digital skills can positively influence parents’ involvement with children (e.g., discussing about smartphone use).
Sanders et al. [33] found that when parents are confident to have adequate digital skills, they more often intervene (i.e., with rules and reinforcement strategies) with their children. Parental self-efficacy also influences parental opinions about technologies and how they talk about them with children [33]. Moreover, parental perception of influence in managing technologies decreased with preadolescents that generally are seen as more self-regulated and reluctant to the parental control than younger children. These findings suggest the importance to recognize the influence of child characteristics (such as age, technology usage, perceived competence, etc.) on digital parenting.
4. Parenting approaches in children’s digital engagement
4.1 Parenting style
Initially studies on parental engagement in children’s activities with media assumed as theoretical basis the traditional parenting styles [36, 37]. According to Darling and Steinberg [38], parenting styles are defined as the context (or emotive climate) in which parents raise and socialize their children, and they are distinct from practices, that is, the distinct actions contingent to the child’s behavior (e.g., scolding when the child uses the smartphone during mealtime). As it is well known, two main dimensions of the parent’s behaviors, and their natural variations along a continuum, describe the styles: responsiveness/warmth (involvement, acceptance, and affect that the parent expresses towards the child’s needs) and demandingness/control (rules, control, and maturity expectations for the child’s socialization). Parenting styles derive from the combination of these variable dimensions: authoritative parenting (high warmth and high control, e.g., parents listen to the child’s wishes, but they put clear limits to the child’s behaviors); laissez-faire parenting (low warmth and low control; the parents are detached from the needs expressed by the child; they did not give rules or limits to child’s behavior); authoritarian parenting (low warmth and high control; parents expect the child to obey; they neither discuss nor listen to the child’s opinions and can react with harsh discipline); and permissive parenting (high warmth and low control; parents are very affectionate, but they lack in guidance through rules and give few limits to the child’s behavior).
Studies that applied these “classic” parenting styles to children’s behaviors with new communication media did not provide convincing results [39]. As an alternative to the “broad” parenting styles, a description of specific media-related practices is more useful in empirical studies for exploring the link between parental behaviors and child outcomes (e.g., time spent online). Therefore, researchers strove to identify the key dimensions of parental warmth/control more strictly referred to children’s behaviors on the Internet or new media (Table 1). These Internet parenting styles are more strictly linked to children’s actual use of digital technologies, for example, low parental control predicted more time of Internet usage by school-aged children [8].
Style dimensions
Item (examples)
Parental control
Supervision: “I’m around when my child surfs on the Internet”
Stopping internet usage: “I stop my child when he/she visits a less suitable website”
Internet usage rules: “I limit the time my child is allowed in the Internet (e.g., only 1 h a day)”
Parental warmth
Communication: “I talk with my child about the dangers related to the Internet (costs, addiction to games, computer viruses, privacy violation, etc.)”
Support: “I show my child “child friendly” websites (library, songs, crafts, school website, etc.)”
Table 1.
Dimensions of the internet parenting style (adapted from [8], p. 89).
Parenting style dimensions seem influenced by parents’ individual characteristics such as gender, instruction, beliefs, or prior experiences with digital technologies. For example, in Valcke et al. [8] study, mothers are more controlling but also warmer than fathers, both dimensions associated with an authoritative style. In other studies, younger fathers and those who use the Internet more frequently with their teenagers are higher in control [40]. Parental instruction and experiences with digital technologies are other important variables: higher educated parents are more involved and high in control, probably because higher instructional levels also correspond to greater parents’ competence with the Internet [8].
The first studies explored parenting styles related to Internet usage at home, but more recently other authors explored the influence of digital parenting styles on children’s usage of mobile devices (tablet and smartphone). Konok et al. [30] found that children (3–7 years old) who use the devices for more time every day have parents who are more permissive (e.g., they talk with children about applications on devices, but have low levels of demandingness), more authoritative (e.g., they give time limits, but they do not block the use because they expect the child to regulate himself), and less authoritarian (i.e., the parent restricts and prohibits mobile use). Interestingly, these parenting styles are also associated with parental beliefs about positive/negative consequences of early media usage: parents who have higher permissive or authoritative digital style declared more beneficial (i.e., skill improvement, entertainment, and early learning of digital skills) than negative effects (i.e., reduced time for other activities, developmental problems, and danger/addiction) for children’s mobile usage.
Digital parenting styles change also according to children’s characteristics, such as age [41], self-esteem [42], emotion regulation [43], or behavioral problems [44] that can intervene, mediating the link between parenting and children’s actual behavior with digital technologies. Particularly, styles vary and accommodate with children’s age: authoritative parents during infancy become more permissive with older children [41]. Overall, these findings reappraise the idea that there is a linear, cause-effect relationship between parenting and child outcomes on digital behaviors, but bidirectional and transactional parent-child influences [45] should be considered.
4.2 Parental mediation
Alternatively to digital parenting styles, many researchers adopted parental mediation as perspective for exploring parental influences on children’s digital behaviors. Parental mediation refers to “the diverse practices through which parents try to manage and regulate their children’s experiences with the media” ([7], p. 7). Parental mediation strategies were initially introduced in empirical studies as a potential factor influencing children’s use of television [46] and videogames [47]. These studies, exploring how parents can effectively reduce excessive exposure or enhance children’s self-regulated behaviors, inspired the following researches on digital technologies. Actually in literature two broad mediation approaches are distinct: enabling (or instructive) mediation and restrictive mediation [16]. These strategies are only partially similar to those parents who adopt “traditional” media: for example, co-viewing is a mediation strategy generally applied to television use [48], but it is difficult to apply it to portable media (particularly, smartphone and tablet) that children often use alone or outside the home environment. As a consequence, parents can feel worried because they cannot effectively control their children’s media use and involvement in digital life [11, 49].
The (a) enabling mediation is also defined as “active” or “instructive mediation” in that parents engage different activities with the aim to enhance their child’s appropriate use of the digital technologies: for example, they explain to him/her how to use a media device, talk about the contents of new app/websites, or play a videogame together (co-use mediation). Nevertheless, in many empirical studies, (b) co-use (or co-viewing mediation) does not imply parent-child conversations, but the parent is present when the child displays the activity with the media without discussing the content [13]. The (c) restrictive mediation is characterized by a strict attention to rules and control to the child’s digital activities: for example, parents decide when the child can have his/her tablet, pose time restrictions, or react when the child uses the smartphone too long. The (d) technical restriction is a particular kind of restrictive approach adopting software applications or other technical tools to control the child’s activities (e.g., installing filters on PC for children’s safety). Nevertheless, parents rarely use them and declare they prefer child-directed strategies, such as giving explanations or sharing the device [6].
Active mediation is the most frequent approach adopted in European families with 9–16 years old children, whereas restrictive mediation strategies are more common with younger children [16]. Interestingly, when children are interviewed about the mediation approach adopted in the family, they agree with their parents’ responses [12].
All mediation strategies are linked with changes in children’s digital behaviors, for example, less time exposure with online activities [12], or reduction of negative outcomes (i.e., aggressive behaviors, overuse, etc.; see [50]), but their efficacy is relative and it changes as a function of the child’s development (i.e., age and digital skills) and his/her actual activity with media. Active mediation is linked with positive outcomes (such as social and cognitive skills), particularly with younger children (0–3 ages): for example, during video/movie watching, parents stimulate attention, comment, or pose questions to children, giving them occasions for language exposure and cognitive and digital learning [51]. Nevertheless, we cannot link children’s outcomes uniquely to a distinct mediation strategy, since parent-child interactions are complex and many contextual or individual factors can intervene. Parents often use a combination of mediation strategies, and they change the mediation approach according to the activity the child is doing (e.g., using the tablet for school homework or for visiting Facebook; [11]).
Other authors explored the influence of family sociocultural factors. For mediation to be effective to guide children’s experiences in the web, parents need to have themselves knowledge and skills of the new digital media (see Section 4 in this chapter). Particularly in conditions of sociocultural disadvantage, parents may lack basic digital skills [52], or they may not be able to explain to children how digital reality works and rapidly changes [53]. Unlike the traditional media (such as television or video game console), parents can give a difficult task to assure a help or guide children with the ever-changing technologies. Recently, Nikken and Opree [11] found that mostly low-educated, low-income, and single parents are likely to experience low competence and greater insecurity with new devices (such as electronic screen), declaring that it is difficult to apply co-use or active mediation strategies with their young children (1–9 ages). In addition, Warren and Aloia [49] found that when parents perceive high stress levels, the restrictive mediation and the discussions with children about contents and the use of media increase.
Parental mediation strategies may change according to their child’s age and his/her digital skills, but longitudinal studies are scarce in literature. Developmental changes have been observed from childhood to adolescence: active mediation strategies more often are adopted with younger children, whereas restrictive mediation fades with older and adolescents [17]. Parents generally expect greater autonomy and self-regulation skills from adolescents, and the influence of some parental strategies decrease over time: for example, the efficacy of restrictive strategies (i.e., rules for time or negative consequences for overuse) in reducing screen time decreases with older children [33]. From a developmental perspective, particularly the effects of restrictive approach are unclear. Some studies evidence that restrictive strategies (such as limiting access to media) are effective with younger children [6], but not with older kids. Adolescents can perceive parental control/limitations as a violation of their needs (i.e., self-determination, privacy, peer relationships, etc.) and react with increased online activities [54].
After all, parents wish their children can develop self-regulation, critical view, and awareness of opportunities or risks of digital technologies. In many studies, parental active mediation—for example, discussing with children issues such as cyberbullying, sexting, and online frauds—is more effective than restrictive mediation in reducing risks [16, 55]. Conversely, the efficacy of restrictive mediation must be considered relatively, since in literature both positive and negative associations with online risks emerge [56]. Mascheroni et al. [57] comment, “While restrictive mediation can be effective in reducing children’s exposure to online risks, it has numerous side-effects, because it limits children’s opportunities to develop digital literacy and build resilience and discourages children’s agency within the child-parent relationship. Enabling mediation, instead, encompasses a set of mediation practices (including co-use, active mediation of internet safety, monitoring and technical restrictions such as parental controls) that are aimed at empowering children and supporting their active engagement with online media. The question is, then, how to ensure children’s access to online opportunities while protecting them from potential harmful effects.”
Interestingly, parents adopt their approach according to their child’s competence in digital technology use (digital literacy). In line with a bidirectional model of parent-child influences [45], not only parenting influences child’s behaviors, but also the child’s actual behavior or perceived digital competence influences parental behaviors. Generally, restrictive mediation strategies are more often adopted with less digitally skilled children, but this approach could be counterproductive: limiting online activities for protecting the child from risks, in turn, can deprive him/her to opportunities for developing adequate digital skills [5]. Conversely, parents more often use active mediation strategies (e.g., they share experiences or talk about media) with skilled children than with children who have scarce competencies [58].
5. Parental worries about children’s online activities
The predominance of online activities in the life of many children often worries parents, who observe that spending much time online removes children from face-to-face relationships and social activities. Empirical studies confirm the negative effects of Internet unsuitable use on social participation, since high levels of online activities are associated with few friends, reduced offline relationships [59], and increased loneliness [60]. Particularly loneliness, that is, social isolation and lack of intimacy with close friends, was found to be strongly associated with Internet excessive use [61]. However, causal relationship between Internet excessive use and loneliness is still under investigation [62], in an attempt to understand if loneliness can be the antecedent or the consequence of the individual’s excessive involvement with Internet activities. Two alternative hypotheses have been proposed to explain the link between poor social involvement, feeling lonely, and the development of problematic Internet use in children. According to the first hypothesis, loneliness is one of the main antecedents of excessive online activities, together with low self-esteem, poor social skills, social anxiety, and frequent conflict with parents. Some authors (e.g., [63]) hypothesized that adolescents who feel lonely or experience high anxiety in face-to-face social situations may use social networks and online exchanges more frequently than non-lonely adolescents. According to this “compensation hypothesis,” they are increasingly involved in Internet activities that provide alternative experiences for social life. The second hypothesis assumes that time spent online causes loneliness and social withdrawal, isolating and depriving people of real social experiences. Therefore, loneliness can be considered as a possible outcome of Internet overuse [64], like when prolonged activities online reduce time spent with family and friends. Finally, there are studies that did not confirm the link between loneliness and Internet problematic use [65] or that evidence some positive consequences on individual socioemotional well-being. For example, contradicting the assumption that using the web impoverishes social life and increases isolation, in some studies higher levels of Internet activities are positively associated with social connection and perceived support. Unfortunately studies with children and adolescents are still lacking, but the attention among researchers is growing [60, 66].
Given the paucity of research with adolescents, we conducted an unpublished study1 to explore the relationships among excessive Internet use, preferred online activities, and adolescent’s perceived loneliness. In addition, we hypothesized that among adolescents better parent-child communication and higher parental emotional availability were positively related with less time spent online and less frequent online activities. In fact, studies indicate that parent-child communication and parental involvement play a protective role to excessive online activities [67]. A community sample of 177 high school students (66% females), aged 16–22 years old (M = 18, DS = 1.01), completed a questionnaire measuring the sense of loneliness (UCLA Loneliness Scale; [68]) and the Compulsive Internet Use2 Scale (CIUS, [69]) for assessing problematic involvement in Internet activities. Daily frequency of favorite online activities (chatting, e-mailing, visiting social networking sites, listening to music, watching videos, playing online games, etc.) was also measured. Regarding parenting factors, adolescents filled out (a) the Lum Emotional Availability of Parents questionnaire (LEAP; [71]) assessing adolescent’s perception of parental responsiveness, sensitivity, and emotional involvement and (b) two scales (derived from [70]) measuring the frequency of communication (how often the adolescent communicates with parents about his/her online activities) and the quality of parent-child communication (the adolescent feels understood, or comforted, or taking seriously from parents when he/she talks about Internet activities). In our study loneliness was not associated with Internet compulsive use (CIUS scores), but with specific online activities. Adolescents with higher loneliness levels reported higher frequency of music listening, but they declared less access to social networks (such as Facebook). This result contradicts the hypothesis of social compensation assuming that the teenagers use online exchanges to replace the sense of loneliness in real life [61]. An alternative explanation, proposed by others [72] is that a process downward with a “spiral pattern” is activated: loneliness leads to a decrease in social involvement which in turn increases the sense of isolation. Interestingly, those who spent more time online and were problematic users (higher CIUS scores) were more frequently involved in solitary activities, such as watching videos, listening to music, playing games offline, and visiting social networking sites. Perceived emotional availability from the father (but not from the mother) was negatively related with time that adolescents spent online. Teenagers who perceived greater emotional availability from both parents used the Internet more often for working on school projects and homework or doing search. A better quality of communication with parents is associated with less use of the Internet for gambling and online games. Overall these results confirm a virtuous relationship between quality of family communication, emotional availability of parents, and productive use of the web.
6. Family communication and parental consistency for preventing risks
An interesting evidence emerging from empirical literature is the protective role of parent-child communication for preventing Internet unsuitable use in children [73]. Conversely, Internet excessive use is associated with low quality of communication in the family [74]. Particularly with teenagers, the open and effective parent-child communication is a key dimension of family relationships and climate. Assuming a bidirectional perspective of adolescent-child influences, some authors focus on the role of youths’ self-disclosure and spontaneous communication on parenting. Stattin and Kerr [75] claim that parental efforts to monitor adolescent’s activities or to discuss about them are ineffective if teenagers do not trust their parents and if they are not willing to open up spontaneously. Parental monitoring on children’s activities can be less effective when it is parent-driven (e.g., the parent tries to follow the child’s activities on Facebook) than when it is child-driven, that is, activated by children’s self-disclosure and open communication. Conversely, when parents try to control teenagers’ online communication (e.g., the friends on Facebook, the photos posted on Instagram, etc.), parent-child conflicts increase, and adolescents can perceive parental behaviors as an obstacle to their autonomy or an intrusion to privacy [76].
Van den Eijnden et al. [70] identify two key dimensions of parent-child communication about children’s digital behaviors. The first parenting practice refers to the frequency of communication about Internet usage (e.g., “How often do you and your parents talk about who you have Internet contact with?”), whereas the quality of communication about Internet use measures adolescent’s perception of mutual respect and acceptance during conversation (“When my parents and I talk about my Internet use, I feel taken seriously”). Authors explore how these parental behaviors, together with other Internet-specific parental practices (rules about time online, rules about contents, reactions to excessive use), link to compulsive Internet use (CIU) in adolescents. Findings from their longitudinal study are particularly interesting, showing a protective effect of the quality of communication, but not of frequency of communication, on the risk of developing CIU. In other words, a good quality of parent-child communication about the use of Internet decreased the risk of CIU (6 months later), whereas this relationship was not observed for the frequency of parent-child exchanges about adolescent’s online activities. Authors discuss these findings by highlighting the bidirectional nature of parent-child influences. When adolescents show compulsive Internet behaviors, the frequency of parent-child communication decreases. Probably gradually parents get discouraged and give up the idea of achieving a positive change in their child’s problematic behaviors through frequent conversations.
Regarding the parental rules about online activities, studies evidence some mixed results. When parents give their children rules about the content of the Internet, the compulsive use of web decreases; conversely, strict rules about time allowed for online activities seem to be counterproductive, linking to compulsive Internet behaviors in children [70]. Moreover, considering the child’s influences on parent’s behaviors, it is possible that when the child remains connected online without time limits, her/his behavior in turn stimulates stricter rules by parents. Other studies evidence that parental rules about Internet use are less influential on their children’s behaviors than their parents’ behaviors. Liu et al. [77] found that when parental behaviors are consistent with parental rules regarding digital technologies and the Internet (e.g., the smartphone must not be used during mealtime, personal data cannot be given online, etc.), the rules negatively predict Internet problematic use in adolescents. This result reminds us the importance of educational consistency (i.e., rule-behavior agreement) from parents. Conversely, when parental rules and parental behaviors do not agree, only the parents’ behaviors are positively predictive of children’s excessive Internet use. According to social learning theory [78], a parental modeling process intervenes, that is, an observational learning in which the parent’s behavior acts as antecedent for similar behavior in the child. Therefore, parents act as a role model for their children’s digital behaviors, and young children learn how and under what circumstances to use a mobile, for example, the smartphone, observing parents’ activities with that device. Interestingly, studies show that the time parents spend with computers positively relates with time spent by their children [79]. Similarly, parental involvement in favorite Internet activities (visiting social networking sites, video streaming, etc.) is positively associated with the same activities engaged by children. In addition, as some researchers remind us “it is not only overt parental behavior (i.e., digital device use) but also attitudes and emotions that can be modelled for children to imitate” ([30], p. 4). Taken together, these findings suggest that parents’ agreement and modeling of adequate behaviors are crucial factors for promoting self-regulation and safety use of digital technologies in young children.
7. Conclusions
Today’s reality is widely digitized, and it offers people of all ages opportunities for socialization, amusement, learning, job, and knowledge that were unthinkable until a few decades ago. Precisely in the weeks in which the authors were engaged in the revision of this chapter, COVID-19 pandemic was involving more than 130 countries in the world. The lockdown and restrictions at home quickly changed daily activities of children and parents, transferring to the screen of the devices many activities previously carried outdoor (school lessons, play with peers, etc.). It is still too early to know what impact the epidemic will have on children’s physical and mental health, but the attention of professionals and researchers is not lacking [80]. Surely during COVID-19 screen time has increased exponentially in the families: in some ways for the parents it was a relief, because through the Internet children continued their school courses and contact with peers. In addition, children avoided boredom through videogames or website dedicated to music, creativity, etc. On the other hand, the intensive online activities have renewed parents’ concerns about the well-known risks [23, 81], such as increased sedentary and physical inactivity, prolonged use at night, sleep disorders, isolation, and escape in digital world by teenagers.
Following social distancing and the temporary closure of schools for limiting COVID-19 infection, the Ministries of Education in many developed countries quickly activated online courses and other websites for distance learning. These online solutions have the aim to guarantee children’s right of instruction but also to mitigate the negative effects of home confinement [82]. However, online courses shift the teaching from school to home and make the parents a resource for support and effective learning. The question is: what can be the role of parental mediation and digital competence? As the authors know, there are no empirical studies on this topic, but previous studies with primary school children showed negative associations between parental control, interference in homework, and children’s learning [83]. Currently, in many cases teachers expect parents to ensure that their children connect on time and follow the video lessons, so parental support could be useful, but tensions and parent-child conflicts can also occur. There is also the risk that parents may help children, interfering with digital learning or impeding them from carrying out the assigned activities independently. Close attention and research effort are needed for comprehending how this aspect of digital parenting works, supporting parents in their efforts and ensuring a good home learning to children.
In line with the available studies before COVID-19 [4], we believe that during lockdown the digital activities satisfy children’s basic psychological needs, such as socialization and emotional support by the family (grandparents and cousins) and other significant people (teachers and peers). Social media facilitate the expression of emotions (such as fear and sadness), self-disclosure, and the keeping of romantic relationships by adolescents particularly [84]. Video calling and regular contacts through smartphone have been recommended as an important source of reassurance in the cases of isolation of the caregiver or family due to prevention of COVID-19 infection or recovery [85].
What probably becomes necessary in the time of COVID-19 is a renegotiation of family routines, that is, a balance between screen time and other moments of family life. In this regard, the WHO [85] recommends that parents maintain regular routines for children (school/learning, free time/relaxing, bedtime, etc.) and also to create new opportunities for joint activities (such as co-use for creative, amusing, or physical activity in front of the screen). With young children, many shared activities offer also a context to express and communicate their feelings (both fears and wishes) in a supportive parental relationship. Even in actual COVID-19 circumstances, we believe that parental behaviors (such as self-limiting screen time for smart working, chatting, or gaming) are more influential than restrictive mediation or limitations imposed to children.
Having the digital knowledge and the skills to move in the digital world, without suffering the dangers, is not a matter of age, but of education and learning, that is, digital literacy. It is a serious responsibility towards the new generations and a complex challenge for which the adults (parents, teachers, psychologists, or educators) do not feel prepared. As Martin ([86], p. 135) reminds us: “Digital literacy is the awareness, attitude and ability of individuals to appropriately use digital tools and facilities to identify, access, manage, integrate, evaluate, analyze and synthesize digital resources, construct new knowledge, create media expressions, and communicate with others, in the context of specific life situations, in order to enable constructive social action; and to reflect upon this process.” Currently, parents’ difficulties stem from the fact that they—as digital users—have different levels of involvement, technical skills, and beliefs that influence mediation practices towards their children. If parents feel less skilled or worry about unknown dangers of the web, they could activate more restrictive practices, but rarely they will be able to critically discuss with their children in a constructive manner. In addition, parents believe not to be up to their children in juggling in the digital world, in pursuing technological innovations, or in protecting children from danger or media abuse. Sometimes parents consult the websites for suggestions on how to effectively manage kids in their digital activities, but information disseminated through the websites is not always scientifically founded (fake news). The researcher Danah Boyd [87], in describing the complexity (“It’s complicated”) of teenagers’ life on the web, claims that the media magnify the virtues (the “superpowers”) of digital natives, but at the same time they trigger parental fears talking about serious dangers such as Internet addiction, sexual enticement, or incitement to suicide. Conversely, rarely parents turn to professionals for advice. A study [28] conducted with families of very young children (under 7 years) shows that parents choose the type of help (professionals such as pediatricians, or friends and family) based on the child’s problems and his/her digital activities. The professionals are consulted if the child is an only son or he/she uses the media too long. Parental sense of competence in managing the child’s activities increases if parents are confident of the usefulness of the media (e.g., educational games for learning) and if there are more kids in the family. Parents turn to friends and family for advice when they have a negative view of the effects of the media. This result makes us reflect, but unfortunately there are not many similar studies.
A correct parental mediation of children’s digital activity must build on the information and recommendations that come from the scientific community. The American Academy of Pediatrics [2] has taken a clear stance for prudent and moderate use of the web in infancy (0–5 years) and has prohibited touchscreen device use under the age of 2. The careful use of these devices at such an early age is crucial for the infants’ brain and social development. However, in contrast to these professional recommendations, often parents themselves introduce babies to media use during infancy (e.g., to “take calm” the kid, or to stop whims and cry; [30]). Young children spent daily an amount of time with screen media (iPod, smartphone, video game player, etc.) that grows during infancy (42 min under 2 years and 2 h/39 min at 2–4 years, respectively; [88]). The risks for excessive screen exposure are extensively confirmed in literature and particularly the negative consequences for early users who may present physical problems (such as obesity), developmental difficulties (i.e., language or learning), and unhealthy routines (low sleep quality) (Figure 1).
Figure 1.
Developmental risks associated with excessive media exposure (from [88]).
The recommendations for effective parental mediation on children’s digital activities are unequivocal [2]: (a) avoid the use of digital devices before 18–24 months with the exception of video chatting in the presence of the parent; (b) do not allow the child (18–24 months older) to use the devices alone and for more than 1 h a day; (c) do not press for an early use, the child will spontaneously approach the media when ready; (d) help the child apply what he/she learns from using the device to the real world; (e) know that in infancy, direct experiences, manipulation, and unstructured play are crucial for the child’s brain and for social, cognitive, and linguistic development; (f) void the vision of fast programs, with too many distracting elements, or violent contents that the child is unable to understand; (g) avoid using devices to calm the baby, an hour before bedtime; and (h) constantly monitor the media contents to which the child is exposed. Finally, the experts (pediatricians and psychologists) turn also to the industry that produces media devices, so that it adopts a scientifically founded and more ethical approach, for example, installing apps (such as connection stop or automatic shutdown during night hours) that can protect very young children from the risks of overuse.
Therefore, parent education interventions are necessary both to disseminate scientific knowledge on the influence of new technologies on children’s health and development and to help parents to cope with the challenges of digital reality. Parent education cannot be reduced to merely correcting ineffective parenting practices or to a list of instructions on what the parent should do. In fact, all studies indicate that the effectiveness of mediation strategies (restrictive or active approach) is relative, because parental practices interact with the characteristics of both adults (digital skills, beliefs, and activities on the media) and children (age, development, digital literacy skills, etc.). Instead, professionals should help parents to improve and adjust their guidance according to children’s age and developing skills. This is possible to be realized if parents also increase their knowledge and digital skills (media literacy programs), given the importance of these factors in parenting. Less skilled parents, or those who fear the unknown pitfalls of the web, are more likely to intervene only on restricting or prohibiting children’s activities. Conversely, “it is likely that more skilled children and parents are more free to explore and benefit from online opportunities, while also building up resilience against harm by meeting a degree of online risk” ([16], p. 19).
Digital parenting is a very complex and “complicated” task not only because the digital technologies rapidly change, but also because they offer children multiple experiences (learning, communication, socialization, entertainment, etc.) that influence their development, but which are not entirely overlapping to the experiences that take place in the real environment [89]. Particularly, digital natives have the opportunity to know the reality and themselves, developing their own identity [76], with a multiplicity of means and without the supervision of the traditional agents of socialization, primarily the parents (or the teachers). With the awareness of how difficult it is to give definitive answers about the advantages or dangers of digital technologies, more effort is needed from researchers. More evidence-based studies are needed, to understand how technological progress is changing the psychological (neurocognitive, emotional, and social) development of young digital users. However, despite the growing diffusion of digital tools in infancy, studies with very young children are still lacking. Particularly, future research could benefit from longitudinal studies to which to explore the relationships between parenting and children’s experiences in digital environments, their opportunities, or risks.
\n',keywords:"digital technologies, parental practices, parental beliefs, children’s digital literacy",chapterPDFUrl:"https://cdn.intechopen.com/pdfs/72249.pdf",chapterXML:"https://mts.intechopen.com/source/xml/72249.xml",downloadPdfUrl:"/chapter/pdf-download/72249",previewPdfUrl:"/chapter/pdf-preview/72249",totalDownloads:524,totalViews:0,totalCrossrefCites:0,dateSubmitted:"October 31st 2019",dateReviewed:"April 16th 2020",datePrePublished:"May 20th 2020",datePublished:"January 27th 2021",dateFinished:"May 20th 2020",readingETA:"0",abstract:"Digital media have quickly changed ways in which parents and children communicate, enjoy themselves, acquire information, and solve problems daily (both in ordinary and exceptional circumstances such as COVID-19 home confinement). Very young children are regular users of smartphones and tablet, so their early digital engagement poses new challenges to parent-child relationships and parental role. First, the chapter introduces the “digital parenting” construct, moving through the literature from “traditional” parenting styles to more recent studies on “parental mediation,” that is, the different behaviors parents adopt to regulate children’s engagement with the Internet and digital media. Second, the chapter reviews empirical researches on different parental mediation practices (active or restrictive behaviors) and how they are adjusted according to the child’s characteristics (age, digital competences, etc.) or parent’s media competence and beliefs. Finally, from a bidirectional perspective of parent-child relationships, the chapter discusses the role of youths’ social involvement, communication, self-disclosure, and digital skills on parent’s beliefs and practices. Implications for parent education and prevention of risks for early and excessive exposure to digital technologies are discussed.",reviewType:"peer-reviewed",bibtexUrl:"/chapter/bibtex/72249",risUrl:"/chapter/ris/72249",signatures:"Loredana Benedetto and Massimo Ingrassia",book:{id:"9043",title:"Parenting",subtitle:"Studies by an Ecocultural and Transactional Perspective",fullTitle:"Parenting - Studies by an Ecocultural and Transactional Perspective",slug:"parenting-studies-by-an-ecocultural-and-transactional-perspective",publishedDate:"January 27th 2021",bookSignature:"Loredana Benedetto and Massimo Ingrassia",coverURL:"https://cdn.intechopen.com/books/images_new/9043.jpg",licenceType:"CC BY 3.0",editedByType:"Edited by",editors:[{id:"193200",title:"Prof.",name:"Loredana",middleName:null,surname:"Benedetto",slug:"loredana-benedetto",fullName:"Loredana Benedetto"}],productType:{id:"1",title:"Edited Volume",chapterContentType:"chapter",authoredCaption:"Edited by"}},authors:[{id:"193200",title:"Prof.",name:"Loredana",middleName:null,surname:"Benedetto",fullName:"Loredana Benedetto",slug:"loredana-benedetto",email:"lbenedetto@unime.it",position:null,institution:{name:"University of Messina",institutionURL:null,country:{name:"Italy"}}},{id:"193901",title:"Prof.",name:"Massimo",middleName:null,surname:"Ingrassia",fullName:"Massimo Ingrassia",slug:"massimo-ingrassia",email:"massimo.ingrassia@unime.it",position:null,institution:{name:"University of Messina",institutionURL:null,country:{name:"Italy"}}}],sections:[{id:"sec_1",title:"1. Introduction",level:"1"},{id:"sec_2",title:"2. Parental beliefs",level:"1"},{id:"sec_3",title:"3. Parental media competence and self-efficacy",level:"1"},{id:"sec_4",title:"4. Parenting approaches in children’s digital engagement",level:"1"},{id:"sec_4_2",title:"4.1 Parenting style",level:"2"},{id:"sec_5_2",title:"4.2 Parental mediation",level:"2"},{id:"sec_7",title:"5. Parental worries about children’s online activities",level:"1"},{id:"sec_8",title:"6. Family communication and parental consistency for preventing risks",level:"1"},{id:"sec_9",title:"7. Conclusions",level:"1"}],chapterReferences:[{id:"B1",body:'Livingstone S, Kardefelt WD, Hussein M. Global Kids Online: Comparative Report. Florence: UNICEF Office of Research – Innocenti; 2019. Available from: www.unicef-irc.org/publications/1059-global-kids-online-comparative-report.html'},{id:"B2",body:'American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP), Council on Communications and Media. Media and young minds. 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Monitoring, mediating, and modeling: Parental influence on adolescent computer and internet use in the United States. Journal of Children and Media. 2015;9(1):1-18'},{id:"B80",body:'Jiao WY, Wang LN, Liu J, Fang SF, Jiao FY, Pettolello-Mantovani M, et al. Behavioral and emotional disorders in children during the Covid-19 epidemic. The Journal of Pediatrics. 2020;S0022-3476(20):30336-X. DOI: 10.1016/j.jpeds.2020.03.013. [Epub ahead of print, 2 April]'},{id:"B81",body:'Fischer-Grote L, Kothgassner OD, Felnhofer A. Risk factors for problematic smartphone use in children and adolescents: A review of existing literature. Neuropsychiatrie. 2019;33:179-190. DOI: 10.1007/s40211-019-00319-8'},{id:"B82",body:'Wang G, Zhang Y, Zhao J, Zhang J, Jiang F. Mitigate the effects of home confinement on children during the Covid-19 outbreak. The Lancet. 2020;395:605-658. DOI: 10.1016/S0140-6736(20)30547-X'},{id:"B83",body:'Benedetto L, Oliveri R. Qual è l’approccio efficace per i compiti a casa? Una ricerca con alunni di scuola primaria e con le loro famiglie [What is the effective approach to homework? A study with primary school students and their families]. Difficoltà di apprendimento. 2012;4:499-521'},{id:"B84",body:'Borca G, Bina M, Keller SP, Gilbert LR, Begotti T. Internet use and developmental tasks: Adolescents’ point of view. Computers in Human Behavior. 2015;52:49-58'},{id:"B85",body:'World Health Organization (WHO). Helping Children to Cope with Stress During the 2019-nCov Outbreak. Available from: https://www.familylinks.org.uk/post/who-helping-children-cope-with-stress-during-the-2019-ncov-outbreak [Accessed: 14 April 2020]'},{id:"B86",body:'Martin A. DigEuLit European framework for digital literacy: A progress report. Journal of eLiteracy. 2005;2:130-266'},{id:"B87",body:'Boyd D. It’s Complicated. The Social Lives of Networked Teens. London/New Haven: Yale University Press; 2014. Available from: http://www.danah.org/books/ItsComplicated.pdf'},{id:"B88",body:'Wolf C, Wolf S, Weiss M, Nino G. Children’s environmental health in the digital era: Understanding early screen exposure as a preventable risk factor for obesity and sleep disorders. Children. 2018;5(2):31. DOI: 10.3390/children5020031'},{id:"B89",body:'Johnson GM. Internet use and child development: The techno-microsistem. Australian Journal of Educational & Developmental Psychology. 2010;10:32-43'}],footnotes:[{id:"fn1",explanation:"The data of this research were collected by Gabriella Famà for her degree thesis in Psychology (2013–2014): Internet in adolescenza: benessere o solitudine? Il ruolo della disponibilità emotive e del monitoring genitoriale [Internet in adolescence: well-being or loneliness? The role of emotional availability and parental monitoring]. University of Messina (Italy)."},{id:"fn2",explanation:'According to accepted criteria, compulsive internet use (CIU) is defined by the following characteristics [69]: "(1) continuation of internet use despite the intention or desire to stop or cut down; (2) experiencing unpleasant emotions when internet use is impossible; (3) using the internet to escape from negative feelings; (4) internet use dominating one’s cognitions and behaviors; and (5) internet use resulting in conflict with others or in self-conflict" (see [70]. p. 78).'}],contributors:[{corresp:null,contributorFullName:"Loredana Benedetto",address:null,affiliation:'
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