Signals for early detection of ill-health in farm animals.
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IntechOpen Book Series will also publish a program of research-driven Thematic Edited Volumes that focus on specific areas and allow for a more in-depth overview of a particular subject.
\\n\\nIntechOpen Book Series will be launching regularly to offer our authors and editors exciting opportunities to publish their research Open Access. We will begin by relaunching some of our existing Book Series in this innovative book format, and will expand in 2022 into rapidly growing research fields that are driving and advancing society.
\\n\\nLaunching 2021
\\n\\nArtificial Intelligence, ISSN 2633-1403
\\n\\nVeterinary Medicine and Science, ISSN 2632-0517
\\n\\nBiochemistry, ISSN 2632-0983
\\n\\nBiomedical Engineering, ISSN 2631-5343
\\n\\nInfectious Diseases, ISSN 2631-6188
\\n\\nPhysiology (Coming Soon)
\\n\\nDentistry (Coming Soon)
\\n\\nWe invite you to explore our IntechOpen Book Series, find the right publishing program for you and reach your desired audience in record time.
\\n\\nNote: Edited in October 2021
\\n"}]',published:!0,mainMedia:{caption:"",originalUrl:"/media/original/132"}},components:[{type:"htmlEditorComponent",content:'With the desire to make book publishing more relevant for the digital age and offer innovative Open Access publishing options, we are thrilled to announce the launch of our new publishing format: IntechOpen Book Series.
\n\nDesigned to cover fast-moving research fields in rapidly expanding areas, our Book Series feature a Topic structure allowing us to present the most relevant sub-disciplines. Book Series are headed by Series Editors, and a team of Topic Editors supported by international Editorial Board members. Topics are always open for submissions, with an Annual Volume published each calendar year.
\n\nAfter a robust peer-review process, accepted works are published quickly, thanks to Online First, ensuring research is made available to the scientific community without delay.
\n\nOur innovative Book Series format brings you:
\n\nIntechOpen Book Series will also publish a program of research-driven Thematic Edited Volumes that focus on specific areas and allow for a more in-depth overview of a particular subject.
\n\nIntechOpen Book Series will be launching regularly to offer our authors and editors exciting opportunities to publish their research Open Access. We will begin by relaunching some of our existing Book Series in this innovative book format, and will expand in 2022 into rapidly growing research fields that are driving and advancing society.
\n\nLaunching 2021
\n\nArtificial Intelligence, ISSN 2633-1403
\n\nVeterinary Medicine and Science, ISSN 2632-0517
\n\nBiochemistry, ISSN 2632-0983
\n\nBiomedical Engineering, ISSN 2631-5343
\n\nInfectious Diseases, ISSN 2631-6188
\n\nPhysiology (Coming Soon)
\n\nDentistry (Coming Soon)
\n\nWe invite you to explore our IntechOpen Book Series, find the right publishing program for you and reach your desired audience in record time.
\n\nNote: Edited in October 2021
\n'}],latestNews:[{slug:"webinar-introduction-to-open-science-wednesday-18-may-1-pm-cest-20220518",title:"Webinar: Introduction to Open Science | Wednesday 18 May, 1 PM CEST"},{slug:"step-in-the-right-direction-intechopen-launches-a-portfolio-of-open-science-journals-20220414",title:"Step in the Right Direction: IntechOpen Launches a Portfolio of Open Science Journals"},{slug:"let-s-meet-at-london-book-fair-5-7-april-2022-olympia-london-20220321",title:"Let’s meet at London Book Fair, 5-7 April 2022, Olympia London"},{slug:"50-books-published-as-part-of-intechopen-and-knowledge-unlatched-ku-collaboration-20220316",title:"50 Books published as part of IntechOpen and Knowledge Unlatched (KU) Collaboration"},{slug:"intechopen-joins-the-united-nations-sustainable-development-goals-publishers-compact-20221702",title:"IntechOpen joins the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals Publishers Compact"},{slug:"intechopen-signs-exclusive-representation-agreement-with-lsr-libros-servicios-y-representaciones-s-a-de-c-v-20211123",title:"IntechOpen Signs Exclusive Representation Agreement with LSR Libros Servicios y Representaciones S.A. de C.V"},{slug:"intechopen-expands-partnership-with-research4life-20211110",title:"IntechOpen Expands Partnership with Research4Life"},{slug:"introducing-intechopen-book-series-a-new-publishing-format-for-oa-books-20210915",title:"Introducing IntechOpen Book Series - A New Publishing Format for OA Books"}]},book:{item:{type:"book",id:"2082",leadTitle:null,fullTitle:"Food Industrial Processes - Methods and Equipment",title:"Food Industrial Processes",subtitle:"Methods and Equipment",reviewType:"peer-reviewed",abstract:"The global food industry has the largest number of demanding and knowledgeable consumers: the world population of seven billion inhabitants, since every person eats! This population requires food products that fulfill the high quality standards established by the food industry organizations. Food shortages threaten human health and are aggravated by the disastrous, extreme climatic events such as floods, droughts, fires, storms connected to climate change, global warming and greenhouse gas emissions that modify the environment and, consequently, the production of foods in the agriculture and husbandry sectors. This collection of articles is a timely contribution to issues relating to the food industry. They were selected for use as a primer, an investigation guide and documentation based on modern, scientific and technical references. This volume is therefore appropriate for use by university researchers and practicing food developers and producers. The control of food processing and production is not only discussed in scientific terms; engineering, economic and financial aspects are also considered for the advantage of food industry managers.",isbn:null,printIsbn:"978-953-307-905-9",pdfIsbn:"978-953-51-4352-9",doi:"10.5772/2491",price:139,priceEur:155,priceUsd:179,slug:"food-industrial-processes-methods-and-equipment",numberOfPages:426,isOpenForSubmission:!1,isInWos:1,isInBkci:!0,hash:"b0aef25c18dea1ab87af9c3e72c952e0",bookSignature:"Benjamin Valdez",publishedDate:"February 22nd 2012",coverURL:"https://cdn.intechopen.com/books/images_new/2082.jpg",numberOfDownloads:178318,numberOfWosCitations:268,numberOfCrossrefCitations:94,numberOfCrossrefCitationsByBook:7,numberOfDimensionsCitations:319,numberOfDimensionsCitationsByBook:14,hasAltmetrics:1,numberOfTotalCitations:681,isAvailableForWebshopOrdering:!0,dateEndFirstStepPublish:"March 23rd 2011",dateEndSecondStepPublish:"April 20th 2011",dateEndThirdStepPublish:"August 25th 2011",dateEndFourthStepPublish:"September 24th 2011",dateEndFifthStepPublish:"January 22nd 2012",currentStepOfPublishingProcess:5,indexedIn:"1,2,3,4,5,6,8",editedByType:"Edited by",kuFlag:!1,featuredMarkup:null,editors:[{id:"65522",title:"Dr.",name:"Benjamin",middleName:null,surname:"Valdez",slug:"benjamin-valdez",fullName:"Benjamin Valdez",profilePictureURL:"https://mts.intechopen.com/storage/users/65522/images/system/65522.jpg",biography:"Benjamin Valdez is the director of the Institute of Engineering of the University of Baja California, a member of the Mexican Academy of Sciences and the National System of Researchers of Mexico. 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Contemporary epistemology relies on extreme materialistic reductionism. Human sciences seem eager to conform as much as possible to models and procedures stemming from hardcore science and somatic medicine.
\r\n\tThe development of the interpersonal model and the Kleinian school in the second half of the last century allowed the emergence of an original understanding of the unconscious mind. Within the intersubjective paradigm, the psychoanalytic situation is conceptualized as an interpersonal field to which both the analyst and the patient contribute substantially. We have shown elsewhere how the failure to give a full account of such an intersubjective dimension in both psychoanalytic theory and practice amounts to a core liability in contemporary psychoanalytic discourse.
\r\n\tThe present book will focus on a few areas where the insufficient development of our discipline is currently apparent: five wounds that mark the body of the psychoanalytic enterprise.
\r\n\r\n\tNew contributions are particularly needed in the following areas: Current conceptualization of the unconscious mind is mechanistic and not suited to incorporate the full network of interpersonal exchanges which unfolds in the analytic room; Furthermore, the development of interpersonal psychoanalysis and the theory of the object relations warrants a greater appreciation of the impact of extratranference relations (e.g., couple, family, peers) on the patient's inner life both within and without the psychoanalytic situation.
\r\n\r\n\tAn integration of theories and models from other psychological paradigms is clearly in order here; the book will also focus on Barangers’ theory of the bi-personal field that makes traditional unipersonal models of the psychoanalytic process untenable. Also, it will help in the understanding of the reciprocal interactions of the two partners in the psychoanalytic dyad in most psychoanalytic institutes the training format relies naively on models from the academic or the professional domains. This fosters rigidity, conformism, and a hierarchical organizational style in the institutional life; e) all over the long span of his creative life Freud showed consistent interest in the application of psychoanalysis to literature, the arts, religion, and politics. Contemporary psychoanalysis is getting more and shyer and is pressed at the margins of social and political debate. The psychoanalytic theory includes unique lore of knowledge about the conscious and unconscious mind. Without it, a comprehensive understanding of human reality will stay out of the reach of contemporary culture.
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He was a tutor for the course in Clinical Psychiatry at the Medical School of the University of Milan and now is responsible for the Forensic Psychiatric Outpatient Program at the ASST-Rhodense Hospital in Milan, Italy. 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In this wise, the livestock sector makes valuable contributions to national gross domestic products (GDP) of countries around the world. It contributes about 40% of the global value of agricultural outputs, supports the livelihood and food security of almost 1.3 billion people, and offer opportunities for agricultural development, poverty reduction and food security globally [1]. Animal-based foods provide a variety of micronutrients that are essentially deficient in plant-based foods [2]. While crop-based foods are deficient in vitamin A, vitamin B-12, riboflavin, calcium, iron and zinc, animal-based foods are particularly rich in these nutrients thereby serving as food resource with which multiple nutrient deficiencies and nutrition challenges that arise from heavy consumption of crop-based foods can be readily addressed [3]. The effects of such animal-based food include good growth, better weight gain and healthy condition, particularly in children [4, 5, 6].
In addition to the nutritional values of farm animals is the stock’s contribution to economic development around the world. The animals not only serve as means of employment to the farmers but also serve as means of income generation through direct sales of live animals and products such as meat, milk, eggs, wool and hides. Among all other animal products, sales of milk and eggs are essentially a means of continuous cash flow by which farm families move from subsistence to cash-based economies [7] and as well meet other essentialities of life. Similarly, animal husbandry stimulates the development of animal-based food industries through provision of animals and animal products as production resources for processing and conversion into other by-products or animal-source foods. The animal-based food industries not only become a source of income generation owner of the industry, through the distribution and marketing of the produced animal-source foods, but also become a job-creating avenue in the context of production, administration, financial management, marketing and distribution along the production chain to guarantee employment opportunity for individuals seeking to work. The economic values of the livestock sector are however not only limited to the immediate environment (local areas) of production but also have much impact on regional, national and international economies. For instance, the livestock industries contribute a lot to the United States of America’s (USA) national economy by providing about 1,851,000 jobs, contributing $346 billion as total economic outputs, $60 billion as household income, $15 billion as income from paid taxes, and $6 billion from property taxes [8]. In the region of South Dakota, where livestock is dominantly managed in the Unites States, the livestock sector provides as much as 29,020 jobs, contributing $7.3 billion in total economic outputs, $1.1 billion in household income, $235 million in income taxes paid, and $149 million in property taxes paid [8].
In Europe. The livestock sector contributes almost 125 billion Euros per year and accounts for 40% of total agricultural production in the area [9]. Also, the contribution of animal production to the gross indigenous production in the region of Europe is about twice as high as the whole agribusiness sector in the area. In the developing countries, livestock contributes about one-third of the total agricultural outputs [10] and 10–45% of GDP in the region. In Ethiopia, the sector contributes an estimate of 19% of the country’s total GDP, 45% of the agricultural GDP, and about 20% of the country’s export earnings [11]. Based on the social and economic values of livestock a great deal of efforts in terms of research and management has been jeered toward improved and sustainable livestock production around the world.
In an attempt to sustain the social and economic values of the farm animals for nutrition and economic benefits of man, research has brought about a great deal of improvement in the livestock sector both in terms of production and management on a global scale. With the USA and Japan’s support for livestock development, livestock production technology has developed rapidly worldwide [9]. The development strategies are generally in the form of breeding/cross-breeding, quality feed development, improved healthcare services, animal husbandry, and marketing system. Also is the development of new or automated technologies to aid the management and well-being of the animals [9]. Impacts of research in breeding include the development of quality breeds of animals with the potential for improved productivity, quick maturing, prolific litter production and resistance or adaptability to changing the environment. In this regard is the emergence of breeds of farm animals with specific production potentials in terms of meat, milk, and eggs. For instance, poultry birds such as broiler—a fast-growing chicken, is specifically developed for meat production while layers are developed for egg production. Pigs are largely developed for pork or beacon (meat) production and given the prolific litters produced at a birth, the animal has been a good source of meat for nutritional security of human society. Alongside the monogastric farm animals is the ruminant comprising sheep, goats, and cattle.
Cattle breeds such as Ayrshire, Brown Swiss, Friesian, etc. are prolific in milk production while the likes of Simmental, Angus, Charolais, Hereford, are good meat (beef) producing breeds. In the same vein are breeds of sheep, such as Dorper, Hampshire, Dorset, Suffolk; and goats—Boer, Spanish, Range Land, Kalhari, etc. with good meat (mutton and chevon, respectively) production. Although milk production is largely from dairy cattle, breeds of sheep—East Friesian, Lacaune, Finnish Landrace Polypay; and goats—Alpines, LaMancha, Saanens, Nubian, and Nigerian Dwarf, etc. are good milk-producing small ruminants [12, 13]. In the same vein are breeds of sheep such as Merino, Leicester Long-wool, Lincoln; developed for wool production alongside the likes of Barbados, Jacob; developed to produce hair for industrial fabric production. The developed prolific breeds of sheep for large litters of birth include Finnsheep, Romanov, and Booroola Merino, etc. [12, 13] thereby providing the sheep keepers the opportunity for quick increase of their flock population within a short time. In the same vein, pig prolificacy brings about 12–14 piglets per litter thereby making the animal the most prolific stock for production by intending livestock farmers.
To support the productivity of the developed farm animals is the development of quality feeds that could adequately supply the animals’ energy requirement for production and maintenance. Although feed types of the various farm animals differ, the common denominator of them all is the nutritional contents of the feed, characterised by the presence of adequate crude protein, carbohydrates, fatty acids, minerals, and vitamins; that may be available to the animals from the given feeds. In light of this are the development of different feed formulae and automated feed processing technologies for the production of feeds that are adequately rich in nutritional contents. In addition is production of concentrates and other feed additives to enhance feed intake and nutrition of the animals for improve productivity [10] An optimal nutritional program ensures adequate intakes of amino acids (both essential and nonessential), carbohydrates, fatty acids, minerals, and vitamins by animals such that the nutrition contents readily supplement deficiencies in basal diets of the animals for enhanced consumption and conversion [14]. In addition to supporting productivity of farm animals quality feed is of significant value to healthy leaving of the animals as this readily enhance key metabolic functions of the animals to improve fertility and reproductive efficiency, immune function and animals’ response to vaccinations, neonatal survival, and growth, feed utilisation efficiency, and meat quality [15]. In line with this is the development of health technologies and human capacities for the detection and effective management of farm animals. Deployment of automated technologies in farm animal management has widely been used, not only to monitor feeding behaviour and intake of animals but for detection ill health in the stock [9]. Consequently, well-fed and healthy animals result in good economic returns for the farmers in terms of profitable production arising from fewer expenses on animal medication, improved productivity and good marketing price.
With development efforts in the livestock sector, world animal production has continued growing with increased productivity. Between 1995 and 2002, the world total meat production increased by 19%, the total milk production by 11%, and the egg production by 23% [9]. Notwithstanding the research support for the development and improved productivity of the livestock sector, the sustainability of livestock production is still being challenged by several production and environmental factors; with the degree of impact being influenced by the management system put in place by farmers. While farmers may try as much as possible to give their animals all the necessary care in terms of good housing units—spacious, dry and well ventilated, quality feeds and water, and necessary healthcare, it remains inevitable to completely prevent the incidence of pests and diseases in livestock management basically because of the impossibility of eradicating disease-causing pathogens which could survive in almost all avenue. Reduction of the incidence of pests and diseases in farm animal management has though been achieved by a combination of good hygiene, appropriate use of vaccines and medical therapy, and selection of disease-free breeds of livestock, the result is by no means an eradication of infectious and contagious diseases owing to the fact that a multiplicity of pathogenic agents are inducing emergence of complex diseases that may even be difficult to diagnose [16].
Pathogens, which are groups of organisms that cause diseases in farm animals, exist in form of viruses, bacteria, fungi, protozoa, and parasites, and are so small that they cannot be ordinarily seen by sight except with the aid of electronic magnifiers. These pathogenic micro-organisms or microbes exist in different sizes and shapes and are readily transmitted to animals through various substrates or vectors such as water, soil, waste or faecal matter, humans and animals [17, 18, 19]. Viruses are very small micro-organisms and much smaller than all other pathogenic organisms such that it can only be viewed with a strong electronic microscope [16]. However, the micro-organisms can only survive and/or multiply within living cells basically because it lacks cell membranes, cytoplasm, ribosomes, and other cell organelles [20, 21]. This mode of survival and multiplication by viruses make it possible to destroy the cells of the infected host thereby result in certain diseases. About 60% of animal diseases are caused by a virus and unfortunately, such viral diseases have no cure thereby resulting in the death of infected animals [17]. On this note, preventive actions, usually by vaccination, are required to ensure the healthiness of farm animals. Viral diseases of farm animals include foot and mouth disease, rinderpest, bluetongue, vesicular stomatitis, swine fever, fowl pox, avian influencer, etc.
Bacteria, on the other hand, are relatively larger than viruses and also take different shapes and sizes but most are visible under an ordinary microscope. The micro-organisms, unlike viruses, could survive anywhere—within and outside living cells but could sporulate to form a protective coat that makes them survive in any environment for a long period, even years, and later cause infectious disease(s) in farm animals [16]. Bacteria that survive outside living cells could remain inactive until the emergence of favourable conditions to gain entry into the body of the animals, either through the skin or the eyes, breath into the lungs, consumed through food and water, to cause infections [22]. Similarly, some bacteria within the living cells, such as
In similarity to bacteria, fungi are widespread, exist in various shapes and sizes, and could survive in nearly all forms of environment, be it water, soil, air or in the mould on stale food and mushroom for a long period that runs into years. The micro-organisms are though ordinarily harmless, they cause disease in some situations which can be damaging or even devastating in some cases [17, 25, 26]. Some fungal diseases affect the mucous membrane (mucosal) though, most of them affecting the skin (cutaneous) by colonising and destroying their tissues [27]. Skin diseases are though rarely critical or deadly, their resultant irritation discomfort the animals leading to inhibition or disruption of their feed intake and consequently, a drastic drop in productivity [28]. Diseases of fungi could be highly contagious and primarily spread by direct contact between animals; with the clinically infected animals as the greatest source of infections [26]. Examples of fungal diseases include ringworm, aspergillosis, candidosis, mycotic, protothecosis, dermatophytes, etc.
Protozoa are single-cell microbes that survive both inside and outside living cells and could be found in most habitats. Most of the protozoa are though harmless and even play a vital role in controlling bacteria population and biomass; some are however parasitic pathogens of humans and animals [29] and as such significantly cause diseases in farm animals and even as potential drivers of zoonotic transmission [30, 31]. The parasites are a significant cause of abortion and infertility in domestic ruminants [32] and a relatively uncommon group of respiratory ailment [33]. Epidemiological situations of protozoan infection may occur as a single infection or zoonoses and may be sporadic in otherwise healthy hosts [34]. Also, infection of the nervous system is mostly fatal. An epidemiological situation that corresponds to pseudoepidemics occurs in a large host of the animal population due to a common source or poor housing conditions of the animals characterised by poor-quality or badly-stored bedding. Protozoan parasites in poultry are coccidia (species of the
Alongside the pathogenic micro-organisms causing diseases in farm animals are parasites that depend on the animals for growth and/or survival [34, 35]. The parasites may live and survive inside or outside the body of farm animals as internal and external parasites. Common parasites of farm animals exist as worms, flukes, protozoa, and insects such as lice, mites, ticks, flies. Unlike the parasitic protozoa, most parasites are visible to sight but some mites and worms can only be seen under a microscope at their early stages [16, 34]. With the dependence of the parasites on host animal(s) for survival, they may either inhibit the normal physiological functioning of the animals or act as a vector of other diseases thereby resulting in negative impacts on the health and welfare of animals. Such negative impacts, particularly by the internal parasites, may be manifested as anaemia as a result of substantial blood loss, reduction of the animals’ appetite resulting in debilitating health and susceptibility of the animals to other diseases, diarrhoea and death of the animals arising from severity of the parasitic impacts [34, 36, 37]. The external parasites, on the other hand, cause open sores on the skin of livestock which becomes irritating and annoying to the animals thereby causing them to reduce grazing and feed consumption.
One of the managerial goals of livestock keepers is the maintenance of good health of their animals as this is crucial to achieving profitable and sustainable animal production. On this note, livestock farmers try as much as possible to keep the animals free of infestation and infections, through hygienic practice and possibly vaccination of the animals against certain disruptive or deadly diseases. However, the ubiquity of pathogenic microbes (protozoa, bacteria, viruses, fungi, parasites) and other external parasites in a production environment of farm animals ultimately prone the animals to infections or infestation of pests and diseases which on gestation may turn out to be chronic or deadly [16]. Consequences of this are poor productivity by animals, increased cost of animal production arising from treatment or veterinary services, economic loss of animals, hindrance of production and/or productivity of animal food source industries, and possibly impairment of human health by infections from the animals [15]. In light of the economic implication of animal diseases, conscious actions need to be taken by farmers to prevent or promptly control any emerging disease of animals in their stock. However, before an infectious disease in farm animals begin to manifest its symptoms or get to the threshold of economic losses, the infected or physiologically disturbed animals ordinarily communicate their health status for the attention of their keepers.
By nature, animals ordinarily communicate with conspecifics or fellow animals in four basic ways, namely pheromones, auditory, visual and tactile cues [38, 39, 40]; they however indirectly communicate their social and health statuses to their keepers particularly using the auditory and visual cues. This is based on the fact that both animals and man could make and receive sounds, which are an essential stimulus to effecting responses between the two Animalia. In this wise, farm animals use their vocal sounds to express their health or social conditions to the farmers. For instance, a distressed animal makes distressing vocalisation as a way to call its owner for needed attention. Empirical studies on emotional vocalisations of farm animals [41, 42, 43, 44, 45] revealed that environmental stimulus and/or hormone concentrations affecting the mood, thirst, and hunger, and appetitive behaviour of an animal stimulate specific behaviours that may be accompanied vocalisation in the animals [41]. Thus, a dam in parturition distress might make a very high pitch sound to attract an attendant to give needed help for safe delivery; or where its kid is hooked and needed help to have it rescued. In the same vein, ewes or nannies on heat give constant high pitch sound as a way to indicate readiness for a reception which a breeder needs to take advantage of either by the introduction of ram/billy or artificial insemination. Pig is known for screaming when put under stress, particularly when being forcefully pulled in an attempt to move it from one place to the other. This cry may constitute a security call to the owner when the animal is to be forcefully taken out of the herds by an intruder.
The visual cues, on the other hand, are displayed actions that could be visually perceived by the farmers in their animals. Farm animals thus express their social and health situations by visual communication signals which a farm attendant needs to understand for an appropriate response. For instance, healthy farm animals are ordinarily active and ever ready to feed, and will be on the rise when they are approached. Where a farm animal sluggishly or refuses to move, or is reluctant to get up when approached (Figure 1) suggests that something is wrong with the animal and as such will need to be attended to for detection a laden health issue. Although, varying diseases have different physiological effects on specific farm animals, infected animals react on whatever kind of disease that might impair their physiological status by the display of signals that serve as health communication1. Common communicative signals by a disease-laden animal could thus take the following forms:
Healthy lambs on their feet with the physiological lamb siting isolated and unable to move. Source: Photo by author.
Poor appearance of animals: ordinarily, a healthy animal will generally have a good look with a characteristic good body structure and posture. Related body indicators of animals with good health include robust outlook and/or roundness of the stomach, smooth and well-laid hair or wool with uniform coverage over the body, bright eyes, and dry nose and mouth. On the other hand, a sick animal will put up a poor appearance that may be characterised by leanness, caved-in stomach, falling air or wool, nasal discharge, dripping salivation and/or continuous coughing. The caved-in stomach may have to do with poor feeding or poor feed conversion efficiency by the animal, while the falling hair or wool may be due to ectoparasite infestation of the animal. For instance, piglets severely affected by
A healthy animal is socially active and ever alert to its environment by having its head raised in an attempt to keep watch of its surroundings, and usually in close groups with one another. In ruminants, the animals are constantly chewing due to regurgitation of consumed pasture.
Whenever there is a need for farm animals to move, they will move steadily and easily; and where there is the need to flee from threats in their environment, they move very fast and run. Where an animal moves sluggishly or could not move would imply ill health. Abnormal gait can include unusual walking patterns or uneven weight-bearing, as seen when a cow is suffering from lameness [49]. Lameness may be an indication of rot in the foot characterised by swelling and moistened skin between the claws and foul-smelling discharge. Consequently, the animal remains lying down for long periods and may not bear weight on the affected leg, and where both front legs are affected, sheep, for example, walk on their knees and severe cases and chronic infection leads to grossly misshapen and overgrown hooves [50]. In the same vein is an abnormal stance indicating pain and this may be reflected as tucked abdomen and tail, hunched back or standing still for extended periods [49].
Animals are ever ready to feed when nothing is wrong with them and as such a drop in the rate of feed consumption or outright refusal of feed by an animal or non-excitation at being fed would imply that something is wrong with the animal. Most diseases though cause an animal to refuse feed, nutritional factors equally accounted for feed refusal. For instance, diseases such as bloating, grass tetany, ketosis, hypocalcaemia, and mineral deficiencies are caused by nutrient deficiencies, excesses or imbalances, or by metabolic disturbances [51]. As a result of poor feeding or feed conversion efficiency, the animals lose weight with characteristic caved-in stomach and general weakness.
Excreta of farm animals should be firm or looks ‘bolus’ and black or darkish green, particularly in cattle and pigs, and like small balls in sheep and goats. Droppings in poultry are usually greyish with urinary liquid. Where the dung of an animal looks watery, and sometimes have the faeces stained with blood would imply that something is wrong with the animal. Such signs usually have to with diarrhoea or other gastrointestinal diseases. Coccidia in piglets, for instance, is characterised by diarrhoea and scour in early stage, and late-stage, faeces become yellow or creamy-grey diarrhoea causing loss of condition and reduced growth rates at age 7–10 days [45]. Mortality rates may reach 20% [52]. Concurrent infections with other bacteria, viruses or parasites can increase mortality further.
One of the production goals in livestock management is a production of litters either for multiplication of animal population or marketing for income generation. A farmer could readily achieve this with healthy animals but where a pregnant animal is infected with the abortion-related disease the resultant effect is loss of foetus. Diseases such as leptospirosis, vibriosis, pestivirus, and trichomoniasis cause abortion which may be early-term abortion or embryonic loss in ruminant farm animals [51]. Also, there may be stillbirth, weak, stunted or deformed calves, and low calving and lambing rate. Observation of these traits in the animals calls for veterinary care of the animal(s).
A careful look at production records of the animals could help determine the health status of the animals. An animal that has been prolific in production certainly loses production potential when its normal healthy condition is hindered by a disease or pest infestation. In a lactating dam with impaired physiological functions, there may be a drop in the quantity of produced per day or drop in egg production by sick birds [53]. Dressing of diseased animals also produces poor quality meat that is unfit for consumption thereby leading to loss of revenue or profitable income to the farmer.
The end of physiologically disturbed animal(s) is death, especially where the signs of ill health are not quickly detected for prompt veterinary action. In some cases, however, death may be sudden without a physical sign of ill health. Several diseases are so virulent that it leads to the death of farm animals within a short time. For instance, anthrax could cause sudden death within 2–3 days in ruminant and pigs. In the vein, PPR (Peste des petits ruminants) in small ruminants is associated with high morbidity and mortality [54, 55].
Diseases of farm animals generally cause a lot of losses either directly or indirectly in livestock production. Direct economic implications include decreased productivity of the animals, cost of disease control of animals, death of farm animals and loss of means of livelihood or economies of farmers. A diseased animal generally has its physiological functions impaired and as such will not be able to perform maximally or optimally. In the light, production outputs of farm animals in terms of egg, milk, meat, and wool production gradually decline [56] thereby resulting in inefficient production of the farmers. In other words, what farmers get as returns from production is far less than what is invested in the production of the animals. This is usually due to decreased food intake and/or inability of the animals to efficiently convert consumed feed into metabolic energy required for productivity. Alongside this is loss of quality products—milk and meat that might come from infected animals thereby losing market acceptability or value [53]. In severe cases and depending on the virulence of the disease, animals might lose weight appreciatively and die. This incur great loss to farmers as opportunity for production of kids is lost due to disease-related abortions by dams, revenue that could have accrued from sales of animals and animal products, and ultimate loss of means of livelihood in case of high mortality or death of herds and flocks which may be difficult to replace in most cases. An attempt to save the stock and sustain production result in increased cost of production arising from the cost of drug acquisition for treatment of the animals and of veterinary services. Economic losses to the world poultry industry are believed to be more than US$3 billion annually [57]. Back in the year 2000 in rural communities in the northern part of Cameroon, an estimated value of sheep and goats losses to PPR was put at US$53, 902 over five years, while in Bangladesh, the estimated value of goats mortality from PPR was put at US$34.8million in the year 2001 [56]. Also is a devastating effect on cash flow and equity at the farm or industry level arising from sharp fall in consumers’ demand for primary products of livestock out of concern of zoonosis, and severe limitation or elimination of animal marketing options [18, 55]. In the same vein, access to the premium export market is affected as animal-source food from a region with disease outbreak will not be accepted in the international markets thereby distorting the development of the livestock sector both within the country(ies) in question and globally [56].
Beyond the farm, level is indirect consequences of disease in animals which include zoonotic and cost of human treatment, loss of employment to farm labours and employment in other livestock values chains or industries, alteration of nutritional balance of the populace, change in consumer behaviours and marketing shocks. Humans become infected with animal diseases either from consumed products of infected animals or the circulation of zoonotic agents between animals, humans, and the environment with hindrances of their wellbeing and economic activities. The direct cost of zoonotic diseases over the last decade is estimated to be more than $20 billion with over $200 billion indirect losses to affected economies as a whole [58]. With marketing shocks, characterised by either short supplies of animals and animal products and/or an increase in prices of the available ones, consumers to make rational decisions to opt for alternative safe and cheap food sources. For instance, short supply of livestock products such milk, eggs and poultry meat, which tend to be cheapest, may lead to increase in prices thereby forcing consumers, particularly the poor people, to substitute with vegetable proteins or consume more of carbohydrate food sources with consequential less balanced diet [56]. In addition to related diseases of farm animals’ disruption of nutrition security of the human populace is the transmission of such disease(s) to human populace either directly from the animal or on consummation of food products from the diseased animals. Farmworkers are most affected directly due to contacts with animals they care for and indirectly with the general populace through the consumption of disease-laden animal products. As expressed by the world society for the protection of animals, as much or more than 500 different pathogens, be it viruses, bacteria or parasites, are be transmitted from animals to humans through contact with live animals and dust inhalation, and consumption of disease-laden meat and animal by-products [59]. With numerous cases of animal diseases, particularly Avian Flu, Swine Flu, infecting people as well as the workers and veterinarians, the spread of animal viruses to humans is thus a serious public health concern and as such, they need for control and prevention of diseases in farm animals.
Given the social and economic implications of diseases of farm animals, it is essential that veterinary actions are taken to prevent, control and treat animals of any emerging disease. It is however of great value to have earlier detection of emerging or laden diseases where it is invariably impossible to prevent disease outbreak as this will save a great deal of the cost of treatment and prevent possible loss of animal to death. To achieve this, it becomes essential that livestock farmers have good cognition of their animal communication. The concept of animal communicate is generally grounded in animal behaviours whereby animals’ social actions are interpreted with meaning either by fellow animals or humans. Consequently, by behavioural actions, animal communication is described as the process by which an animal transmits information to other animals (Figure 2) for incorporate into their decision making [60] or cause some kind of change in the animals that gets the information [61]. The transmitted information by animals in the communication process is however in form signals often reflected in sounds, colour patterns, postures, movements, electrical discharges, touches, the release of odorants, or some combination of these mediums [60]. These series of signals of animal communication are thus classified into four basic categories, namely visual, auditory, tactile and pheromone cues [60].
A model of communication flow between animals. Source: Gillam [
The auditory communication cue entails the use of the vocal cord (Figure 3) for sending sounds or cries by an animal to fellow animals or other species of animals to stimulate action(s) in the receiving animals [61, 62]. In other words, an animal vocalises to effect behavioural action(s) in the targeted receivers with the expectation that the receiving animals will appropriately use the acquired message from the vocalisation to take a responsive action [60, 63, 64]. For instance, the cries of an animal might be a message of attraction toward it or detraction away from it; and whatever action is to be taken by the animal(s) receiving the cries depends on the strength of pitches or frequencies of the vocalised sounds or cries [65] and in turn, the strength of the pitches or frequencies depend on the emerging stimulus in the environment of the animal(s) at a particular point in time. Consequently, vocalised sounds by animals at any point in time have distinct sound characteristics that denote the intent of the vocalising animal(s) and expected responses by the receiving animals. For instance, the croaking of male frogs described as ‘whine’ and ‘chuck’, maybe for attraction female frogs or keep other males away from the territory [63, 66]. Similarly, the barking or gnawing of a dog may imply a warning of a possible attack against and intruder. In the light of this, cries and sounds are essential tools by which animals communicate, not only with their surroundings [67] but also to convey a great deal of information over long distances for a specific purpose. Thus, most animals rely on sound communication for social relations, protection of themselves, survival and understanding of their environment [68].
Vocalisation by a bird to its environment for a specific purpose. Source: Khan Academy [
Alongside the auditory communication is the visual dimension of the animals’ communication whereby animals display signals that are visible to fellow animals. Such signals may be gestures, body postures, and colouration, movement or positioning of the body by the communicating animals [63]. Consequently, animals communicate non-verbally by expression of signals that could be described as acts or structures, to convey information to recipients to elicits a response in the recipients [69]. For instance, claw raising by hermit crab which implies an intention to attack is a warning communication signal to recipients and processing of such a signal would make the recipient respond by fleeing the environment of moving away from the crab. Similarly, a chimpanzee communicates threats by raising its arms, slapping the ground or staring directly at another chimpanzee [63]. Given the need for mating, some animals communicate to one another by a display of colouration change to attract the opposite sex. For instance, a display of bright yellow feathers by a male American goldfinch is a communicative signal to a prospective mate for mating. Animals thus communicate by behaviours to help them recognise and care for the young ones, find mates, coordinate group behaviour, defend territory and establish dominance.
Given the concept of animal communication, the same principle applies to farm animal communication to farmers whereby farm owners rely on behavioural actions of their animals as an element of information communication with them [66, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74]. In essence, farm animals communicate their current status to their owners by both vocalisation and behavioural signals. Given that environmental stimulus and/or hormone concentrations affecting the mood, thirst, hunger and appetitive behaviour of an animal stimulate specific behaviours and vocalisations in the animals, livestock farmers would need, not just to perceive the displayed actions by their animals, but to appropriately interpret such vocalisations and behaviours for necessary action to be taken. Although animals’ vocalisations have been categorised into five ‘main syllables’ based on the mouth, tongue and nasal placement and the speed of air leaving the throat, no specific meaning has been attributed to different calls [75]. Consequently, a particular farmer will have to use his judgement, particularly based on experience and familiarity with his sets of animals, to determine the state of his animals’ welfare and/or needs. Understanding the varying pitches or frequencies of sounds by animals is thus crucial to ensure an appropriate response to the animals’ needs by a livestock attendant. For instance, a livestock attendant with a good understanding of the varying vocalisation pitches may get to know that a high and consistent pitch of sounds by a dam is an indication of out of contact with its kids [76, 77, 78] or that of difficult parturition. Frequency and pitch of coughing by farm animals equally serve as a good auditory cue to attract the attention of a farmer for the healthcare of the animal. Thus as an animal becomes more excited or distressed, the duration, volume, and pitch of the calls increase.
The auditory communicative signal may though be a narrow lead to early detection of illnesses in farm animals, the visual communication cue is more elaborate and much obvious to attract the attention of farm attendants or farmers for prompt veterinary actions. Ordinarily, a healthy animal is active and mostly in group association, but becomes dull or isolated when its normal healthy condition is impaired which becomes a communicative signal of ill health. As highlighted in Table 1, the displayed signals can be readily seen and obvious to stimulate veterinary actions. Body movement of the animals is also essential cues to understanding the health communication behaviours of the animals. For instance, cattle will normally have their tails raised and positioned horizontally when defecating or urinating bur observation such positioning of tail aside the need for excretion is an indication of the health issue to be given attention. Also, kicking and tail swishing may be performed in response to acute pain with these signals directed toward the painful stimulus [49]. The ability of farmers to understand the communicative signals, however, depends on their good knowledge of different animal diseases and the signs that may be shown before the emergence of a particular disease. Based on experience, some farmers have developed the skills and intuition to rightly interpret behavioural signals of an animal about a specific kind of illness that is most likely to emerge or already discomforting the animals2. A field experience by which a set of goats’ communicate their owner that their pen is heavily infested by lice was by their reluctance to enter the pen each day they return from free-range, and when forced into the pen, they began an unusual and constant stamping of their feet. But a curious examination of the sudden reluctance of entry into the pen revealed that the dusty floor of the pen was highly infested by lice which always walk into the goats’ underneath hair thereby causing skin irritation to the animals. This was discovered when a multitude of lice flung onto the farmer’s legs on entering pen thereby necessitating thorough cleaning of the pen and thereafter, no constant stamping of feet was observed among the goat. In essence, every behavioural actions farm animals might mean a lot and as such, livestock farmers need to understand and be able to distinguish between normal and abnormal behaviours of their farm animals to ensure good management of the animals’ welfare. But farmers who do not have the experience or skill to accurately interpret the observed health communication behaviour of a farm animal would have to consult the service of a veterinarian. Thus farmers would have to consciously monitor the social actions of their animals for quick detection of laden diseases in their stock.
Farm animals | General signs of illness | Respiratory signs | Gastrointestinal signs | Skin signs | Neurological signs |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Cattle | Fever, lethargy (lack of energy) Excessive salivation Lameness | Multiple coughing animals Difficult laboured or rapid breathing Nasal discharge | Appetite loss Diarrhoea Abdominal pain Weight loss Dehydration (sunken eyes, prolonged skin tent) | Blisters or ulcers around muzzle, mouth, lips, gums, tongue, teats and/or feet Severe itching Circular areas of hair loss Warts | Behavioural changes or easily startled Restlessness or agitation Lack of coordination or high stepping Head rubbing, tossing or pressing Exaggerated blinking and chewing movements Trembling or convulsions |
Sheep and goats | Depression Fever Lethargy (lack of energy) Dull coat Watery eyes Lameness, arthritis, or hot and painful feet | Coughing Nasal discharge Difficulty breathing | Weight loss Decreased appetite Diarrhoea and abdominal pain Food coming out of nose or mouth | Itchy, dry brittle fleece Red mouth and nose Blisters or ulcers around muzzle, mouth, lips, gums, tongue, teats and/or feet | Behavioural changes Excessive scratching and rubbing Loss of coordination Abnormal gaits (high stepping) Biting feet and limbs Head tilt or head pressing Inability to rise or convulsions |
Pigs | Lethargy (lack of energy) Fever Lameness, painful movement and stiffness Swollen joints | Coughing Difficult laboured or rapid breathing | Lack of appetite Weight loss Diarrhoea | Blisters or ulcer around nose and feet Pustules Blotchy Skin | Behavioural changes Lack of coordination Excessive salivation or drooling Seizures or tremors Paddling while lying on their side |
Poultry | Lethargy (lack of energy) Depression Drop in egg production Eye discharge Thin-shelled eggs Ruffled feathers Off feed or water | Open mouth breathing Nasal discharge Sneezing Coughing or gasping | Diarrhoea Weight loss Swollen crop or abdomen | Swollen and/or discoloured comb, wattles, legs and head Dark or crusty spots on comb Mites or Lice (near vent) Scaly legs | Difficulty walking Torticollis (twisted neck) Lack of coordination or inability to rise Tremors or paralysis of limbs or neck Paralysis and dilation of the crop Blindness Head pressing |
Signals for early detection of ill-health in farm animals.
Source: Developed from Department of Agriculture and Rural Development, State of Michigan Bulletin (Retrieved from online, July 1, 2019).
Prevention and control of pests and diseases of farm animals are essential to achieving profitable and sustainable farm animal production. This involves putting up all necessary actions to ensure that animals in stock are free of infections or debilitating effects of pests and diseases. Such actions are not only to save the animals but also give an added opportunity of eliminating or reducing the cost of treatment, which is usually expensive where animals were to be treated. However, an important step to preventing and controlling disease outbreak in farm animals by farmers is cognition of health communication behaviours of the farm animals, nature and virulence pathogenic organisms that may induce ailment, and signs that are disease-laden and symptoms of emerging diseases in the animals. Because of this, farmers may have to promptly and diligently take the following actions for good health management3 of farm animals and as well ensure profitable and sustainable livestock production.
Effective care of farm animals begins with a vigil on the posture and environment of the animals. This entails regular checks on kept animals in stalls and fields and intermittent physical examination of the animals’ bodies for early detection of impairment of their normal behaviours and any possible ill-health. Given this, farmers must be on the lookout for signs and conditions that may engender disease outbreak or infestation of pests in their animals. Hence, the understanding that a healthy animal will normally be on the stand on sighting their attendants and/or move excitedly when being approached to be fed makes it possible for a farmer to know that failure or refusal of an animal to stand up or move is a sign of impairment of the normal health of the animals and as such would need to be attended to, at least for examination and determination of what the health issue might be. Field experience in this regard with a livestock attendant 0n small ruminant farms shows that regular checks on the animals daily made it possible for quick detection of impairment of the animals’ normal health condition. Observed cases of health issues in the stock as a result of regular checks on the animals include lameness (Figure 4) and refusal of one or two of the animals to move on being an approach. With these signs, cases of foot rot or scald, pneumonia, infestation by sheep fleas and worms in the animals. Physical examination of bodies of the animals for insects or pests is equally of great value in early detection of flies’ infestation in ruminant skin and lice in poultry birds. Surveillance though begins with individual farmers and their farms, collective efforts become crucial to curtailing the spread of infectious diseases from farm to farm. Surveillance is about disease identification and reporting cases of infections by livestock keepers to animals’ health agencies and veterinarians to enable disease patterns to be monitored [79]. On this note, the World Organisation of Animal Health—OIE, emphasises that effective surveillance system entails identification and/or observation of emerging disease and reporting such for sample and data collection, epidemiological and laboratory investigations, and management and communication of the resulting information to provide guidance on priorities and targets for the application of interventions to effectively control of the disease [80].
A lamb with lame foot as result of infection. Source: Photo by author.
Hygiene practice is an important aspect of animals’ health management and this entails keeping the farm environment free of any anything or condition that could induce pest infestation and disease infections in the animals. This includes ensuring that farmhouses and animal beddings are dry and regularly cleaned, and as well as the equipment and all facilities used for movement and care of farm animals. Cleaning may include scraping, sweeping, washing, possibly with the use of disinfectants. This action is underscored by the understanding that pathogenic micro-organisms and eggs of external and internal parasites could survive under any condition, particularly in a wet and filthy environment. With hygiene practices, no favourable condition is created for the micro-organisms to be active or survive to cause infections in the animals. Disinfection may though be essential, most disinfectants are not particularly effective in combating viruses
This is an aspect of farm hygiene but goes beyond the physical cleaning of farm facilities and equipment. The focus is basically on the cleanness of the animals concerning freedom from diseases of any kind. Scrutiny of animals to be introduced into farm sites is essential to maintaining farm hygiene and preventing the introduction of diseases into the farmyard. In the same vein, non-farm workers or visitors should be prevented from gaining access to the stock, be it in stalls or farm sites; and where necessary, all should have their feet and booths washed when going into the farm. Quarantining of new animals is essential to allow time for the manifestation of hidden disease in the animal(s) and such restriction may be for at least 3 weeks and/or possibly conduct a clinical test on the animal for the potential disease of concern. Other biosecurity measures to be taken include culturing milk from individual animals for contagious organisms, selection of healthy animals and use of semen, embryos or bulls from suppliers with control programs for the infectious disease [83].
With a cognition of communication cues of farm animals, a keen observation of postures of the animals is crucial to ensuring quick response to the health needs of the animals. Farmers should know that a healthy animal is alert and aware of its surroundings by standing and actively holding its head up watching what is happening around it, be in close groups, moves easily and steadily with regular steps. Deviation from these postures implies impairments. Also, the eyes of the animals must be bright, ears must be erect and move swiftly in the direction of sounds and to get rid of flies, mouth, and nose must be free of dripping saliva and nasal discharge. Where discharges are observed in these body parts, it would imply health issues that need to be attended to. Examination of bodies of the animals should reflect smooth and shiny hair or coat if healthy, breathing should be normal, urine must be clear and faeces must not be watery [84]. Vigil on these cues is essential to initiate a quick response to the health needs of farm animals.
While it may be possible to see visual communication cues of farm animals means of monitoring or detecting health issues in the animals, internally developed diseases may not be so easy until the animal reaches a critical stage of illness. However, intermittent collection of animals’ faeces for an examination of worm-eggs and examination of urine for blood and yellow colouration that could signify jaundice in the animals. The use of faecal egg counts has proven to be a valuable tool for detecting worm infestation in animals and the basis for designing appropriate deworming routine and determination of the right deworming medication. For instance, faecal analysis of cattle in Malawi reveals infestation of bacteria—coliforms and
This is an essential way to prevent or strengthen the immunity of farm animals to infectious diseases4. With the understanding that viral diseases cannot be treated vaccination becomes the means to prevent the outbreak of the diseases in farm animals. Vaccination protects the welfare of farm animals by preventing or reducing disease, which in turn reduces the pain and suffering often associated with illness [86]. Further insight into the value of vaccination shows that the drug mimics infections to provide immunity such that the animals could not be overreached by the disease but healthier [87]. However, the vaccine must be disease-specific and appropriately administered as recommended by the veterinarian and by checking the recommended dosage, dilution rate, route of administration and all precautions. Animals must be injected on the recommended parts of the animal’s body and ensure that the injected sites are clean and dry.
Treatment becomes essential and inevitable where farm animals have become infected by pests and diseases5. Unlike vaccination that is meant to prevent disease or infections by boosting the immunity of kept animals, treatment is meant to eradicate or halt the debilitating effects of diseases in farm animals (Figure 5). Treatment, however, takes different forms, depending on the nature of the ill-health affecting an animal(s). It could be by prophylaxis, intravenous injection, dipping, isolation or culling [88, 89]. For instance, treatment of bacterial diseases such as Salmonellosis could be by the use of antibiotics such as ampicillin, chemotherapeutics and fluid therapy, isolation and general nursing [89] while worm such as liver-fluke is treated with medication such as oxyclozanide, nitroxynil, albendazole [88], etc. In addition, treatment of bloat disease—gas build up in rumen, requires the service of a veterinary surgeon who might need to insert stomach tube into the rumen to have the built-up gas released and in extreme cases, the rumen will have to be punctured on the left flank with surgical apparatus such as trocar and cannula [16]. This suggests that a farmer cannot handle all treatment of emerging diseases in their farm animals.
A lamb being treated of infection by an experienced animal health attendant. Source: Photo by author.
The goal of livestock management is to ensure the efficient production of animals and animal products for social and economic gains at all strata of the human social system. Achieving this goal implies that farm animals must be kept healthy at all times for enhanced productivity. An important way to maintaining good health of farm animals is by eradication of epidemiological diseases or reduce their debilitating effects to barest level through combination of hygiene practices, biosecurity and vaccination of animals as failure in this regard may lead to immediate loss of livelihood to those in the livestock sector, disruption of domestic trade or the cessation of access to international markets, and threats to public health [1, 8, 10, 83]. Hence, the need for mitigation of the impact of diseases of farm animals. Prevention and control of animal diseases not only prevent the loss of animals to death but largely reduce the burden of the debilitating effects of disease and associated suffering of the animals such that they can enjoy better health and welfare. In addition, consumers could then have a supply of safe and affordable food [85]. In the same vein, vaccination of farm animals greatly protect animal and public health, reduce animal suffering, enable efficient production of food of animal source to feed the burgeoning human population, and greatly reduce the need for antibiotics to treat food and companion animals [90]. This, however, requires responsible use of vaccines and antibiotics to prevent, not just to control a disease outbreak in the farm animals but to ensure the safety of products from vaccinated or treated animals for safe consumption by humans. Control and prevention of diseases are however with cost implications whereby vaccination and treatment of animals add to cost the cost of livestock production and to the national veterinary budget [85]. This notwithstanding, advantages of boosting farm animals’ immunity through vaccination and recovery of animals from ill-health by treatment worth the efforts and cost than losing the entire stock by death as the regained productivity of the farm animals could help recover the expended cost on vaccination and treatment in the long run.
Since the beginning of the last century until today, Baghdad in Iraq has remained one of the more unstable cities in the world. Political unrest and wars have played a crucial role in its development. Nevertheless, as the capital of the Islamic Empire for more than 500 years, Baghdad has a vibrant historical fabric and some of the most critical historical sites. However, despite the range of academic and consultancy studies conducted throughout the last 100 years, the city has not received the care that it requires. Social and political unrest and wars have prevented successive regimes from implementing preservation projects, and because of this, Baghdad has lost significant parts of its precious and valuable historical fabric. Although more focus has been paid to the oldest part of Baghdad, this does not underestimate the importance of the modern era and the subsequent growth of the city. The methods to recognise and examine different aspects of the city are varied, although these can broadly be considered under two key foci. The first method of the study concerns advanced programmes, for which computing systems have been developed and tested to examine and analyse the spatial configuration of the urban environment. The second method studies the interrelationship between the people and their surrounding spaces, which particularly relates to the city’s street life and social interactions. The current chapter addresses the configurational processes of the emergence of Baghdad.
Iraq, in general, is one of the wealthiest countries due to its oil revenue; unfortunately, it is also considered a developing country due to issues on all levels, including its architecture, urban design, and planning. This consideration is also based on the magnitude of problems that Iraqi people continue to live with. Notwithstanding, Baghdad is a central destination, both as an administrative capital and as a place that represents a new opportunity for people from other regions of Iraq to secure jobs and experience better livelihoods than those afforded elsewhere in the country [1]. Baghdad is the capital of the Republic of Iraq and considered a significant metropolitan city with a population of approximately 6.77 million people. The city is divided into two regions by the Tigris River, namely Rusafa and Karkh, in an arid zone at 33° 20 N latitude and 44° 23 E longitude [2, 3]. Since its foundation in 762 AD by Caliph Al-Mansur, Baghdad became an attractive location for surrounding foreign powers. Therefore, its history not only witnessed frequent war and domination but also saw the development of a unique variety of various cultures. Based on archaeological evidence, Baghdad’s site was occupied by several peoples before the Arab conquest of Mesopotamia in 637 AD. Furthermore, excavations by the famous Michaux Stone, which was founded by a French physician in 1870, discovered that a Babylonian town called ‘Bak-da-du’ occupied the place of Baghdad as far back as the twelfth century BC. Moreover, due to its strategic location along the banks of the Tigris, it represented an attractive location as the new capital for the Abbasid Caliphate [4].
In 800 AD, only four decades after its establishment, Baghdad became a metropolis of more than 300,000 inhabitants. As the capital of the Abbasid Caliphate that stretched from present-day Algeria to Pakistan, Baghdad was the centre of economic and political power in the Islamic world, unrivalled in its artistic, scientific, and cultural achievements [5]. Le Strange refers to Baghdad by describing some of the monuments and historical features that belong to the Abbasid period. The city was characterised by several features: the old wall of the Eastern city with its four gates, the Mustansiriya College as the first school at that time, as well as mosques and holy shrines [6]. Le Strange states that the topography of Baghdad changed due to the shift of the riverbed and the watercourse and canals that constituted its essential features. The primary task of Le Strange was to achieve and prepare a map of old Baghdad and to reconstruct its fundamental elements by tracing the topography of the city in detail. Although it is difficult to access Le Strange’s map directly from the primary source, it is still possible to see that Baghdad’s character has changed dramatically, particularly within the old fabric of the city [6]. The historical view of Baghdad reflected its general character as the seat of the Abbasid Caliphate. It was a significant kernel in the emergence of the current city; moreover, cultural, religious, and economic influences provided the essential defining characteristics of the city since the construction of the Round City in 1445/762 [7].
The Tigris River, on which Baghdad stands, experienced a multi-faceted transformation in its physical and cultural environment, which resulted from natural and political factors and comprehensive development plans. In the old city, Baghdad’s numerous urban features embody different historical periods. The transformation from the Round City to an organic pattern reflected its local physical and socioeconomic characteristics. Currently, the old urban fabric, particularly within Rusafa and Karkh which are located in the city centre of Baghdad, face severe disintegration. This has created segregation as a result of the implementation of unrestricted planning policies and has led to the dramatic loss of Baghdad’s heritage, historical architecture, and the identity of its old urban fabric [8]. According to Fathi, the Abbasid period (1152–1258) is immortalised by significant historical monuments and prominent features, such as Zumarrad Khatun’s Tomb (1202) and Karkhi Mosque (1215) (Figure 1), Sharaibiya Madrasa (1226) and Qumriya Mosque (1228) (Figure 2), and Mustansiriya (1234) and Sahrawardi’s Mosque (1234) (Figure 3) [4]. These monuments and features have played a crucial role in orienting the city network and its traditional neighbourhoods. Furthermore, they have provided indispensable public places for inhabitants throughout history. When tracing an old map, it is possible to recognise the city routes which started and ended at one of these urban points, most notably mosques. Besides its historical buildings, the organic pattern of the street network is another character of the old sector of Baghdad. The importance of Baghdad’s inheritance can be studied synchronically and diachronically, including the characteristics of the network and its street edges. Between 762 and 775 AD, Al-Mansur built the Round City of Baghdad (also known as Madinat al-Salam, City of Peace) on the west side of the Tigris between the locations known today as Kadhimiya and Karkh. Gradually, the Abbasid Empire was weakened by internal conflict, which allowed for other surrounding countries to invade Baghdad during various periods of its history, such as the Persian Buwaihids in 946–1055 AD and the Turkish Seljuqs in 1055–1152 AD (Figure 4).
Zumarrad Khatun’s Tomb 1202 AD (left) and Karkhi Mosque 1215 AD (right). Source: ([
Sharaibiya Madrasa 1226 AD (left), Qumriya Mosque 1228 AD (right). Source: ([
Mustansiriya 1234 AD (left), Sahrawardi’s Mosque 1234 AD (right). Source: ([
Baghdad’s morphology at the end of the Abbasid Empire. Source: Based on ([
The Round City emerged as a kernel of Baghdad; moreover, it continued for three centuries. The city was characterised by a significant pattern, which entailed symmetric streets surrounded by geometrical residential blocks beside three walls with four gates. The wall was used to separate the public and private spaces by the third inner wall and to divide the city into private houses and open courtyards, including the governmental buildings, such as the palace and the mosque. Furthermore, essential buildings inside the Round City comprised the Caliphate’s Palace and the mosque, while Al-Hasani states that other sectors were allocated for inhabitants but did not offer gardens, recreation space, or statues [8] (Figure 5). Unfortunately, the Round City disappeared without a clear reason, and nothing remains except for the carved marble of the Khasaki Mosque, which some historians believe belonged to the Mosque of Mansur [4]. At this stage, the city started to expand beyond its wall as a result of limited space, and more public facilities were required due to its increasing population [8]. Allawi states that two systems shape the Arabic Islamic city. The first is the square system; this has a square as its central unit, followed by four surrounding square units. It is generally believed that the five square arrangements denoted the quarters of religious, military, and urban entities. The second system is hexagonal and was known as a system of Asba (sevenths) [12].
The Round City. Plan of al-Mansour’s Baghdad as originally built. Surrounded by an outer trench and two circular walls and described by historians as the most elaborate fortress city of medieval times (top). Source: ([
Baghdad’s Round City plan was described as a turning point in the development of the Islamic city in terms of its urban form and society. This saw a shift from dependent military settlements and expanded tribute collections to investments in private plantations, urban developments, and industrial production. Moreover, the design of the Round City of Baghdad can be discernible as an astrological schema and thus cannot be separated from astrology [12]. Allawi states that Baghdad was created by adopting a stereographic projection of the equator and the Tropics of Cancer and Capricorn where the vertical axis refers to the meridian and the horizontal to the equinoctial line (Figure 5). It is important to note that the decline of the Abbasid Empire in Baghdad did not necessarily simultaneously affect urban life; instead, ‘this paradox can probably be explained by the nature of the social structure that arose within the framework of Islam’ ([12], p. 70).
A fundamental transformation occurred in the relationship among the city’s components; these included the ‘Islamic art, architecture, and urban forms first developed under conditions of rapid change and military expansion. They became an expression of the newly settled conditions of Islamic social life’ ([12], p. 71). Following the demise of the Round City, and during the new Abbasid Empire, Baghdad moved to the east bank of the Tigris River (shown as the left image in Figure 6). The assets of Baghdad today belong to this historical period of the city with its significant monuments and organic street pattern (Figure 13). Otherwise, the urban areas that settled outside the historical zone were designed according to a modern scheme and a modernist ideology.
A general plan of Baghdad during the earlier period between the years 767 and 917 AD (left), during the later period between the years 1017 and 1317 AD (right). Source: ([
After the Abbasid period, Baghdad was captured by many foreign countries, which left their mark in the urban fabric of the city through the contribution of several prominent buildings that still exist today. Most of those features responded to the existing traditional fabric at that time. Five major occupations manifested their own influences on the historical area of Baghdad, namely, Mongol Hulagu, Jalayirid, Persian Safavids, Ottoman, and the British invasion. In Mongol Hulagu Period (1258–1338), Fathi confirms that, during the Mongol invasion from 1258 to 1338, a significant number of features emerged within Baghdad, such as the minaret of the Caliph’s Mosque (1289) and the Aquli Mosque (1328) (Figures 7 and 8) [4]. At the end of the Abbasid Empire and at the start of a new era, Baghdad had moved entirely from the east bank of the Tigris River to the present-day Al-Rusafa. This represented the second major growth period after the Round City (Figure 9).
Caliph’s Mosque (1289). Sources: ([
Aquli Mosque (1328). Source: ([
Baghdad at the end of the Abbasid Caliphate (1055–1258). Source: ([
Since the Abbasid Caliphate and throughout the Ottoman Empire, the level of the growth and development was restricted and only dealt with specific buildings, for example, mosques, schools, and khans. In Jalayirid Period (1338–1411), Fathi states that the next period was occupied by the Jalayirid era (1338–1411), which was responsible for constructing two significant buildings, the Mirjan Mosque (1356) and the Mirjan Khan (1359) (Figure 10) [4]. However, this period saw no drastic changes to the city’s shape through its city planning and urban morphology.
Mirjan Mosque 1356 AD (left) and Mirjan khan 1359 AD (right). Source: ([
The Persian Safavid Period (1508–1638), it had a more architectural influence on the city’s fabric through the erection of buildings that were characterised by high craftsmanship and impressive monuments, such as the Golden Mosque of Kadhimain that was built in 1515 [4]. This holy shrine was the first development to the north of the walled city and later became the most prominent settlement outside the oldest area of Baghdad. This era saw the same characteristic organic pattern that typified the surrounding neighbourhoods, besides the zigzagged network, which was analogous to the oldest part of Baghdad (Figure 11).
The Golden Mosque of Kadhimain that was built in 1515 AD. Source: ([
The Ottoman period (1638–1917) represented a long-term period of occupation by a foreign government that controlled both Iraq generally and Baghdad particularly. The period lasted about three centuries (1638–1917) and saw the neglect of the city; this led to a reduction in the value of its urban context and historical monuments. However, some significant features survived, such as Gailani Mosque (1534–1638) (Figure 12), Imam al-Aadham Mosque (1681), Zurur Khan (1534); Khasaki Mosque (1658); Hussain Pasha Mosque (1684); Sarai Mosque (1704); Alia Madrasa (1726); Ahmadiyya Mosque (1796), and the Souk Area (1802) [2, 4]. Like the earlier periods, the number of individual monuments increased during the Ottoman era; these features were built within the same area of the walled city and surrounded by traditional neighbourhoods (called Mahallas). At the level of the city planning, the central development during this period was to open a new street that cuts through the city from the north to the south; this became known as Al-Rasheed Street. From the maps in Figure 13, it can be seen that the city was not subjected to any central shift in its neighbourhoods and street pattern, except Al-Rasheed Street. The neighbourhood, or mahalla, could be defined as the primary unit in the development and orientation of the street network, which thus formulated significant integration between the two spatial entities, namely, spaces and buildings. According to Al-Ashab, the ‘period 1869-1920 can be virtually considered as a forerunner of subsequent morphological phases. It is a transitional phase between the “medieval” and “modern” periods in the urban history of Mesopotamia. It is thus logical to begin the study of the structural evolution and a pattern of the present city with this period’ ([16], p. 207).
Gailani Mosque (1534–1638 AD). Source: ([
Baghdad 1854 AD (left) and 1908 AD (right). Source: ([
The British period (1917–1932) and monarchy system until 1958 can be divided into two stages; the first is when Mesopotamia was occupied by Britain from 1917 to 1921 and then subjected to the British mandate from 1920 to 1932; it later became independent in 1932. From 1932 to 1958, the country was governed by a monarchy. Following these radical changes, 14 July 1958 saw the announcement of a new era for the Iraqi Republic, which formed the second stage. In 1918, the British contributed to the dramatic transformation of the style of buildings and introduced new functions to the urban design of Baghdad and other regions of Iraq. Although some public buildings affected the main character of Baghdad, they were considered a new feature among its old urban fabric, particularly with regard to their form and function. Nevertheless, there was an attempt to make these buildings sympathetic to the existing atmosphere by adopting local materials and local historical and cultural metaphors [4]. One noteworthy development in the vocabulary of this period was the use of new terms and classifications to study the structure of the city. Moreover, these new definitions were adopted in the planning and design of new neighbourhoods that were located outside the old town of Baghdad. Furthermore, Al-Ashab argues that the term ‘function’ cannot be used precisely as an urban definition in Iraq as the term was developed from studies on British towns and therefore signifies meanings that relate to a different context [16]. According to Al-Ashab, ‘the definition of urban status in Iraq seems to lie in the acquisition of certain administrative, commercial and religious functions, embodied in the morphological features of al-Sarai (the main administrative complex), bazaar and Friday mosque’ ([16], pp. 82–83). Furthermore, during the British period, a new system to number the city via Mahallas was introduced, when the house owner was given a unique number to denote an exact and unmistakable address. The central trend of development in this period was to shift from inward to outward, not only in terms of the typology of the traditional house but also with regard to the city’s pattern. One further fundamental transformation was to remove the city wall entirely (Figure 14).
A plan of Baghdad during and after the British period. Source: [
This brief review of the critical stages of planning, urban and architecture, in Baghdad aims to create a general picture of the emergence of the city. Throughout this history, most decision-making was subject to a top-down approach, issued from authorities, and with limited consideration for community needs or social lives. Moreover, there were no sharp, separated lines between these periods of foreign occupation; instead, some continued by adopting similar themes and principles in managing the city. This characteristic also reflects the next phase of Baghdad. In the modern period since 1958, as the capital city of Iraq since 1958, Baghdad adopted significant comprehensive development, whether in the oldest parts or outside the remaining wall. Within the outer areas, and beyond the oldest district of the city, Baghdad extended widely in a semicircular shape, which considered the traditional zone as the centre and thus the starting base for expansion and development (Figure 15).
The growth of Baghdad. Source: ([
The 8-year war between Iraq and Iran (1980–1988) clearly influenced the progress of development projects, particularly in Baghdad. In addition, state-sponsored projects’ progress slowed, particularly those related to Baghdad’s city centre; for instance, this affected the substantial project to develop Haifa Street on the Karkh side (1981–1985) [3]. Baghdad’s city centre could be characterised as a compact urban structure within the historic fabric, which has a predominantly organic pattern compared with other regions of the city, which seem less compact [3]. Besides the accelerated horizontal expansion of the city, the transformation from the inward (courtyard) to the outward house is the second substantial change in the neighbourhood design prototype. In considering the traditional oldest pattern, the home is the smallest generative unit which cumulatively and spontaneously works with other houses to create al-Mahallas (quarters). In turn, this process leads to the generation of additional urban elements, such as streets and sahahs (squares). In the modern pattern, pre-planned schemes and use-based zoning were the primary tools in designing new neighbourhoods across Baghdad. In this regard, Marshall confirms that the ‘land use zones and roads, in a modernist urban structure, [are] represented separately as nodes and links, but in a traditional urban street network, the streets themselves are significant spatial entities’ ([18], p. 112). The primary concerns in the traditional area involve not only individual elements (historical and heritage monuments) but also the whole organic fabric of the old city of Baghdad.
Before the 1950s, city planning in Iraq had never been well considered; however, in the 1950s the planning firms of Doxiadis Associates (Greek), Minoprio and Spencely, and P. W. McFarlane (both British) prepared general master plans for Baghdad and several other cities in Iraq. Modernisation was therefore supported by a strong European influence; although these developments were slow, they were inescapable and, for many people, acceptable. However, they often led to the destruction of many elegant buildings, such as mosques and bazaars. Al-Rasheed Street is an example of a path which cuts its way remorselessly through an organic pattern and affected outstanding historic buildings. Thus, the emphasis of modern ideology and the adoption of use-based zoning was another concern for the existing urban area [16]. In 1955, the Iraqi government, represented by the Iraq Development Board, asked Doxiadis’ firm to prepare a housing programme for Baghdad. Arguably, it was their first large-scale project outside of Greece and solidified the reputation of the firm in this period within the Middle East [19]. Based on the economic policy of Iraq, the National Housing Program was conceived as a long-term territorial plan in an attempt to shape the physical environment. The first phase was to address some urgent needs through a 5-year plan, called ‘Basic Foundation Program’. Its aim was to (1) satisfy the most urgent needs, (2) organise the public services concerned with housing and settlements, and (3) create a suitable framework for the further development of all complicated activities [19].
The primary role for Doxiadis Company, as international experts on housing and urban development, was to provide a vital steppingstone for development [20]. An essential motivation in studying the city is to develop a sound understanding of the background of the city life cycle. Since the beginning of the twentieth century, Baghdad has experienced dramatic transformation in its morphological and urban context by changing the rules from the Ottoman invasion to the British occupation. In 1921, during the period of the monarchy, Baghdad became the capital of the new nation; since then, the city has grown substantially in two dimensions, namely, urbanisation and population. Iraq gained its independence in 1931, and since this date, the population of Baghdad has increased dramatically to approximately half a million, and the city has expanded out of the central areas, represented by Rusafa on the east bank of the Tigris river, Karkh on the west bank, and Kadhimiya and Adhamiya towards the north. Regarding the old Baghdad areas, the city has expanded widely in two directions, namely, to the Adhamiya region in the northwest and towards Diyala in the southwest [20]. Doxiadis master plan of Baghdad was based on the concept of linear expansion, namely, ‘Dynapolis, meaning a dynamic city’ (Figure 16).
The Doxiadis’ master plan of Baghdad in 1959. Source: ([
The Board supervised the construction of several vital projects, not only in Baghdad but also in other regions of the country. This included dams, irrigation and drainage systems, bridges, roads, factories, power plants, housing, schools, hospitals, and public buildings [20]. Moreover, Doxiadis’s vision was embodied in its publication entitled
When the Iraq Development Board assigned Doxiadis the task of preparing a new master plan for Baghdad, Baghdad had an old centre, which was represented by its old urban fabric; this later became the location for new businesses. The master plan was supposed to provide a comprehensive framework within which various building projects would be integrated. However, in 1956, a British company, Minoprio and Spencely and P. W. Macfarlane, was also assigned by the Iraqi government to create a master plan. It had proposed a road system to connect the premodern urban fabric core with new river bridges and included outlined zoning principles (Figure 17). In this proposal, the historical area of Baghdad was given four colours classifying land use, and one of these was defined as commercial or business use. However, at that stage of the city, its urban structure conditions were not competent to meet the requirements of the new era.
Minoprio and Spencely and P. W. Macfarlane’s master plan of Baghdad in 1956. Source: ([
The city developed along the central axis of the Tigris River; this represented a natural feature in the city that emerged as a central spine in the evolution of Baghdad. The future city was expected to develop bidirectionally along the river axis, constituting a rectangular grid pattern [19]. However, the study of Baghdad’s urban history highlights some key paradigms of modern planning and raises significant questions about the formation of the contemporary city. One of the strategies adopted by Doxiadis was ‘self-contained urbanism’, and this manifested in the planning of some residential areas and the cul-de-sac network in the city [19]. The Iraqi government dealt with the problems of population growth and mass immigration in Baghdad by inviting other European companies, such as the British firm Minoprio, Spencely, and Macfarlane, to develop and prepare comprehensive development plans that considered the old area as a vital part of the city. In 1956, the plan by the British firm was completed; this referred to new land use, the clearance of slum areas, the construction of a rural belt, and the development of transportation systems [19].
The Tigris River has been a significant feature since the emergence of the original city, also functioning as a central axis of growth. Thus, the ideal population figure suggested by Doxiadis gives maximum limits for Baghdad’s expansion, which is defined by an elongated rectangle oriented along the central northwest-southwest axis of the Tigris (Figure 16). Doxiadis’s proposed master plan subdivided the existing main roads by using a system of road patterns but also suggested the creation of new networks compatible with a rectilinear pattern. Residential areas were arranged by adopting the same concept of a rectangular grid system [20]. Failing to recognise and neglecting the public’s critical role in the old urban dense areas meant the importance of the colourful souks and bazaars and other traditional and historical components were overlooked. However, these embodied the old important urban fabric of Baghdad. The city represented specific social values within its urban context that were characterised by its organic pattern; these aspects represented a big challenge for firms and any comprehensive development plan. Doxiadis Company prepared a detailed documentary study of the old urban fabric in the city centre that included numerous photos, sketches, and detailed analyses of past houses. In an attempt to sidestep much of the old street fabric of Rusafa and Karkh, Doxiadis stipulated that only the future expansion of the commercial and business areas should be recognised according to the rectilinear grid of master plan.
Theoretically, Doxiadis demonstrated greater sensitivity and interest in the old urban fabric than the actual plan that was implemented, which saw the opening of a different set of two main longitudinal thoroughfares, namely, Al Jumhuriya and Haifa. Both modern streets produced a colossal loss when extensive areas of the historical and cultural environment, and irreplaceable features such as mosques, souks, schools, and houses were destroyed [20]. Baghdad was a rapidly growing city that gave considerable scope for the development of a physical environment that met people’s needs and to promote the quality of living conditions. Road, rail, water, and air transportations were a fundamental aim in developing Baghdad and were considered an appropriate advanced network system to further support urban development projects [22]. The map of the master plan prepared by Doxiadis deliberately avoided extending and imposing the same rectilinear grid on the old city centre. This was a significant dimension in recognising the value of the old fabric and its vitality and to retain these as essential features of Baghdad [23]. On the one hand, greater sensitivity towards the old city centre and an attempt to optimise the relationship between the old core and its surroundings were needed, while, on the other hand, the relationship among the components of the old fabric itself was also essential.
Thus, the historical zone of Baghdad represented a serious urban issue that needed to be appropriately considered. Dealing with this type of urban fabric meant treating it with sensitivity, not only as an ancient area but also in consideration of what it meant to many people. Therefore, the city’s characteristics were reflected in its old context for both inhabitants and visitors and bore witness to the city’s and inhabitants’ deep history and its multilayered vision. In the mid-1960s, the Iraqi government asked Polservice, a Polish planning team, to replan the city and prepare a proposal for a Comprehensive Development Plan for Baghdad to be achieved by 2000. Accordingly, three zones were suggested: greater Baghdad, the inner city, and Baghdad’s suburban zone. Also, Polservice organised the city centre by proposing eight secondary sub-centres. This attempted to reduce the pressure on the current city centre through the non-centralisation of activities and services. One of its accomplishments was the establishment of a hierarchy, from the residential quarter to the district and its neighbourhoods (Figure 18).
Polservice’s master plan of Baghdad in 1967. Source: [
The company determined the area for the civic centre and offered a proposal to establish a space, situated between Khulafa Street to the west, King Ghazi to the east, Al-Kilani Street to the south, and Al-Wathbah Square to the north. Also, the company suggested a new division for the city centre by creating a central business district (CBD) and a central region. The developmental study offered the first ring road as the boundary of the city centre, which started from the north side of 14th July Road and the Muhammad Qasim Freeway. The study stated that the new centre of Baghdad would cover an area of approximately 1.700 hectares. According to Al-Akkam, ‘the proposals of the study (Comprehensive Development Plan of Polservice, 1973) pointed to complaints about the city centre regarding a lack of commercial, cultural and recreational opportunities’ ([3], p. 61). More recently, after 2003, several firms identified new opportunities when the Iraqi government launched a comprehensive programme to prepare development plans for different Iraqi cities, including Baghdad. The big challenge in the capital was to fill the gap between the former master plan, in terms of what had already been implemented, and the new one. Moreover, addressing important developments helped to establish whether they responded to the prior master plan. Khatib and Alami prepared the general master plan of Baghdad, which identified different aspects of the dramatic changes in city growth since 1967.
One of the primary concerns about the comprehensive development plan was, for example, the old part of Baghdad which was defined by use-based zoning. The origin of the traditional city arose spontaneously, rather than through the mechanism of land use or zoning. This represented a critical point within the urban development projects. The network pattern and layout of the buildings in the area were complicated; therefore, there was a need to prepare specific criteria and regulations to protect the identity of old Baghdad as well as recognise the contemporary ambitions of the new city. The complexity of the network in the old part is not declared today, but many related studies and projects refer to it in different ways. In this respect, Al-Rahmani states that land use was incompatible and inappropriate, due to the greater population in the old quarters. Moreover, there was no integration between old and new developments. Many old areas had been demolished and replaced by new developments on the pretext that they were modern and thus compatible with the needs of a contemporary era. However, the result was unsuccessful as far as functionality and compatibility were concerned [15].
Besides its comprehensive development plan, Baghdad also witnessed other development processes. These were related to the historical area of the city and included both Rusafa and Karkh. The first attempt to conserve and redevelop the historical centre of Rusafa started in 1983 by JCP Inc. from Japan and in association with a consultant group. The study was important because it dealt with different levels of development that covered comprehensive analyses, the urban structure, conservation plans, and urban design schemes. However, the implementation programme unfortunately stumbled (Figure 19). This study focused on the street level and the key characteristics that formed both its opposite edges, thus promoting the historical spines of the city and the traditional environment of Baghdadian people (Figure 20). The study presented the implementation of the proposed structure plan that consisted of three levels; primary action up to 1990, secondary action up to 1995, and tertiary action up to 2000. Despite a significant programme of implementation, none of the actions took place as recorded. Instead, historical parts are still suffering from neglect today, while individual monuments and the street network have similarly been ignored. The Al-Karkh region is the second historical area of Baghdad; this saw a significant development plan in 1982 which was prepared by Alousi Associates and Reinick Consultants, who were from Dublin in Ireland, with Parsons Brown Consulting Engineers, from Bristol in England. Unlike the previous comprehensive plan, this study dealt with an existing traditional area where the street and plot pattern were complicated (Figure 21); thus, the study’s aims were not pursued. Haifa Street saw one of the main changes where adjacent high-rise residential buildings were constructed on both sides of the street. Even though these projects were designed to address the historical areas of Baghdad, none of their aims were fully achieved. After 2003, the Mayoralty of Baghdad contracted with local bureaux to study and analyse traditional parts of Baghdad; Al-Rasheed Street in the Al-Rusafa quarter and the Al-Karkh quarter were the main two renovation projects. The primary concerns about these urban renewal plans were the administrative policy and the implementation phases.
Study on the conservation and redevelopment of the historical centre of Baghdad City, Rusafa. Source: Mayoralty of Baghdad ([
A historical route in the study on conservation and redevelopment of the historical centre of Baghdad City, Rusafa. Source: Mayoralty of Baghdad ([
Al Karkh development. Source: Mayoralty of Baghdad, Alousi ([
The essential morphological pattern and structure of the old city in Rusafa remained, in general, unchanged until the first decade of the twentieth century [4]. The main architectural and urban context character of old Baghdad could be typified as a series of spatial patterns and a hierarchy that was based on introversion. The nature of the environment with its socioreligious and socio-climatic dimensions seemed to have experienced fewer typological changes than stylistic ones. This means that the typical scheme of traditional residential areas in Baghdad continued to depend on the concept of the internal courtyard and the inward-facing direction. The non-adoption of rigid space-use corroboration and the increasingly needed formal and aesthetic considerations meant that form, particularly in domestic architecture, was much more important than function, which was mostly stereotyped and multipurpose [4]. In comparison, the modern design gave as much priority to its functional dimensions and use patterns. However, medieval Islamic cities, such as Baghdad, were defensive and inward-oriented in their overall design and through their organic urban fabric.
Moreover, the city was surrounded by a wall which held gates that lead to the heart of the city where many self-contained residential quarters, called Mahallas, were located; these faced the main routes into the countryside. The main character of the old city in Rusafa could be seen through the pedestrian labyrinth of narrow alleyways which amassed together and led to inward-looking courtyard houses. Meanwhile, the centre of the city was covered by significant buildings, such as the Friday Mosque, souks, Khans, hammams, and coffee-houses. The commercial souk sector was situated in the heart of the city, the ‘Medina’, and often included huge areas with complex networks which led to specific markets, khans, and workshops. Each type of work was situated according to a distinct functional hierarchy, which was based on the needs of merchants, guilds, artisans, and craftworkers. Baghdad exhibited an atmosphere of spontaneity and informality which was represented by its old urban fabric and historic buildings and some of its limited cultural activities [4].
The essential element in the old urban fabric of this ultradense context was a local variant of a central courtyard hosh, meaning house. The traditional Baghdadi house was characterised by an introverted habitat with solid brick walls that directly faced the street with one access door. Furthermore, shanashils were the main feature of the street; these carved wood projections, with railings and windows, were used for lighting and viewing [25, 26]. During the Ottoman occupation, essential changes occurred in several major typological transformations. The housing regulations were issued following the Ottoman occupation of Baghdad and continue today; however, these rules were subjected to three phases. The first phase began in 1869 and continued until the First World War; this was initiated by the Ottoman period under the Tanzimat reforms in Iraq. The second phase started with the monarchy of Iraq and continued throughout the colonial and independent period. The final stage commenced with the revolution of 1958, which saw Iraq shift from a monarchy to a republic. It is important to note that the third phase has also passed through several transitions since 1958.
The first phase witnessed the Ottoman invasion, and its urban and physical form reflected the typical characteristics of Islamic cities through quarters, mosques, bazaars, and other several public institutions. This was also echoed in the character of the traditional house with its courtyard and inward direction [27]. Moreover, the first modernisation that took place in Baghdad occurred during the reign of Midhat Pasha, who was a governor of the Baghdad Vilayet. He ordered the demolishment of the wall of Rusafa and invested its materials in the construction of many significant public buildings. He also prompted the introduction of modern municipal services besides new roads. In 1915, during the same Ottoman period, German engineers established the first railway line, which connected Baghdad and Europe. This coincided with the use of new materials, such as steel, and was later adopted by local masons [28]. The successive occupation of Baghdad finally included the British in 1918; this marked a significant turning point in Iraq’s modern history, not only in Baghdad but also in other Iraqi cities. At this stage, a considerable number of public buildings were constructed that affected the main character of Baghdad and its urban context.
In the mid-1950s, the Iraq Development Board invited well-known architects to contribute to a set of projects that aimed to develop the urban structure of the city and to meet a new standard of function. These architects included Frank Lloyd Wright, Le Corbusier, Alvar Aalto, Walter Gropius, and Doxiadis Associates, as well as Captain Philip Hirst, Ellen Jawdat, Hans Muller, Platinov, and Adler and partners [28]. The value of historical detail lies in its importance in sustaining a national architecture; such detail occupies a wide area in the city centre of Baghdad. Traditional detail is not limited to houses but also includes various urban components and networks. The benefit of such features is that historical buildings can not only be saved but also invested in through their housing of different types of activities, not just as museums [29]. Allen states that traditional areas aim to educate the public about the importance of the historical regions (as an endangered urban area) of Baghdad, including its residential zones [30]. This attempts to activate the conservation of ancient and irreplaceable architecture.
The modern city of Baghdad includes four historical areas, namely, Rusafa, Karkh, Adhamiya, and Kadhimiya (Figure 14). These areas stand in the remains of four interspace townships and are surrounded by contemporary urban features that include modern buildings, extensive public squares, and an orthogonal network. The four inherent sectors are a vital resource of expression of a past traditional period and provide a cultural and historical chain that could be continued for future generations [4]. Between 1869 and 1872, governor Midhat Pasha attempted to implement a transport system in the old urban fabric. The city wall was partially demolished to open the first entrance at Karkh for a horse-drawn tram. However, urban expansion remained within the same range of the historical city. Between 1915 and 1917, German engineers established a new street to reach between the North Door (Bab Al Mu’adham) and the South Door (Bab Kulwadha), namely, New Street and the present-day Al-Rasheed Street. However, the modern machinery of urban development generally endured sluggish progress when dealing with Baghdad [26].
The existing old fabric, which included a network system, historical neighbourhoods, and heritage buildings, faced the ideology of modernisation, which led to the creation of a new urban morphology within a current traditional structure. This was achieved either by reconfiguration or by removing old structures. Self-organisation was the central concept in the configuration of the old fabric; in contrast, the new urban context relied on planning. Consequently, the two different patterns occurred and led to an interrupted urban pattern which reflected a lack of continuity, coherence, and integration with the surrounding environment [8]. The characteristics embodied in the urban context of Baghdad were (1) the quality of use and the nature of urban space, which was based on different spatial concepts, urban patterns, and building typologies, and (2) specified markets along with public buildings and the river frontage which provided defined and active public spaces [8]. According to Al-Hasani, Baghdad’s urban space can be classified under two typologies based on its accessibility and the relationship between privacy and publicity. These two topologies are traditional-surviving spaces and modern-emerging spaces, the latter of which is divided into hybrid urban spaces and entire modern urban spaces [8]. In the same context, Al-Hasani states that urban space revitalisation strategies could be based on space hierarchies and could focus on managing the integration between urban morphologies and contemporary needs [8]. In the past, Baghdad integrated its various urban patterns in order to reduce ambivalence towards the transformation process which historically tended to be continuous and subject to self-organised acts. It was achieved by creating the smallest urban form cells that dealt with hierarchy, land use, and building rules and enhanced human activities by concentrating more on the hierarchy space and accessibility [8].
Its contemporary streets represent one of the components of the comprehensive plan of Baghdad. However, the street basically follows the same principles of new urbanism under the term of modernity. New roads are wide and long in comparison with traditional ones; they tend to span more than 3 kilometres with tall buildings on both sides and are far removed from the human scale. In addition to this, these new streets replaced the demolished previous, irreplaceable traditional fabric, which included souks, houses, and mosques. Moreover, the massive gap that emerged between the old urban structure and the new urban context under the same terms, westernisation and modernization, cannot be readily ignored [26]. Rasheed Street is one of the oldest streets that cut through the historic central areas to link the north and south of ancient Baghdad and runs parallel to the Tigris River. It was begun by the Turks in 1915 but was completed by the British in 1918. Its width is varied where the maximum is about 40 metres, including 10 metres of commercial development on either side. It is almost 3.8 kilometres in length [31]. The importance of Al-Rasheed Street comes from the characteristics of the adjacent buildings and their distinctive architectural style.
Porticos, with various facade styles, constitute Al-Rasheed Street; it adopts human-scale dimensions and has an integrated, harmonious architectural unity. Such environmental elements give enough protection for pedestrians against undesirable climates. The street reflects a cohesive alignment of buildings which contains the highest diversity in elevation, and its characteristics represent different types of architecture [32]. Therefore, Al-Rasheed Street reflects a panorama that vividly portrays the long history of buildings and the evolution of architectural patterns. Although crucial events occurred throughout the life of Al-Rasheed Street, each event tells its own story [32]. Al-Haidary states that there is a lack of important construction legislation and conservation monitor programmes for planning and urban design and a similar lack of commitment to restrict initiatives to ensure they adapt to traditional patterns. Concentrating more on the maintenance and restoration of significant heritage buildings within their urban context can be considered an essential factor that positively affects the old urban fabric, for example, Kifah Street, which, in 1936, was orientated through Rusafa. Its width is 50 metres, which includes 15 metres for commercial development on both sides, while its length is about 3.2 kilometres. Unfortunately, this new route also caused severe damage in the traditional urban area of Rusafa. The third street was Al Jumhuriya Street, which in 1954 passed through Rusafa [31] (Figure 22).
Urban space transformation in Baghdad. Source: ([
The drastic changes in the urban spatial structure of the city affected the streetscape in terms of the street’s edges. It developed a new definition of the relationship between private and public, while priority was given to the motorised-based scale rather than the human scale. To a large extent, this newly defined relationship led to the adoption of new behaviours and social interactions that responded to the street’s edge (Figure 23). Adopting a fine-scale classification by analysing the street pattern seems to be a more efficient means of recognising the urban characteristics of streets over large-scale classifications. There is a definite pattern of activity about the classification process of compound parameters, which increase in an area or within defined spatial dimensions. In contrast, large-scale classification is affected by minimum or single parameters, and this can refer to the comprehensive analysis method of streets, which are likely to be irrelevant in creating distinctive urban characteristics for the whole city. The entire spectrum when distinguishing the urban attributes of streets tends to seek difference rather than similarity [31]. Overall, in terms of its morphological dimensions, the main characteristics of Baghdad Street would be the level of difference and disparity between the original and modern streets. Both types, historical and modern, are subject to two different generative systems: spontaneous (bottom-up approach) and pre-planned (top-down procedure).
The historic area of Baghdad witnessed an extraordinary change in the spatial structure of its street edges. Source: ([
Hillier argues that there is apparently fear of doing anything in a historical part of a city, except to retain the old street system. However, the old street network emerged by incremental dynamic processes over time that reflected the growth and change through different generations. Each generation tended to partially modify street networks to better meet their needs [34]. Al-Haidary highlights that ‘the city for man, and in the city’s philosophy the general should precede the individual, that is, the society’s requirements should come before the personal desire, and the city’s identity has to be preserved, and it can be expanded via green and red veins’ ([32], p. 71). Regarding the old urban fabric in Baghdad, Alobaydi and Rashid state that, since its establishment as the capital of the Abbasid Empire to the end of Ottoman occupation in 1917, the city was characterised by spontaneous urban growth. Their key findings at the diachronic level are that the core of the old city of Baghdad manifested a robust correlation with its commercial centre until the 1940s when modernist developments were undertaken throughout the city. Also, before the 1940s, the nature of the relationship between the social dimensions and economic factors in the old patterns of Baghdad expressed a mutual correlation. Later, the relationship was subjected to a considerable number of modifications that were instigated by comprehensive and modern development projects [35].
Apart from the degree of implementation and quality, a considerable number of plans were conducted to maintain the old areas and the historical urban form of the city. However, serious practical steps were needed, such as setting laws, regulations, guidelines, and financial resources and raising the level of awareness among communities about their own heritage. Moreover, where existing buildings from the modern era become part of the urban context of the city, any attempt to deal with these buildings is achieved by composing a bridge between modernisation and heritage via a thoughtful conversion with the old environment. This enables such initiatives to be viable, dynamic, and resilient; they have the potential to involve development process with remaining historic essences that have heritage value [32]. The prevalent character of Baghdad becomes the scope of neglect for the old fabric, whether as an individual building or as a network system. The deficiency of infrastructure and unhygienic conditions, irregularity, and the lack of maintenance can lead to the exploitation of an area for various unregulated purposes. In Baghdad, this resulted in chaos and the loss of priority in sustaining the meaning of civilised life, particularly in the old regions of the city, such as Rusafa and Karkh. Thus, the importance of preservation and maintenance should be considered, not only for individual units, such as houses or public buildings, but also for the urban fabric in general which represents a vital network system [32].
The old urban fabric and its morphologies were, formally or informally, influenced by the wave of modernism and replaced later by the new urban context, which resulted in the loss of the relationship between built forms and streets [36]. The urban renewal operation that took place as a part of a comprehensive development plan in Baghdad critically recognised the old urban fabric and determined an efficient process to preserve this vital sector of the city. Two dimensions identify any attempt to develop old areas: firstly, the entirely or partially neglected area of the old urban fabric, and secondly, the direct or indirect reliance on foreign technicians to deal with national heritage and historical, cultural dimensions that shaped the urban context of the old sector of Baghdad [32]. Most of the traditional urban areas have modest conditions and qualities but are still considered an attractive destination. However, the main concern is for functional transformation, which leads to topological depth alteration and can change morphological patterns in an old urban structure. The revolution against what humanity has produced through its long-rooted history has led to unpredictable and unsatisfactory results, with modernism at the forefront of such results [37]. Hall argues for maintaining beneficial, comforting old buildings and communities from ‘the bomb’ of urban renewal, where not all new ideas and objects are necessarily desirable nor all old thoughts and developments substandard [38]. Cities, however, have many places and sometimes only a few historic buildings or a cluster of outstanding features which merit preservation. These buildings and elements within their own context afford continuity with the past and lend diversity to cities.
Kropf argues that ‘the degradation of neglect is reinforced by the active effacement caused by the replacement of old by new buildings which share few of the characteristics of the former. The cumulative effect is that the historical and regional character of the town is being eroded’ ([39], p. 721). According to Cullen, the history of a city involves several historical layers, where most cities are constructed on old foundations, and their fabric exhibits evidence of different periods in their architectural and urban patterns and in the diverse accidents which are recorded and conserved by various layers of history [40]. The relationship between the old fabric and the trends of modern urbanism in Baghdad is the foremost priority in defining spatial affiliation and in dealing with the city’s significant cultural and historical heritage. It is possible to identify two essential perspectives that determine the relationship of the oldest urban area of Baghdad to the contemporary urban progress of the city. The first is the vertical perspective, which stands for the modernisation of the city centre itself and its adoption of the modern ideology. The second is the horizontal perspective, which addresses the extended urban areas that are adjacent to the traditional centre of Baghdad. This relationship, however, could include the fine scale of the city in examining the ability of the street to promote social interaction as a public space for people. Furthermore, different interfacing patterns could also be performed in the street.
Since the end of the Second World War, the rapid growth of Baghdad was partially uncontrolled, whether in the oldest zone or the surrounding regions. The built-up area increased from a mere 6 square kilometres in the first decade of the nineteenth century to about 240 square kilometres in 1970; this will be extended in the future unless there will be more thoughtful planning. This has since been achieved since starting the study. The more significant diffusion of Western ideas and the concept of modernity and technology coincided with the colonial and independent phases of Iraq that attempted to instil reform and development. The aim was to open up Iraq to the capitalist global economy by adopting Western patterns of society and their physical environments. In this respect, giving more attention to the central region of Baghdad is needed, meaning that the management of these traditional areas must be thoughtful and methodical in order to improve inhabitants’ quality of life and to promote urban sustainability [27].
The influence of such rapid growth on the old fabric was overwhelming during the last three decades of the twentieth century. The growth of urbanisation generally led to an increase in demand for more physical environments, which severely damaged the old urban fabric of the Rusafa area. In contrast to Baghdad, a considerable number of other countries with ancient regions intentionally affected urban expansion outside the boundary of their historical regions [4]. The debate between modernity and identity in the scope of architecture has always been raised, whether by specialists or the public. To a large extent, the concept of Westernisation is evidenced by modernisation and modernity [41]. Thus, historical debates between the two sides (modernisation/Westernisation and traditional/East) should be reviewed in view of their conflict and their influence on the loss of Iraqi identity. The concept of cross-cultural references would be a more efficient way to drive an active role in reshaping and configuring both imported concepts and local objectives in the interaction between different cultures and counties or societies. This could be considered a healthier transformation in the interrelationship and exchange of experiences among communities [41].
Reviewing the brief archaeology of firms that worked in Iraq, Doxiadis prepared the development plan for Baghdad in 1958; the concept adopted was to keep the compact pattern of the traditional central area and to construct new adjacent streets. However, these plans were not largely realised although some housing projects and an Army Canal were carried out [41]. Despite the storming of the Middle East by modernity, particularly in relation to lifestyle, architecture, urban design, and planning, the traditional themes still gave a sense of balance with their socio-climatic traditional components. However, in the 1970s, Polservice designed traffic networks for Baghdad that disregarded the old urban fabric in the city centre [41]. A significant disadvantage in urban space is caused by the intersection between the historic fabric and the power of market orientation. Also, the tendency towards augmentation regardless of the historical and cultural environment generally leads to the creation of a vacant area, which mediates between two contradictory contexts in terms of history, culture, and urban structure. The old fabric of the city splits into different sectors through creating new urban spaces that unfortunately work as segregation perimeters. The loss of system regulation, control, and monitors on urban development plans, besides the level of bureaucracy and administrative systems, collectively led to more devastation for traditional buildings and street patterns [8].
Reshaping the city to reflect the Iraqi identity entails a major preliminary survey and the first administrative framing of its heritage. However, a considerable number of architects tended to pervert such legacies by using modern techniques in design, materials, and construction within the framework of traditional Arab architecture. This procedure has been adopted many times by architects trying to gain acceptance for their designs [41]. Accordingly, some attempts have been made to employ a local, traditional vocabulary in decorating new buildings in order to reduce the disparity and develop a new iconographical strategy. However, according to Pieri, ‘public architecture neglected the fact that identity is a matter of sedimentation and not of decision: under the pretext of reviving the past Arab and Mesopotamian grandeur as the foundation of a newly built collective identity’ ([41], p. 36). The Iraqi identity, in general, belongs to the history of ancient civilisations where part of its artefacts emerged as a fertile and fundamental basis for the nation that is undergoing a revival in the modern era.
Considering the old area in Baghdad, urban public space can be described through monuments, which include emblematic statements that carry a new iconography through the synthesis of a national repertory with a modern style. The notion of value in the old fabric of the city seems to be on the opposite side to high-rise buildings, which demonstrate inconsistency with the surrounding horizontal environment, particularly around the central area of Baghdad. The moment that the new European style emerged under the terms modernisation and Westernisation, Baghdad no longer remained a typical Arab-Islamic city. Al-Haidary asserts that modernisation and the implementation of rapid, dramatic changes by increasing economic growth and population sizes resulted in unregulated buildings in the old urban fabric of Baghdad [32]. Pieri refers to urban identity as a language with a syntax that is composed of both built and natural and tangible and intangible realities. Thus, architectural themes have their own exclusive urban character [41].
Despite the paradox that the old urban fabric and its characteristics belong to its historical roots, its ability to survive within new urban developments is considered significant in so many countries. The old structure in a city offers unique opportunities to deal with its urban components to promote and develop an urban environment that meets human need throughout its social, economic, and environmental qualities ([42], cited in Al-Akkam 2012). Moreover, Pieri states that ‘to preserve a balance between material layouts and collective memory, urban form and content, it becomes imperative to study the materiality of the built environment or urban design in its various contexts. Architecture and urban planning belong to cultural systems of representation and are part of long-term durability. Tradition should be a laboratory of collective memory so that it becomes easier to conceive of architecture and urban planning as societal choices’ ([43], p. 20).
The urban and architectural history of Baghdad should be taken into consideration as part of global urban heritage. From this point of view, Baghdad faces a significant challenge to the reconstruction of the old part of the city. According to Pieri, this challenge must be settled for the long term, not only for urban and architectural patterns but also for the people who live in the city [43]. Mohammed Makiy calls this a micro-vision which plays a significant role in softening the aggressiveness of large-scale developments, where the ideology of the human scale provides a guiding route. The debate of the modern movement has often taken place in architectural reviews as one of the crucial transformation points in the history of architecture. The theme of reductionism is a modern ideology; nostalgia for the city’s past and the characteristics of humanity has become one of the most critical issues in contemporary architectural writings, conservation projects, and the maintenance of the architectural history of the city, both on the level of structural scope or urban design. Therefore, there is a need to move from ‘the rationalised modernist views that deconstructed so many towns and cities in the 20th Century’ to meet the desire and ‘need to unpack and reconstitute the synoptic art of city-making that was substantially lost during the so-called machine age of the 20th Century’ ([44], p. 8).
A cross-reading of the literature concerning the emergence and development of Baghdad to the present-day helps to outline the research gap. The awareness of the value of heritage and history, particularly in the oldest sector of the city, has increasingly become an essential kernel for the emergence and diversity of ideas, which help to maintain and develop this part of the city. The characteristics of the old area reflect a considerable number of criteria, such as limited travel distances, lower car dependence, and greater opportunities for people to walk. These encourage community life with better surveillance that enhances public safety [45]. Thus, these characteristics, particularly in the old fabric of the city, underpin the quality of social life by reducing motorised-based use, minimising external pollution, concentrating activities, adopting multimodal street networks, mixing land use, enabling high occupancy rates, and highlighting the value of heritage and cultural elements. Another incentive is to help forge a relationship between the old centre and the city that reflects the concept of a living museum, based on real, coexisting life. A living museum explicitly offers positive opportunities at all levels, such as entertainment, culture and historical experiences, economic support, and social activities; it provides an attractive location for people and helps to underpin tourism ([46], p. 368, [47]).
The city centre of Baghdad is a ‘mosaic of memory’ that contains unique features, whether related to its physical dimensions or collective memory. The traditional core has varied characteristics, which consist of many activities and ancient architectural components as well as a complex urban fabric [3]. The functional definition of the street is subject to the top-down approach to authority, even in the historical area of Baghdad that originally came from a long-established bottom-up approach. Shamsuddin and Ujang state that streets in an urban context are places of economic and social significance; great cities are often identified by their main streets, and the nature of these streets reflects the image of the city. Furthermore, one of the key functions of the street is to convey the main characteristics of a city and its particular identity. A street can represent the general perception of a city’s character, identity, and image due to its bonding with individual experiences [48].
For fine-scale approaches, particularly in historic towns, the priority is the human scale, which is typified by the enclosure of spaces that are shaped by the boundary of buildings. The thoroughness of the building pattern combined with the design of the spaces is essential to give a sense of identity. In contrast, isolationism and introversion become the main features of modernist buildings. The influence of the modern wave was not only witnessed on the public space but also on the social and cultural meaning of space, where human aspects were not fully considered. Four objectives were identified by Gehl with respect to the human dimension, and these are as follows: firstly, ‘lively, safe, sustainable, and healthy cities’; secondly, a city’s ability to invite individuals to walk through as the sign of a coherent structure; thirdly, a ‘short walking distance, attractive public spaces, and a variety of urban functions’; and finally, the city offering an invitation to walk and cycle which form a natural and integrated element of daily routines and a non-negotiable part of a unified health policy ([37], pp. 6–7).
Therefore, transformations in the behavioural system can occur rapidly in comparison to alterations in buildings and the urban context. Although this does not deny the role of the built environment and its influence on the community, the rate of change seems more explicit in human behaviour than in physical surroundings. For example, specific historical areas or buildings continue to exist as before, while each generation has their own experiences in an urban environment. Gehl and Svarre pose many questions about public life in a city. These questions are based on the relationship of people to urban spaces and their interactions with the surrounding environment and other people. The fundamental questions posed are ‘how many’ regarding quantitative data related to people and their activities. The second question is ‘who’, which gathers knowledge about people’s behaviours in the public space. ‘Where’ is the third question that addresses ‘where people are expected to go and to stay’. The final question concerns whether the city can generally provide specific knowledge of the type of activities undertaken [49].
This chapter addressed the emergence of Baghdad and the stages of its morphology and transformation. The oldest periods began with the Round City; this created the first nucleus that later formed Baghdad. The city then moved from the west to the east riverbank of the Tigris. Moreover, the main historical characteristics of the urban structure survived until the British occupation in 1917. The physical environment was typified by two fundamental urban components: street network and Mahallas (traditional neighbourhoods). These two elements have a close interrelationship and an overlapping pattern. Spontaneity follows the bottom-up approach, where the community manages its own built environment; this is derived from the order and regulation that informed the norms and values of inhabitants and their beliefs.
Morphologically, the historical region of Baghdad was distinguished by an organic pattern for both the street network and its built units. Moreover, the street pattern was also subject to a series of definitions according to the degree of privacy and other functions. This chapter highlighted the main points that differentiate the historical pattern of the city and the modern era. Those points were considered under four main headings: (1) the essence of Baghdad City, (2) its streets’ characteristics, (3) the old fabric and modern trends, and (4) the dialectic between traditional and modern concepts. Modern areas in Baghdad follow the top-down approach to generate neighbourhoods that are distinct from the fine-scale or micro level of street life. However, this mainly depends on the expectations of future programmes through predetermined land use. Due to the new strategies and regulations introduced by master plans, the urban structure of Baghdad drastically changed, not only in the centre but also in the surrounding regions. One of the main aspects of these transformations in the urban structure is its street life and how might people respond to the street edge and how their social interactions are influenced. Furthermore, this impacts the underlying system in terms of its street pattern and the network characteristics, including the centrality value.
First, I would like to express my gratitude to my supervisor Professor Sergio Porta and his thoughtful guidance through this chapter. His experience in urban design, public space design, spatial analysis, urban regeneration, and adaptive urbanism had a significant effect on the formulation of the chapter.
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