The Influence of Displacement by Human Groups Among Regions in the Medicinal Use of Natural Resource: A Case Study in Diadema, São Paulo - Brazil

pharmacology to history of scientific method and the latest frontiers of pharmacology a new world in the search of drugs. New technologies and continuing progress in the field of pharmacology radically the of designing a new In modern discovery on deep knowledge of the and cellular and molecular mechanisms involved in its development. beginning pharmacology, pharmacodynamic and reaching new field of pharmacogenetic and ethnopharmacology.


Introduction
The migration of human groups around the world and the cultural mix of these people has instigated more researches in the field of ethnobotany/ethnopharmacology in recent years . Brazil is an example of blending traditional knowledge combined with the use of natural resources to the cure of various diseases and, therefore, have been the subject of several surveys including ethnobotanical and ethnopharmacological. Given the enormous biological diversity and biochemistry in the several biomes around the world and also in Brazil, it is very difficult to find randomly a molecule on which it is possible to develop a competitive drug, acting on a mechanism known and has significant pharmacological properties (FAPESP, 2011). Therefore, the ethnobotany/ethnopharmacology are among the main strategies used for selecting plants to be investigated in laboratorial studies, those with great chances of success (Spjut & Perdue, 1976;Balick, 1990 as cited in Rodrigues, 2005), and is one of the fastest ways to obtain a safe product and pharmacologically active (Giorgetti et al., 2007).
The ethnobotany looks at how people incorporate the plants in their cultural traditions and folk practices (Balick & Cox, 1997) or, according to Alcorn (1995), is the study of the interrelationships between humans and plants in dynamical systems (as cited in . The ethnopharmacology was originally defined as a science that sought to understand the universe of natural resources (plants, animals and minerals) as drugs used in the view of human groups (Schultes, 1988). However, over time this discipline has evolved and is defined by the INTERNATIONAL SOCIETY FOR ETHNOPHARMACOLOGY as: 481 (Voeks, 2009); from Africa to Brazil (Carney & Voeks, 2003); from Suriname to the Netherlands (van Andel & Westers, 2010); from Colombia to London (Ceuterick et al., 2008); from Germany to eastern Italy (Pieroni et al., 2004); from Albania to southern Italy (Pieroni et al., 2002a(Pieroni et al., , 2002b; and from Europe and Africa to eastern Cuba (Cano & Volpato, 2004;. However, few studies have focused on migration within a country, such as that described by  and Garcia et al. (2010) regarding migrants from northeastern Brazil who currently occupy the southeast.
Migration between regions encourages contact with the rich biological and cultural diversity and allows interpersonal interactions that contribute to the transformation of local medicinal therapies. As described by Garcia et al. (2010), where the influence of displacement of people from the Northeast and Southeast Brazil to Diadema (São Paulo) resulted in: maintenance, incorporation, replacement and/or discontinued use of natural resources in their medicinal pharmacopoeia. Migrants bring along their traditions, lifestyles, world and health views, such your supporting systems, including knowledge about the use of natural resources to health care and nutrition. These attitudes and practices are held to different ways in the host society (e.g., Nguyen, 2003) and may fall into partial or total disuse, depending of the availability of raw material (Garcia et al., 2010).
This chapter is an attempt to demonstrate the importance that the field ethnobotanist/ethnopharmacological meets in search of new bioactive molecules and how the knowledge about the medicinal use of natural resources can be more diverse and enriched after the displacement of human groups between regions. More broadly and generally, this chapter will also address details of the work done by Garcia et al. (2010) where the authors tried to understand, and comprehend more clearly the extent to which the displacement of people within a country can influence the traditional knowledge about medicinal use of natural resources. We hope this work can contribute significantly to future multidisciplinary research to develop new drugs.

Brazilian biodiversity and cultural richness
The Brazilian Atlantic Forest region (Figure 1) was the first to be occupied by European settlers in post-Columbian times (Rodrigues et al., 2008).
Brazil is very rich in biodiversity, endemism and traditional communities. Is inhabited by diverse ethnic groups, including: Indigenous Ethnic Groups, Quilombo communities, Mestizos, Caiçaras, Fishermen, Rafters, Rubber Tappers, Raizeiros, among other, and the mostly the result of interbreeding between native Indians, Europeans and African elements (Giorgetti et al., 2007).
Native inhabitants of the Atlantic Forest, including non-indigenous, are still in this region, for example, the Caiçaras: people of mixed origin, descendants of European and Native Americans (Rodrigues and Carlini, 2006;Hanazaki et al., 2009). Descendants of Europeans, Africans and Asians settled in Brazil during the colonization and this culminated with www.intechopen.com Pharmacology 482 cultural miscegenation of many Brazilian communities and ethnic groups, enriching them culturally. All of these groups have traditionally relied on human resources to treat their illnesses and have at their disposal a rich flora. According to Rodrigues (2005), human groups that live in the forests are still substitutes for laboratory animals, especially in regions where medical treatment is lacking.
The cultural diversity that exists in Brazil is the result of the migration process and miscegenation that begun in the sixteenth century. In this period, were made the first records of the Brazilian medicinal flora (Camargo, 2000;Giulietti et al., 2005;Rodrigues et al., 2008). Little was known about Brazil at the time of the discoveries. The first Jesuits, explorers, scientists, and settlers who arrived in Brazil, reported a lot of characteristics observed on the new environment (Kury, 2001 as cited in Giorgetti et al., 2007).
The first European explorers that arrived in Brazil found a large number of medicinal plants used by indigenous tribes who lived here. Knowledge of local flora was merged those brought from Europe. Those that migrated from Africa (1530-1888) play an important role in traditional popular knowledge in Brazil until today (Rodrigues, 2007). The Africans who came to Brazil adapted your traditions to the new environment (Rodrigues, 2007).
Due the fusion among human groups from different sites of the world and because of the colonization of the Americas, some plants of temperate climate were brought and introduced in tropical locations (Rodrigues et al., 2008), which made these regions, www.intechopen.com especially South America, a biologically rich and diverse field, with emphasis on the Brazilian forests. This mixture of traditions associated with the weight of diversity vegetal has led to a traditional medicine and herbal treatment methods and of different researchers (e.g., such as Garcia et al., 2010;Ming, 1995;Pio Correa, 1926).
Sometimes, researchers focus on ethnobotanical knowledge and practices at one moment in time, where little attention has been given to the "drivers" of change over time, and thus the migration becomes widely accepted as one of the principle means by which vegetal genetic material, associated knowledge and practices are diffused on the globe (Carney, 2001;Carrier, 2007;Niñez, 1987as cited in Volpato et al., 2008. In this context, the main forces that guide the changes in the traditional medicinal knowledge, as cited by Volpato (2009) are: (a) the adaptation of the original knowledge to the new (host) environment; and (b) the development of strategies to obtain the original remedies (Pieroni et al., 2005b;Volpato et al., 2007).

Displacement of human groups
Ethnomedicine/ethnopharmacology normally does not cease to carry with the changes in a new social context, and it can continue to influence the choices of care and health practices. The life experiences of migrants in new land, in general, and their professional life in particular, significantly influence in their attitudes and care about the range of health care seeking (Han & Ballis, 2007).
People, who move from their region of origin to live in somewhere else, are subject to various factors that may influence their health and pharmacopoeias. For example, a group of people moving from the Northeast to the Southeast of Brazil were faced with a new routine of life, different customs, new diseases and most importantly, a distinct vegetation. This last factor induces the need to seek pharmacological learning about local natural biodiversity, which can enrich the knowledge of the information ethnopharmacological. Bharat et al. (2008) mentions that before Lepcha tribe get in Sikim southwest of Tibet, they migrated to Thailand, Burma, Bhutan and Assam during the course of migration, they could collect important information along the way, which was about the use of wild plants available in these sites and important pharmacological characteristics of plants associated with the welfare of humanity local as well as the efficiency that these drugs had to save his life. In turn, in Sikkim, they encountered many new plant species and developed their pharmacological knowledge about them.
As cited by Ososki et al. (2007), ethnobotanical knowledge is dynamic and may evolves with the exchange, transfer and ownership of information among people adapted to new environments (Lee et al., 2001;Voeks and Leony, 2004). There is often an exchange of knowledge, medicinal plants and cultural traditions when human groups migrate between urban and rural settings (Ososki et al., 2007). Knowledge about the use of medicinal plants is sometimes the only option for many human groups in the treatment of diseases. Some substances become even promising when they are constantly used by human groups, considering the distances travelled and the consequent exposure to different cultures and vegetal resources (Lee et al. 2001;Ososki et al. 2007). The Atlantic Forest remnants found in this city are rich in plants that are either native or introduced by the influence of those migrants present both in urban and rural areas. Migrants who had relevant knowledge regarding the use of plants and animals for medicinal purposes were selected for interviews following the purposive sampling method (Bernard, 1988). After identifying potential interviewees, the researcher visited them to determine whether they did indeed possess knowledge on medicinal plants and whether they wanted to take part in this study. This ethnopharmacological study was approved by the Ethics Committee of Universidade Federal de São Paulo (UNIFESP's Ethics Committee on Research 1969/07) and Conselho de Gestão do Patrimônio Genético (No. 02000.001 049/2008-71). The interviewees also signed consent forms granting permission to access their knowledge and collect botanical and zoological material. Personal and ethnopharmacological data from the interviewees were obtained through informal and semistructured interviews (Bernard, 1988) that addressed the following topics: personal details and migration history (name, sex, age, religion, marital status, place of birth, migration, main occupation, grade of schooling) as well as ethnopharmacology (name of natural resource, use, part used, formula, route of administration, contraindications, dosages, restrictions of use). Each medicinal plant was collected in the presence of the person who described it during the interviews, in accordance with the methods suggested by Lipp (1989). The plants' scientific names were determined by specialists from the Instituto de Botânica do Estado de São Paulo (IB), and vouchers were deposited at the Herbário Municipal de São Paulo (PMSP). The animals collected were placed in glass vials containing 70% ethyl alcohol, and their subsequent identification and deposit were performed by zoologists from the Museum of Zoology, Universidade de São Paulo (MZUSP) and the Bioscience Institute from Universidade de São Paulo (IB-USP). When interviewees cited plants and animals that were used only in their cities of origin, i.e., not available in Diadema, photos from the literature and other information (e.g., popular name, habits and habitat) were used to identify them to at least the genus level. These organisms are marked with asterisks throughout the text and in Table 1. The Herpetofauna of the Northeast Atlantic Forest (Freitas & Silva, 2005) and The Herpetofauna of Caatingas and Altitudes Areas of the Brazilian Northeast (Freitas & Silva, 2007) were used as identification guides. For plants, the authors also consulted Medicinal Plants in Brazil -Native and Exotic (Lorenzi & Matos, 2008).

Database survey
For the plants and animals identified to the species level, the authors searched the bibliographic databases PUBMED (2011) and SCIFINDER (2011) to determine whether they www.intechopen.com had been targets of previous pharmacological studies. To determine the origin of each plant species, was consulted the Dictionary of Useful Plants: exotic and native (Pio Corrêa, 1926).

Dynamics of use
During the field work, the authors made an effort to understand the dynamics of use for each resource and classified them into the following four categories: maintenance of use (resource used for the same purpose in the migrant's city of origin and in Diadema), replacement (resources that were replaced when migrants arrived in Diadema because the original product was not available in Diadema or was less effective than the new resource), incorporation (resources used for the first time in Diadema to treat diseases common to larger cities, such as hypertension, diabetes and anxiety, which were not common in their homeland), and finally discontinued use (resources that are no longer used in Diadema, usually because they are not available).

Data analysis
The level of homogeneity between plant information provided by different migrants was calculated using the Informants' Consensus Factor, Fic (Trotter & Logan, 1986). This term is calculated as Fic = Nur -Nt /(Nur -1), where Nur is the number of use reports from informants for a particular plant-usage category and Nt is the number of taxa or species used for that plant usage category across all informants. Values range between 0 and 1, with 1 indicating the highest level of informant consent. For instance, if certain taxa are consistently used by informants, then a high degree of consensus is reached and medicinal traditions are viewed as well-defined (Heinrich, 2000).

Migrant interviews
Despite the fact that Diadema is composed by thousands of migrants, the authors could observed that only a few had retained traditional knowledge pertaining to medicinal plants and animals. During this time the authors observed that in many cases, this knowledge has fallen into disuse because of: a) a cultural adaptation to the new city, b) the ease of conventional medical care, c) forest degradation, which restricts use of local plants and animals, furthermore d) many migrants have shown concern to participate in the study, since in the past they suffered persecution from government agencies and physicians, who eventually restrained their medical practice. The five selected interviewees migrated from northeast and southeast Brazil and established themselves in Diadema in the 1940s. Three were born in the northeast: two in Pernambuco state (coded as PE1 and PE2) and one in Sergipe state (SE1). The two remaining migrants were born in the southeast: one in Minas Gerais state (MG1) and one in inland São Paulo state (SP1) ( Figure 2). All interviewees were Catholic, married and retired, with the exception of PE1 and PE2 who sell medicinal plants. Their average age was approximately 68 years old (ranging from 53 to 80 years old), and their level of education was semi-illiterate to illiterate. They learned about the medicinal uses of plants and animals from their parents and grandparents (Brazilian natives, European and African descendants) in their homelands. All interviewees arrived in the city of Diadema as adults, and some had migrated through different regions of Brazil, accumulating knowledge on natural resources from human and biological sources. In Diadema, they acquired knowledge from neighbours, books, media (radio, television, magazines), and personal experiences.

Plants: Dynamics of use
The migrants described their knowledge of 85 plant specimens. As can be seen in Table 1, 78 of them were available in Diadema and were collected, resulting in 65 plant species, the remaining 13 could only be identified to the generic level. The plants belong to 37 taxonomic families, with Asteraceae (16 species), Lamiaceae (8) and Euphorbiaceae (7) as the most common. Previous studies have shown that Asteraceae species are the group most commonly reported to have potential pharmacological properties, not only in the Atlantic Forest (Almeida & Albuquerque, 2002;Begossi et al., 1993;Di Stasi et al., 2002) but also in other Brazilian biomes such as the Amazon Forest (Rodrigues, 2006) the pantanal wetlands (Rodrigues & Carlini, 2004) and the cerrado savannahs (Rodrigues & Carlini, 2005). In a review focusing on plants with possible action/ effects on the central nervous system that were indicated by 26 Brazilian indigenous peoples occupying different Brazilian biomes , Asteraceae was the second most commonly cited family. The same  pattern has been detected in other countries, such as Mexico (Díaz, 1977). One factor that may explain the common use of this taxonomic family is the large number of species belonging to it -about 20,000 (Woodland, 1997). Asteraceae also has a wide geographical distribution, both in Brazil and throughout the world (Schultes & Raffaulf, 1990), which facilitates its use by various cultures. From the 65 species identified, it was observed that 33 are native to Brazil while the other 32 are exotic, demonstrating the great floral diversity of the region, which was influenced by European and African people during the civilizing process in Brazil. Furthermore, of the 78 specimens recorded, 54% (42) are spontaneous or were already available in Diadema when interviewees arrived there, while 46% (36) were grown by the migrants, acquired in free markets, or brought from other regions of the country during migration. Below, the authors describe the four 'dynamics of use' categories observed during this study.

Maintenance of use
According to the interviewees, 68 of the 78 specimens cited in the present study, were used in their homelands (highlighted with □ in Table 1). The maintenance of their uses was possible since most of them were available in Diadema, though some were brought from their homelands. SE1 brought four plants from Aquidabã -Sergipe state, for pain relief because they are not available or are more potent than the ones found in Diadema: "bálsamo" (Sedum sp.), "anador" (Alternanthera sp.), "eucalipto/vick" (Eucalyptus globulus Labill.) and "novalgina" (Achillea millefolium L.).

Incorporation of use
Fourteen of the 78 specimens listed in Table 1 came to be used by migrants when they arrived in Diadema (highlighted with Δ in Table 1). These incorporations occurred in several ways: through information given by neighbours; through local media, e.g., television, radio, magazines; or through personal efforts, guided by plant organoleptic properties or even by the theory of signatures. This theory, formulated by Paracelsus (XVI century), assumes that characteristics and virtues of herbs can be recognised by their external appearance or "signature" (picture, shape, colour). Finally, observing the relationship between animals and plants can be a valuable guide. PE1 noted that dogs consume "sete-sangria" (Cuphea carthagenensis (Jacq.) J. F. Macbr.) when they have diarrhoea; and because it seemed to alleviate their symptoms, he started to use this plant for the same purpose. The migrants incorporated several plants after their arrival in Diadema to treat typical diseases of larger cities: "cipó-cruz" (Serjania sp.) to combat high cholesterol; and "guanxuma" (Sida rhombifolia L.) and "guiné" (Petiveria alliaceae L.) for anxiety. Also included in this category was knowledge concerning local toxic plants, e. g., alamanda-amarela (Allamanda cathartica L.) and azaléia (Rhododendron simsii Planch.), detailing the risks associated with their consumption. Similar results were recorded by Volpato et al. (2009), where the use of some plants have been incorporated in Cuban pharmacopoeia by the Haitians. This occurred, according to the authors, as a result of factors such as cultural contact and exchange of information between migrants and host, and personal experimentation or imitation of local practices by migrants. The same authors conclude that Haitians contributed to what is today considered as traditional Cuban medicine by introducing into the dominant Cuban community practices and uses of plants.

Replacement of use
Three plants used by migrants in their cities of origin were replaced because they were not available or were less effective than plants present in Diadema (highlighted with # in Table  1). Most of these replacements were made according to the criteria listed in the previous section. The interviewee MG1 explained that in his homelands, he used "quebra-pedra"* (Phyllanthus cf. caroliniensis Walter -Euphorbiaceae) for kidney stone disturbance, but when he arrived in Diadema, he found another plant, "sofre-do-rim-quem-qué" (Cissus sp.), that seemed to have a stronger effect.
Another interviewee, PE1, reported that the bark and seeds of "amburana-de-cheiro"* (Amburana cf. cearensis (Allemão) A.C. Sm. -Fabaceae s.l.) were widely used for antiinflammatory therapy in Pernambuco state but had to be replaced by "mentruz" (Chenopodium ambrosioides L.) because the former was not found in Diadema. In addition, SE1 had to replace "pau-de-sapo"* (Pouteria cf. melinoniana Boehni -Sapotaceae), whose leaves were used for chronic wounds, with "carrapicho" (Acanthospermum australe (Loefl.) Kuntze). The vernacular names of some plants are registered trademarks of allopathic medicines and active ingredients, e.g., Novalgina ® ( Achillea millefolium) and Vick ® (Eucalyptus globulus) for sinusitis, and Anador ® (Alternanthera sp.), which is used as a sedative and for general pain. Contact between migrants and allopathic medicine thus led to the 'baptisms' of these plants, following the observation that both, the commercially available products and herbal source have similar effects, as reported by Pires et al., (2009).
Biocultural adaptation, negotiation and cultural identity are key-issues for issues anthropological in the displacement of human groups between regions (Belliard & Ramírez-Johnson, 2005;Janes & Pawson, 1986). Research in culturally homogeneous places and/or non-urban has shown that to follow the pattern of changes in traditional knowledge and use of plant among migrants must involve the degree the process of acculturation (Bodeker et al., 2005;Nesheim et al., 2006as cited in Pieroni & Vandebroek, 2007. This dynamic interaction between migrants and host societies may result in changes pharmacopeial adapted with plants exchanged .

Discontinued use
According to MG1, the following plants used in his homeland fell into disuse because they were not found in Diadema, although he tried to acquire them from local commercial sources: "quina"* (Strychnos cf. pseudoquina A. St. Hil -Loganiaceae), whose root is used to combat pain in the stomach and intestine; bark oil of "jatobá"* (Hymenaea cf. courbaril L. -Fabaceae s.l.), used for combat wounds; "batata-de-purga"* (Operculina cf. macrocarpa (L.) Urb -Convolvulaceae), whose tuber is ingested as a purgative and to clean the blood; bark and leaf of "jalapa"* (Mirabilis cf jalapa L. -Nyctaginaceae), used to clean the blood; tea of "junco"* (Cyperus cf. esculentus L. -Cyperaceae), whose root is used for inflammation; bark or seed of "emburana"* (Amburana cf. cearensis -Fabaceae s.l.), used for migraine and sleeping; and bark of "angico"* (Anadenanthera cf. colubrine (Vell.) Brenan -Fabaceae s.l.), prepared as a tea for pain in the body and fever. These plants were not described in Table 1, since they could not be collected and identified as well.
In a study performed by Waldstein (2008), it became clear that there is great influence of the host culture (USA) on the lifestyles of immigrants (Mexicans). The study reports that immigrants go through an intense process of acculturation and loss of traditional knowledge over the years, adopting the lifestyle of the host country. One of the problems that can affect traditional knowledge is the possibility of loss due to migration of people to industrialized regions (Pieroni et al., 2005). Due to contact with a new routine of life and, often, different environments (flora, fauna, culture, food, language, religion) people moving between regions, usually adapt more to the new location (those more culturally flexible) or not (those culturally less flexible) variable which makes the loss or incorporation of traditional knowledge about medicinal use of natural resources. For newcomers to the host country, it seems that the adoption of values, language, beliefs, traditions of the dominant group are constant, but, alternatively, some groups reject this and maintain their traditional customs (Ceuterick et al., 2007). The use of traditional foods, for example, is often seen as a symbol of maintenance ethnic identity and a cultural trait very resistant to change (Nguyen, 2003 as cited in Ceuterick et al., 2007).

Plants used for therapeutic purposes
Of the 78 plants, 10 carry some restrictions, as they can be toxic depending on the dose, route or part utilized (Table 1). The uses described in Table 1 are written just as they were reported by the interviewees. The 68 plants used exclusively for medicinal purposes were cited for 41 complaints, which were grouped into 12 functional categories according to bodily system, as detailed in Table 3. Thus, gastrointestinal disturbances include the following complaints (numbers of medicinal plants reported): endoparasitosis (1), ulcer (1), diarrhoea (1), bellyache (2), heartburn (1), intestinal infections (1), liver pain (3). This category also includes plants used to improve digestion (1), to treat tables of haemorrhoid (1), as laxatives (10) Table 4, the group of illnesses representing immunological problems obtained the highest informant consensus factor value (Fic = 0.66), while the other categories presented Fic values lower than 0.5. These low values reflect the diversity of knowledge displayed by migrants, which can probably be attributed to different cultural influences during their migrations through Brazilian territory. Furthermore, the small number of interviewees may have resulted in low values of Fic. The parts of the plants most often used in the formulas were leaves (45.4%) and other aerial parts (22.7%). The most common formula was the infusion (37.8%), followed by in natura (17.6%) and syrup (10.1%). The most cited route of administration was ingestion (51.3%), followed by inhalation (8.4%) and topical (3.4%).

Plants with restrictions on use and/or toxic
Among the 10 specimens with restrictions on use, 6 were designated as only toxic: "alamanda-amarela" (Allamanda cathartica), "algodão-do-mato" (Asclepias curassavica L.), "amendoim-bravo/burra-leiteira" (Euphorbia heterophylla L.), "azaléa" (Rhododendron simsii), "comigo-ninguém-pode" (Dieffenbachia sp.) and "impatiens" (Impatiens hawkeri). The www.intechopen.com interviewees explained that depending on the dose, the latex of "alamanda-amarela" and "amendoim-bravo" can cause discomfort or even blindness. According to Oliveira et al. (2003), the leaves of Dieffenbachia picta Schott contain calcium oxalate, which damages the oral mucosa and provokes pain and oedema, while the leaves of Allamanda cathartica contain cardiotonic glycosides and induce intense gastrointestinal disturbances. Although reported as toxic, the latex of two other plants can be used at low doses to treat breast and stomach cancer: "avelóz" (Euphorbia tirucalli L.) and "jarnaúba" (Synadenium grantii Hook. F.), respectively. The sap of "embaúba" (Cecropia pachystachya Tréc.) was indicated as toxic, but its fruits are used to combat bronchitis. Finally, the seeds of "pucunã" (Fevillea passiflora Vell.) are toxic, being indicated as abortive. In a recent study, Rodrigues (2007) also described plants with restrictions of use as reported by three Brazilian cultures: the Krahô Indians use two plants as abortives in a single prescription: "aprytytti" (Acosmium dasycarpum (Vogel) Yakovlev) and "ahkryt" (Anacardium occidentale L.) (Anacardiaceae); their barks are boiled, and the beverage is ingested in at dawn. It is an extremely bitter beverage, rich in tannin and therefore extremely astringent.

Pharmacological data
As can be seen in Table 1, 57 species (73.1%) were featured in previous pharmacological studies. For 30 of these species (52.6%), the uses cited by the migrants showed some similarity to the investigated effects/actions, demonstrating concordance between popular knowledge and academic science (marked with an asterisk in Table 1).

Animals used for therapeutic purposes and dynamics of use
From the five interviewees, only one (PE2) offered knowledge on the medicinal uses of 12 animals. They belong to four taxonomic classes: Reptilia (6 species), Insects (3), Mammalia (2) and Amphibia (1). However, the interviewee has used only two animals since he arrived in Diadema, the other ten animals fell into disuse because they are not available in this city. The two animals were collected, identified and deposited in the Museum of Zoology-USP: ant (Atta sexdens L.) and cockroach (Periplaneta americana L.). These species belong to the maintenance of use category (highlighted with □ in Table 2). The other ten species therefore belong to the discontinued use category (highlighted with Ο in Table 2) which could not be collected. Their identifications were made by PE2 through consulting images from books (as described in Methodology). For three animals (snake, alligator and giant water bug) PE2 could only hesitantly confirm their identity, probably due to the great diversity of these animals in Brazil. Therefore, they are denoted in Table 2 as probably belonging to one of three possible genera. The animals were used in 14 different medicinal formulas, with the skin most commonly used (33.3%), followed by whole animal (20.0%), bone (13.4%), fat (6.7%), rattle (6.7%), tooth (6.7%), anthill (6.7%) and turtleshell (6.7%). Some studies conducted in Brazil show that concomitant data corroborate and sustain these uses Costa-Neto, 2005;Ferreira et al., 2009;Santos-Fita & Costa-Neto, 2007;Torres et al., 2009). The formulas were cited for the treatment of nine complaints, which were grouped into six functional categories, as shown in Table 5. The most commonly cited formula was powder (66.7%), followed by in natura (20%). The most frequent route of administration was ingestion (78.6%). The most common complaint involved respiratory problems (58.4%; 7 animals) followed by central nervous system (8.3%), inflammatory processes (8.3%),

Popular name dynamic of use Complaint (part used) -formularoute of administration
Abedus sp., Belostoma sp. or Diplonychus sp.

Wounds in the body (skin) -powderingested
Marked by () the two animals whose use had been maintained, while 10, marked by (°) are those whose uses have fallen into disuse. * Animals that couldn't be collected because were not available in Diadema. Table 2. The 12 animals indicated by migrant PE2, their popular and scientific names, complaints (part used), formula and route of administration (adapted of Garcia et al., 2010).

6-Dermatological problems
To combat external allergies (2), wounds in the body (5) and inhibits the growth of skin stains (1) 8

10-Immunological problems
To combat breast cancer (1) and stomach cancer (1) 2 11-Analgesics Earache (2) 2 12-Fever To combat fever (1) 1 Total 110* *Some plants have been cited for more than one complaint, so the total number of plants above (110) is higher than the ones indicated by the interviewees. Table 3. The 12 categories of use comprising the 41 complaints, their total and partial number of plants cited by the five migrants (adapted of Garcia et al., 2010).
dermatological problems (8.3%), analgesics (8.3%), cardiovascular problems (8.3%) as shown in Table 5. The high humidity of the region (with annual rainfall between 1.000 and 1750 mm) (IBAMA, 2011) is known to lead to bronchitis, cough and asthma. This may explain why so many plants and animals were used to treat respiratory disturbances in Diadema, which has been shown in studies of the Sistema Único de Saúde (2011) to be the second largest cause of death in Diadema -14,4%. Many animals have been used for medical purposes since antiquity (Antonio, 1994;Conconi & Pino, 1988;Gudger, 1925;Weiss, 1947). Despite the existence of several ethnopharmacological studies suggesting the bioactive potential of Brazilian fauna (Alves & Delima, 2006;Alves & Dias, 2010;Alves & Rosa, 2005;Costa-Neto, 2002Hanazaki et al., 2009;Rodrigues, 2006), only marine animals have been investigated by chemical and pharmacological methods (Berllink et al., 2004;Gray, 2006;Kossuga, 2009). No pharmacological data was found in the literature for the five animals identified in the present study: rattlesnake (Crotalus cf. durissus L.), capybara (Hydrochoerus cf. hydrochaeris L . ) , i g u a n a ( Iguana cf. iguana L.), ant (Atta sexdens) and cockroach (Periplaneta americana). The lack of information available on medicinal animal products leads us to conclude that this is a largely unexplored topic in Brazil and that future pharmacological studies should confirm the potential therapeutic value of these species.  Garcia et al., 2010).

Conclusion
The ethnobotanical/ethnopharmacological survey among migrants becomes important in that it rescues the knowledge and values that are rapidly disappearing with the death of older migrants and destruction of biomes around the world (Ososki et al. 2007; Reyes- Garcia et al. 2005).
The studies that rescue a large number of uses for different categories (for exemple: gastrointestinal disorders, inflammation, fever and others), can expand several lines of pharmacological and phytochemical investigations. In addition, it may be more important for the development of new drugs with large pharmacological/phytochemicals effects and safer, as well some therapeutic uses mentioned by the migrants were confirmed by previous studies in the literature. The interviewed migrants had passed through several Brazilian cities and were exposed to distinct vegetation and cultures. In this migration, they have passed on and incorporated knowledge in an intensive exchange where formulas and uses are mixed and re-invented as a result of contact between cultures.
This chapter is an attempt to demonstrate based on some scientific papers, the importance of the field (ethnobotanical/ethnopharmacological) in search of new bioactive molecules and how the information about the use of natural resources for health promotion may be more diverse and enriched when human groups displace among regions. We hope this text can assist as a basis for future multidisciplinary research to development new drugs.

Acknowledgment
We thank the interviewees for their hospitality, help, and mainly for providing us with information for the purpose of this study in the city of Diadema -São