Irregular Migration, Drug Use and Drug Trafficking in Sub-Saharan Africa – Libya and Nigeria

Abstract

Background: This study examined the context of drug use and trafficking in irregular migration among identified Nigerian-returned migrants from Libyan detention centers in the transit or destination along the Mediterranean irregular migratory route. Method: Population of study utilized sample size of 382 (238 males and 144 females). Participants’ recruitment employed the use of snowballing and judgmental sampling. Data were collected with interviewer-administered questionnaire, and supplemented through in-depth interviews, focus group discussions and case study. Result: The summary of the findings revealed that most participants were smuggled (97.9%) and trafficked (96.6%). Drug use in migration was 61.3% prevalent among the participants. Frustration and trauma were the leading cause of drug use among migrants. About 15.7% of the participants trafficked drugs on migration and 28% among those that trafficked drugs had experience of arrest for drug trafficking (in Libya). The study also discovered that some of the migrants who got into drug trafficking were to raise money for survival, while some were compelled into the business. Conclusion: Drug use and drug trafficking are prevalent in irregular migration. The findings of this study draw attention to evaluate interventions to reduce drug use and trafficking among irregular migrants.

1. Introduction

The increasing rate of unemployment, political instability and conflicts in Nigeria resulting to irregular migration of both young men and women has become a worrying concern. Unemployment rate in Nigeria increased to 18.80% in the third quarter of 2017 from 16.20% in the second quarter of 2017. Unemployment rate in Nigeria averaged 10.63% from 2006 until 2017 [1, 2]. Of concern is the linkage between the high unemployment rate of Nigerians between the ages of 18–30 and the high rate of poverty and social malaise presently affecting the nation.

Young men and women are misinformed for opportunity of getting better job outside the country. These young people end up in the wrong hands of organized recruiters who facilitate their business outside the country [3]. In Nigeria, irregular migrants heading north were overwhelmingly male and in the 20 to 30 year age bracket. Although the proportion of women is generally considerable (about 40% female/60% male), most were single, and some had completed secondary schooling, while about 12.5% were college graduates [3]. Faced with limited channels to migrate regularly, migrants and asylum seekers often embark on irregular and dangerous journeys, during which they often become extremely vulnerable [3, 4]. Some of these migrants are introduced into drug trafficking while most of them face hardship in transit or final destination [5, 6, 7, 8].

Europe has become one of the major continents with high rate of irregular migrants from Nigeria [7, 8]. The reasons for which these migrants enter the European Union are various and complex: to flee conflict, political instability, violence and/or persecution; poverty; in search of study or work opportunities; or out of a desire to reunite with family members who are already in the European Union [3].

Based on the International Organization for Migration (IOM) report [3], over 1 million migrants entered Europe in 2015 through the Mediterranean Sea and the journey has been far from safe, and there are reports of worsening exploitation and abuse during migrant journeys, particularly in Libya which also informed this research to address return-migration from Libya. The demographics of migrant flows to Europe are also changing, with a greater representation of more vulnerable groups such as women and children [3].

Irregular migrants may be at risk for substance use for reasons including coping with traumatic experiences, pre-and post-migration stress, co-morbid mental health disorders, acculturation challenges, and social and economic inequality [9, 10].

In transnational migration, irregular migrants and drug trafficking organizations are contributing to a growing drug problem in the society. Irregular migrants including the returning immigrants can be introduced to drugs and drug use practices, and contributes to the creation of a drug use culture within these communities. The drug cartels have aggressively targeted these communities because of availability of money, existing drug use, a drug use culture, and the breakdown of traditional deterrents to substance abuse [6].

This study assessed the returned migrants from Edo and Delta states of Nigeria who have returned from Libya. and their irregular migration experiences, involvement in drug use and drug trafficking, and the prevalence of drug use and drug trafficking among this community.

2. Study method

2.1 Description of the study population

This study is a cross-sectional descriptive study which was conducted among identified returned migrants residing in Edo and Delta states of Nigeria. The study population is restricted and limited to returned migrants from Libya. Thus, Libyan returnees were the main subject and focus of the study, and these are returned migrants from Libyan detention centers and urban areas in the transit or destination along the Central Mediterranean irregular migratory route. The participants selected were those who returned from Libya to Nigeria between May 2017 and April 2018, and have had reunion with their families or undergone reintegration program.

2.2 Sampling technique

The research sampling technique adopted the use of judgemental sampling and snowball sampling method. The participants were recruited in Edo and Delta State where there are high populations of returned migrants according to International Organization for Migration (IOM) [11] report. The questionnaire was administered to 382 subjects derived from sample size estimation of this study.

2.3 Data collection and procedure

The study employed mixed method of quantitative and qualitative data collection. The participants were interviewed for quantitative data with a structured anonymous questionnaire designed by the author for collection of information which was administered directly by trained enumerators. Through non-probabilistic purposeful sampling, 10 volunteer returned migrants who have been involved in drug use/trafficking were interviewed and it was ensured that important elements were selected to participate in the interview. Attention was focused in selecting participants from diverse groups that represent the community, such as irregular migrants, smuggled migrants, and trafficked persons. Case study was conducted where the study examined 10 cases of selected irregular migrant victims (anonymous volunteers) who have diverse and deeper revealing stories and experiences as a person who uses drugs and is or was a drug trafficker/peddler. Snowball technique was employed in selection of the subjects (5 volunteers for drug trafficking and 5 volunteers for drug use). For this study, the definition of a case is “any migrant returnee who has been a victim of irregular migration with drug trafficking or drug use during their migration period”. However, stories that were best fitted and relevant to the objectives of the study were selected for this report. Focus group discussions were conducted for selected identified returned migrants who are or have been victims of drug use and drug trafficking in irregular migration. A total of four focus group discussion sessions were conducted; two male sessions and two female sessions in the Edo and Delta states.

3. Study results

3.1 Socio-demographics of the study participants

Male persons constitute the highest of the study participants representing 62.3%. In other words, most of the migrant participants in the study were males while 37.7% participants were female returned migrants. Educationally most of the participants (67.8%) had only secondary school level education. It is of interest to know that those with higher educational level account for 14.9% of the study population of which 5% were graduates. Marital status shows that most of the returned migrants (59.2%) were single while others were married (28%), separated (9.4%), divorced (2.1%) or widowed (1.3%). The average age of the returned migrants (participants) for this survey is approximately 30 years with a standard deviation of 5.973 while the age group 26–30 years was the most dominant among the study population.

4. Irregular migration context

4.1 Route of migration

As the study revealed, the road was the main route of migration by all of the participants. Forty percent (40.1%) had already entered the Mediterranean Sea but were either stranded or caught on the sea and consequently could not cross to Europe or conclude their journey to their anticipated country of destination. None of the participants used air as a means in their travel.

4.2 Participants anticipated country of destination

In terms of the country to which the participants anticipated to migrate for a new living, this study revealed several countries in Europe and a few countries in North Africa. Italy was the most frequent with 36.9% among the participants followed by Libya (23.6%). Germany (18.1%) and France (11.3%) also recorded high response among the participants.

4.3 Transit countries

It was observed that Niger was a major route and transit country for illegal migration. All of the study participants passed through the Niger boarder and also had a stopover in Niger. The major stopover cities in Niger were Agadez and Zinder along the desert area. Other major transit country discovered in the study was Chad (35.1%). Libya (78%) was the major transit for those traveling to Europe.

Citation from in-depth interview;

I traveled for the first time through Benin, Burkina Faso and Mali to Morocco and was caught in Morocco when I wanted to cross to Europe, and I came back and passed through Niger to Libya and was caught in Libya before I was brought back to Nigeria – female respondent.

4.4 Migration status of the study participants

Most of the study participants (96.3%) did not possess legal travel documents while crossing the boarders illegally. Most were smuggled (97.9%) and trafficked (96.6%) into other countries during the migration: as the study participants revealed, most of those smuggled from one country to another were also trafficked at some point during their migration. Those smuggled were migrants for whom their network recruiters illegally facilitated their entry into another country, while those trafficked were exploited by traffickers for the purpose of force labor or commercial exploitation.

Citation from in-depth interview;

I do not have the legal papers to travel, we were subjected to all kinds of hardship because we were not properly prepared for the travels because there was no document – male participant.

5. Migrants and drug use

The study participants’ views were assessed to know if they believe that irregular migrants can get involved in drug use during their migration. Most of the participants (370) (96.9%) had the belief that migration circumstances and settings can influence someone to use and abuse drugs. In other words, most of the returned migrants are of the opinion that drug use and abuse could be consequences emanated from conditions of irregular migration and irregular migrants can be at high risk of drugs or substance use. The study further revealed that 234 (61.3%) of the respondents have used drugs during their migration while 38.7% were not involved in any drug use on their migration. Drug use was predominant among migrants in the age group (26–30) accounting for 24.9% of the total study participants. Of the total 234 respondents (61.3%) who reported to have engaged in drug use during migration, about 35 (15%) of them were reported to have been engaged in drug use before leaving the shores of Nigeria. This indicates that a high percentage of the migrants used drugs during their migration.

In terms of educational level, the findings from the study showed that among the total 61.3% of the study participants that engaged in drug use, the majority of them (43%) had secondary education. Only 10% are reported to have primary education, while about 8% of them have tertiary education. The test of significance provides enough statistical evidence to conclude that the level of education is not significantly associated with drug use among participants. (χ² = 9.621, df = 4, p-value = 0.522).

Among the participants 234 (61.3%) that use drugs, 124 (52.99%) responded that they became problematic drug users or drug dependent. Only 38 of these 124 persons (30.64%) obtained help in Libya. 10.49% sought professional treatment/psychotherapy while 20.15% discussed their drug use problem with their friends. On further probe the respondents were of the view that addiction help or treatment seeking could not be easy for the irregular migrants and most were held hostage in the transit countries.

5.1 Gender and drug use

The study revealed that among male participants, more than three quarter (71%) of them are involved in drug use, while about 44% among female participants also engaged in drug use. The study further revealed that about 29% of female participants that engaged in drug use are single while their married counterparts accounted for just 6% among the total female participants. Another 9% is reported to be those separated/divorced from their spouses.

5.2 Reasons for drug use in migration

The participants when asked the reason for their drug use during migration, among the 234 respondents that have used drugs, most (49.5%) mentioned ‘frustration’ as the leading cause of their drug use followed by being ‘stranded’ which account for 28.5% response and ‘trauma’ accounting for 24.9% among the participants. Few of the respondents revealed that eagerness to continue the journey (9.4%), peer pressure (6.5%), no employment in the country of migration (3.7%), and introduction to drug business (3.4%) as the factors that led to their drug use. Some participants who shared their experiences stated that they use drugs to make them feel less hungry while some were compelled to use these drugs. Access to drugs was noted to also contribute to the reason for the drug use among the participants. Complementary information from the focus group discussion revealed that these drugs are sold in the camp or prison in Libya. Examples of these drugs include marijuana, hashish, shisha and tramadol.

Case Study 1: We had a lot of family problems, my father was afflicted with sickness, I had nobody to help me, my mother gave birth to seven children, of whom I am the second. I did not go further with my education; I stopped in primary 6 against all odds and hardship. So owing to the dearth of help I took a decision. I sold my mother’s big land so that I could use the proceeds from it to travel. I first traveled to Burkina Faso, but things did not work well for me in that country, so I came back home to meet my family, with nothing to show for my journey. The house my parents lived in collapsed, so we went to live with a family friend, during which we were subjected to all kinds of insults from them. So bad was it that even feeding became a problem. So I decided to migrate to Libya, and from there I embarked on another journey to Italy. It was on top of the Mediterranean Sea that they brought me back to Libya. I was even shot at in Libya by the Arab people, that is why you see me limping. I still feel the pain on my legs, but it is gradually healing. When I was repatriated from the Mediterranean Sea, I was put in prison for 4 months, people were dying, suffering in the prison, no good condition, no good water, nothing. Because of these challenges, they came to help me by bringing me back to Nigeria. In response to my use of drugs, I was not born into the world to start smoking or taking drugs, but it was because of the situation I saw my mother, she is currently blind. In Libya, I smoked different things, from Cigar, to hashish, to marijuana. I was mixing magi (marijuana) with cigar in Libya, to give me inspiration because of the hardship I had been through. I got into drugs because I was frustrated, no good condition, no money and I have children, no house of my own, and no good job. I sold all my things before I went to Libya. I sold my mother’s land, and after everything, I have nothing to show for it. So because of too much thinking I take marijuana to cool off all the time. I came back to Nigeria on January 7th 2018, I still take hard drugs such as marijuana because I have no job. I am currently squatting with a friend, I sleep on their chair, despite that I still receive insults from him. My mother is living with one of my in-laws and he is the one paying for my children’s school fees, so anytime I remember all these, I indulge more in drugs, but I cannot kill or steal from someone. I cannot allow the influence of the drugs to make me misbehave. Before I left for Libya, I smoked only cigarettes, but I started taking hard drugs when I got to Niger and Libya - [Case Study male participants].

Case Study 2: Right now as I talk to you, I still feel some pain in my chest because of the drugs and smoking and everything. I was frustrated in Nigeria, so I decided to travel to Germany for greener pasture. I began to take drugs from Agadez, these drugs included marijuana, hashish and codeine. After about 1 month and 2 weeks in Agadez, I was taken to Libya. When I got to Libya, I continued taking drugs because I was thinking about so many things in respect of my life, each time I took these drugs I forgot my problems for about 2 hours, but the thinking always returned after a while: I thought about not having money, because I do not want to live in poverty, that was why I decided to leave my country for Germany in search of money, so that I could set up a good business upon my return to Nigeria. Unfortunately, I could not get to Germany, rather I was kidnapped in Libya for 4 months before my family had to look for money and sent to me in Libya. Up till now, we have not been able to pay back that money. After I was released, I started hustling before I entered the Mediterranean Sea. After 14 hours on the Sea, no Italian or German Rescue Team came, but the Libyan Rescue Team came and took us back to deportation camp; this happened in January 2015. In camp they were bringing drugs like codeine for us to take because of the cold. I became addicted to these drugs after my return to Nigeria, and I still go to buy them whenever I want. Sometimes when I take these drugs I do not get to know where I am, I may even sleep on the road. When I remember all these things, the time wasted, money spent, I become frustrated the more. I came back to Nigeria on February 1st 2018. I do not know who made the arrangement; whether IOM or Federal Government of Nigeria, all I know is that they picked my name in Port Harcourt. I entered Port Harcourt on February 1st and entered Edo on February 4th. I still use these drugs in Nigeria because I cannot do without them. I do not have the money to start up a new business; I am totally frustrated as I am talking to you now. In Nigeria, I take weed, codeine, tramadol. Nobody involved me into drug use, it’s just the situation I found myself that made me use drugs. Since I started using these drugs, if I do not take tramadol 500 mg a day, I will not be able to sleep. – [Case Study male participants].

5.3 Migration and illegal activities

Analysis on illegal activities during migration shows that 129 (33.8%) of the participants among the 382 study population were involved in illegal activities during their journey or in the transit countries. Further probe revealed various illegal activities or crime engaged by the participants during migration. Among this, drug business accounts for 50.8% which is the highest in frequency among the illegal activities by the participants, prostitution (among women) and stealing account for 40.7 and 8.5% respectively. Other information gathered during the focus group discussion reaveled that some migrants were involved in kidnapping in cooperation with the Libyans and negotiating a ransom with the captives. Most illegal business actitivies were performed in Libya by the Nigerian migrants. While some engaged in these activities as a means of survival, some were forced into it through trafficking. A respondent said, “As a result of these drugs migrant are recalcitrant, hostile to people, they send us on a mission like to go and rob, but because of the influence of these drugs, we don’t see going to rob or other kinds of criminal act as anything because we are on drugs” (FGD, male participant). Among the participants involved in illegal business activities or crime during migration, 22% of the participants’ illegal businesses have a link to drug use. It should be noted that not all migrant returnees involved in drug business also use drugs as large number of them were forced into drug business and some only do this to raise money and have no interest in taking drugs. On further exploration, the participants talk about drugs being given to them by the traffickers before they embark on stealing or prostitution. But overall there can be no doubt that drug business led some into drug use while possessing the drugs.

Case Study 3: Actually, after finishing school for 4 years in the National Teacher’s Institute, I could not get a good job, but I had to be patient with the one I had. I was being paid N5,000 ($13) and there was nothing to show for it. I have younger ones, I am the second in a family of 8, my mother had just one boy and because I am their elder, I had to assist in the schooling of my younger ones. My father is a tailor, while my mother is a tomato seller. Since I was able to finish, they were hoping for me to assist them but that was not forthcoming, so I had to look for a way to make sure my family was stable, When I went to look for work they asked me to pay N200,000 ($555) to fix me in a Government job, but I did not have such money so they asked me to sleep with them, but I said to myself I rather travel out of the country than do that. That was how I left the country. I had an ECOWAS passport that was given to us to get out of Niger, the name on the passport wasn’t ours, we had to bear the name on the passport, which was retrieved from us, so it was a false document. I traveled by road and sea. Actually my plan was to travel to Europe either Germany or Italy, but I was captured on the Blue Sea, we had not gotten to the main sea, the boat was leaking, we had no option on whether to continue or to go back because the boat was just floating and expanding, though nobody died. When we called the rescue team it was the Libyan team that came and I was taken to prison in Libya, because the place was not looking like a deportation camp. At night when the leaders were not there, the Libyan guards would ask us to follow them, of course we could not disobey, and over there they do not use protective materials such as condom, so they had sex with us unprotected. My drug use started when I got to Tripoli, because my connection man (migrant smuggler) whom I was living in his house handed me over to some people and he was no longer in control of me. When we got to Sabratha, a fight broke out. During the gun duel, they killed a Gambian man. I was lucky the bullet did not hit me. I escaped and ran to another ghetto, but I did not know it was a connection house (smuggler’s camp). They refused to let me go, and said that I was going to be of great importance to them. I was beaten up until I did what they asked me to do. So I started working there as a prostitute. They put drugs even in the food they gave me. I took such drugs as Magi (marijuana), Hashish and Tramadol. I got addicted to these drugs, so that there were times when if I had not taken them, it would seem as though I was shivering, but I hid it from my parents when I came back to Nigeria. I do go to buy these drugs and once I take them, I will just take tom-tom (candy). I still use drugs after my reintegration in Nigeria. I have not been involved in a treatment program specifically related to my drug use. When my neighbors found out I was taking drugs, they began to make mockery of me, threatening to tell my parents and they looked at me like a prostitute because I came back from Libya, I had to relocate to stay with someone. I am just praying that I overcome my addiction problem, because as a woman I am not supposed to be taking drugs so that my children do not develop a bad impression about me when I get married. In addition, if the Government can give us something tangible to do, then we will not like to go back, but Nigeria is very frustrating. I feel like going back to Libya, that country is good, but it is Nigerians who spoilt it because of their selfish benefits. So I prefer going back because since I came back I have not been able to get a job. – [Case Study female participant].

6. Migrants and drug trafficking

The result of this analysis shows that larger percentage (93%) of the returned migrants that participated in the survey are aware that drug trafficking/peddling is illegal and a crime punishable under the law. Out of the total population of 382 that participated in the survey only 60 (15.7%) of the participants claimed that they trafficked drug during their migration (in Libya or other transit countries) and among them were 40 (10.5%) that also carry these drugs on their way through the journey. In further analysis, it was revealed that 6.3% of the total participants who are in the age group 26–30 years where the most involved in drug trafficking. However, least (1.0%) of the total participants in the age group (41–50 years) are reported to be involved in drug trafficking. Drug trafficking is prevalent among those with secondary educational level (11%). Though, the test of significance provides enough statistical evidence to conclude that level of education is not significantly associated with drug trafficking among study participants (χ² = 2.149, df = 4, p-value = 0.684). Further probes looked into how the migrant trafficked this illegal product across boarder, the participants revealed that the majors ways of doing this is to boycott boarder check through alternative (secret) route or to hide it in a secret place in the migrant luggage, cloths, underwear or bread as many of the participants also claim that they kept this in their body by swallowing the drug while others said they settle for bribing the officer.

Citation from in-depth interview;

Someone that took me from Nigeria to Agadez, the drug he was carrying was too much for him, so he asked me to help him, the drug was wrapped and he asked me to swallow it, which I did, we traveled with it along the way. Until we got to Libya, from time to time if I want to defecate, he will follow me to the toilet and the wrapped drug will come out with my excreta, which he will wash and I will swallow it again, it actually gave me problems in my body system until we got to Libya, I gave the drugs back to him, he did not even compensate me. After spending some weeks with him, he handed me to someone else to continue my journey because he is not traveling to Europe, he only sells drugs in Libya - male participant.

6.1 Gender and drug trafficking

The result shows that among female participants, 4% of them are reported to be involved in drug trafficking, while 23% among their male counterparts are reported to be involved in drug trafficking. The analysis of percentage of female in drug trafficking by marital status revealed that about 1% of total married female participants engaged in drug trafficking. Findings also revealed that not less than 4% of the total female participants that engaged in drug trafficking are separated with their spouses.

Case study 4: In the year 2015, I met a friend who introduced me into drugs, so I started selling Indian hemp and I saw huge profit from the sale of the Indian hemp here in Benin, Nigeria. From there I gathered money to travel to Europe. When I got to Libya, I did not have any more money, I was stranded, so I started selling drugs again through my friend with whom I traveled. But I was caught and deported back to Nigeria. When I came back to Nigeria, I did not quit the business, but I was arrested last month and I had to bail myself. Up till now, I still sell drugs and I also use the drugs. I am looking for a way to do another business that will make me stop the drug business, because I know that drug business is dangerous, I do not know how I can get help to quit selling drugs. I sell Indian hemp, Rophynol, Tramadol and codeine. In Libya, I took these drugs to different ghettos, different camps, and they readily bought them. I stayed in Libya for 1 year and 8 months, before the Government of Nigeria brought me back in February 2018. In Nigeria, whenever they need the drug, they call me on phone and I deliver the drugs for them or they come to my house. My friend who introduced me to drugs traveled to Ghana 3 months ago. Since I came back to Nigeria, I do not know what to do, so I started drug business again, because there are no jobs yet I have to survive.- [Case study male participants].

Case study 5: First of all, my journey to Libya was a case of a friend who introduced me into the idea. While I was in Nigeria he told me his friends went through that route and they succeeded in getting to Europe. I am a father of three children, but I lost one of my sons when I embarked on my journey because of hardship and no job. In Nigeria, I was trying to get an education and during my National Diploma in 2007 my father died, so I intended to raise money for my education, but that proved abortive, so I could not further my education. So, when my friend came up with the idea of going to Europe, I embraced it, not knowing the risk that was involved. Eventually, I embarked on the journey. When I got to Niger, we were told that a vehicle was coming to take us to Agadez. When I got to Agadez, which took about 2 days, because sometimes we would be in the bush for hours and days. After about 1 week in Agadez, some persons were talking about drugs, so I asked what it was about and they told me it was expensive in Libya when sold. Though I was not interested, but in the desert they told us to get hold of the drugs, and that while the traffickers would be suspected, there would be no security checks for we the passengers. We were told that if we do not do it, we would be left in the desert to die. I had to embrace it because I was not okay financially, so I told myself that if I get involved in the drug business I would be able to raise money to continue my journey, also because of my family that I left at home, at least to put a smile on their faces, give my children a good education and take care of my wife. In the place I found myself in Libya, if you do not sell drugs for the man, you will be in trouble. When I was in the desert, they gave me tramadol and amphetamine to hold inside my bag, and when I got to Libya, I was kept in an uncompleted building for 2 days, no food, and was told that somebody was coming to carry me and collect those drugs from me, without knowing the penalty. When the person came, he was an Arab man, he came with someone who speaks English, so I gave the drugs to him, he told me I would be staying with him for some time until my burger (migrant smuggler) representative comes to take me. I spent about 6 months with him, and nobody came. So, it became a routine, he would give me hashish, tramadol, ogogoro (local gin) to take to a particular spot where people would come and buy. I tried to learn the Arab language at the time so as to communicate well. Sometimes some hoodlums would come and create confusion in the place. On one occasion, I was caught, got terribly beaten and had my ribs dislocated. I still feel pains in my ribs because the injuries have not been properly treated. I trafficked drugs in Libya for about 9 months under duress because I had no money to take care for my needs like: feeding, sending money down to Nigeria, etc. I spent 1 year and 8 months in Libya. It was when my son died that my wife started crying, complaining that I should come back if I cannot get to Europe, but I said to myself if I went back what will I fall back on? I did not have anything. Some of my friends then told me about IOM, that they had a package to help migrants, but I ignored that and gathered some money and went for pushing to Europe, that is crossing the Mediterranean Sea, and this required the sum of about 170,000 Naira, which I paid. After the payment my burger abandoned me and refused to refund my money. I was one of the two people he was supposed to smuggle and the total sum we gave him was about 1.5 million Naira. I am still waiting for him to return my money. When I was pushed to cross the Mediterranean Sea, I spent about 11 hours on the sea before the Libyan Coast Guards came to arrest us as we were waiting for the European Rescue Team, because we were told that when we get into the Mediterranean Sea, the European Rescue Team would come, but we do not know why they did not come after spending 11 hours on the sea. The floater we were using was already weak, but thank God the Libyan Coast Guard came to our rescue and took us to prison. I was in the prison for 3 months and my illegal drug business was still going on. The guy for whom I was selling before I went to the Mediterranean Sea told me he was coming to bail me, but he did not come. So I was neglected, abandoned, until IOM came and asked us if we were willing to go back to our country. I have passed through pain and hell. I lost my son and I lost the interest of going to Europe. I was missing my family so I had to come back, but here, even the money the government promised us since the 4th of May has not been given to us. It was even my wife who gave me transport this morning. I thank God she is a graduate and doing a menial job. One of my friends died as a result of no proper medical care. My wife and I quarrel everyday because I have no money to run the home. So I am begging the authority to come to my aid, if they do not want to give me the money they promised, they should hand it to my wife, because I do not want to go into any crime. I do not traffick drugs since my return but I take drugs. I can finish two or three packs of marijuana and alcohol in a day, though I know these drugs are harmful to my health but what will I do? I have no option. People died in my presence. - [Case study male participant].

6.2 Reasons for migrants in drug business

The reasons for being involved in illicit drug business during migration were mentioned by the participants in the study who were directly involved in drug business, the most reason stated was to raise money (33%) for their journey followed by compulsion or being forced into drug business (32%) as this was supported by information gotten from the focused group discussion in which many of the migrant claimed that their camp officers and human traffickers put them under threats and compulsion to the drug business. Other major reason for the participants’ engagement in drug business was as a result of frustration (3%) and solely for survival i.e. to earn a living (15%). The other remaining participants (17%) involved in the drug business did not give any tangible reasons for their involvement in drug business.

Citation from focus group discussions;

Some of this network recruiters will approach you that they can help you go to Europe, they will charge you 700,000 Naira and you will pay them, but once you get to Agadez in Niger, there will be a disconnect, these recruiters phone numbers will be switched off, then other recruiters will come in and approach you to carry drugs for them, since you do not have money with you, you will agree to do it, poverty, frustration are responsible for drug trafficking, sometimes these recruiters force it on you – male participant.

I deal on drugs, I sell drug to gather money, to travel to Libya, when I got to Libya I continued selling drugs to survive, even after returning to Nigeria, I still deal on drugs even now, just for me to survive - male participant.

6.3 Migrants and category of drug business

In the analysis of the study participants who were involved in illicit drug business, 68% were drug retailers and operate as a small business, 7% were wholesaler and 25% were just carrier in drug business. Most of the participants (70%) do drug business for other people and only get commissions on sales they made and those fall under any of the three category of business (carrier, wholesaler or retailer) while 30% were participants well established in the drug business as owners and make their money for themselves during their migration.

Citation from in-depth interview;

Some of these illegal migrants, their intention is not to cross to Libya but to carry these drugs and get to Libya, sell them and return back to Nigeria. They also recruit boys that want to travel to Europe, but these ones do not know they are into drug business – male participants.

6.4 Involvement of law enforcement agents or migrant smugglers/human traffickers in the illicit drug business

Among the study population (382 participants); the analysis of the participants’ opinion on the involvement of law enforcement agents in illicit drug trafficking shows that 194 (50.8%) participants were of the opinion that some law enforcement agents (of Nigeria, Niger and Libya) were involved in illicit drug trafficking, while involved in the network recruiters/migrant smugglers/human traffickers in drug 179 (46.9%) participants were of the opinion that network recruiters/human traffickers are involved in drug trafficking. Based on the responses from the focus group discussion the majority of the participants who testify on the involvement of the law enforcement agents in drug trafficking claimed that this was made possible through connection with drug dealers and bribery most especially at the border. However, some of the returned migrants interviewed claimed that they were introduced to drugs by human traffickers and that this was the reason why they disclosed the information while others attest that migrant smuggler are the main people behind drug trafficking. The information gathered from participants portrays that some network recruiters/migrant smugglers/human traffickers bribe law enforcement agents, boycott border check, make use of charm or connection with powerful people in government.

The above table shows the identified prices of the drugs in the illicit market. The price depends on the available market which is within the range as reported in the Table 1 above.

Name of drug	Quantity	Price range (Libyan Dinar)	Euro equivalent
Harshish	0.25 g	10–30 dinar	6.32–18.95 Euro
	1.00 g	50–200 dinar	31.59–126.34 Euro
Marijuana	0.25 g	10–40 dinar	6.32–25.27 Euro
	1.00 g	100–500 dinar	63.17–315.86 Euro
Tramadol	800 mg	10–30 dinar	6.32–18.95 Euro

Table 1.

Price of identified drugs in the illicit market.

7. Discussion

The broad objective of this research was to assess drug use and trafficking among returned migrants from Libyan detention centers in the transit or destination along the Mediterranean irregular migratory route. In terms of socio-demographics, this study identified the age bracket 26–30 to constitute the bulk number of participants observed in the study population who also account for most that involved in drug use and drug trafficking in irregular migration. The International Organization for Migration also perceived same age bracket among the irregular migrants population from Nigeria and also identified unemployment and poverty among the push factors in irregular migration of these young persons [3]. The report of the Trade Economics [2] and National Bureau of Statistics [1] established that young people age 18–30 are most affected in unemployment rate of Nigerians and as such, creating social malaise affecting the nation [2].

The findings on drug use in irregular migration indicate that the migrants most of the time get involved into drug use due to frustration and traumatic experience. The findings of Horynaiak et al. [9] and Kennedy [10] buttress on the fact that irregular migrants are vulnerable and thereby may be at risk for drugs and substance use for reasons including coping with traumatic experiences, pre-and post-migration stress, acculturation challenges, and social and economic inequality. In addition, irregular migrants usually witnessed or personally experienced torture, loss of livelihoods and depression [12] which could lead to frustration and trauma, as revealed in this study. As such, the above factors make them vulnerable to drugs and substance abuse, and it is no surprise that the prevalence of drug use is high among this population. As identified in most social research, drug use and drug seeking behaviors could be developed in individuals exposed to frustration and adversity [13] same as faced by irregular migrants. In the perspective of vulnerability, these migrants are undocumented and most were trafficked victims which exposed them to adversity and migration challenges. García [14] and Cook [15] identified in their migration studies that drug trafficking organizations and networks also target at-risk young migrant population turning them into drug consumers, as this study also discovered that some of the migrants got into drug use through involvement in drug business of which they revealed that their recruiters, human traffickers and migrant smugglers were those that introduce them into drug business and these groups also constitute the drug network in the transnational organize crime business.

In relation to the findings on drug trafficking in irregular migration, this study discovered that the migrants also get involved into trafficking or peddling as well as other related crimes during their migration as this occurs through exposure and socialization with fellow migrants who are already used to it before their migration and a large number of the migrant engage in drugs to survive during their mysterious journey. Our findings on returned migrants’ involvement in drug peddling or trafficking compliment past researchers’ findings indicating relational significance for victims of irregular migration involvement in drug peddling or trafficking. Of particular concern, we found some of the migrants trafficked drug either because of threat or for survival. Findings from our study compliment Palacios [16] in his research work titled ‘from victims of trafficking to felons’ who identify that people who engaged in irregular migration and human trafficking also abuse drug and they are highly involved in drug peddling through the migrant smuggling network. The high poverty level and low standard of living in Nigeria are among the causes resulting in young people to embark on the illegal migration in searching for greener pastures as findings of this research identified. Our results are similar to the findings of past research by the International Organization for Migration [17] entitled ‘Migration in Nigeria: A country profile 2009’ as well as research paper of Li, Liddell and Nickelson [18] in their research titled ‘Relationship between post-migration stress and psychological disorder in refugee and asylum seeker’, and the research work of Halili and Ibrahim [19] in their research work titled ‘Causes of irregular migration crises, who all have one thing in common as to the causes of irregular migration which are a failure in economic and legal reform, that is the desire for a better standard of living among migrant, to alleviate unemployment and poverty. The finding in this research compliment the findings of past researchers who worked on UNODC [7, 8] research paper titled ‘The role of organized crime in the smuggling of migrant from west Africa to the European Union’, as they concluded that fostering of socio-economic development in the countries experiencing irregular migration such as Nigeria would help to further reduce demand for smuggling service. Improved border securities and cooperation with Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and international border control to reduce security threat and corruption, as well as adopting sustainable measures to amend the lapses on borders such as bribery and smuggling. Overall, emphasis should be to promote regular legal migration. Supporting legal entry into any country ensures safety, worthy livelihood and entitles health benefits or coverage to migrants.

8. Conclusion

In summary, findings from this study show high prevalence of drug use among the irregular migrant population which draws attention to the need to understand the epidemiology of drugs and substance use particularly among persons who fall victim to deception, coercion, human trafficking and migrant smuggling. Experience of migration stress, trauma and frustration were among the factors that contribute to drug use. The study also discovered that some of the migrants get in to the drug business mainly to raise money for survival while some are forced in to the business. Findings shows that most persons involved in drug business were either introduced or influenced either by the migrant smuggler or the human trafficker as most of the returned irregular migrants operated as a retailer or carrier in the drug business which means that they are doing business for other strong stakeholders. Some of the returned irregular migrants also claimed the involvement of human recruiter, human trafficker and law enforcement agent in illicit drug peddling/trafficking and drug business. Efforts to develop and evaluate interventions to reduce drug trafficking and related issues among irregular migrants within the study route should be of priority importance.

Acknowledgments

The study was supported by a grant from UNODC Academic Research NGAV16 project under European Union funded project entitled, “Response to Drugs and Related Organized Crime in Nigeria.”