Summary of Africa’s Total Energy Production (Ktoe) 2000–2015.
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",isbn:"978-1-83968-571-2",printIsbn:"978-1-83968-570-5",pdfIsbn:"978-1-83968-599-6",doi:null,price:0,priceEur:0,priceUsd:0,slug:null,numberOfPages:0,isOpenForSubmission:!0,hash:"dd81bc60e806fddc63d1ae22da1c779a",bookSignature:"Dr. Sebahattin Demirkan",publishedDate:null,coverURL:"https://cdn.intechopen.com/books/images_new/10818.jpg",keywords:"Decision Making, Blockchain, Accounting, Earnings Management, Strategic Alliances, Innovation, Performance, Corporate Governance, Accounting Quality, Digital Assets, Internationalization, MNCs",numberOfDownloads:null,numberOfWosCitations:0,numberOfCrossrefCitations:null,numberOfDimensionsCitations:null,numberOfTotalCitations:null,isAvailableForWebshopOrdering:!0,dateEndFirstStepPublish:"January 28th 2021",dateEndSecondStepPublish:"February 25th 2021",dateEndThirdStepPublish:"April 26th 2021",dateEndFourthStepPublish:"July 15th 2021",dateEndFifthStepPublish:"September 13th 2021",remainingDaysToSecondStep:"2 months",secondStepPassed:!0,currentStepOfPublishingProcess:3,editedByType:null,kuFlag:!1,biosketch:"Academician in the area of accounting who believes in the impact of interdisciplinary research. 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It can also be classified into before, during, and after event activities. A flood risk assessment is an assessment of the risk of flooding from all flooding mechanisms and consists of three components: (1) hazard identification, (2) vulnerability analysis, and (3) exposure assessment. Mathematically, it can be expressed:
\nAccording to UN-ISDR [1], hazard can be defined as a dangerous phenomenon, substance, human activity, or condition that may cause loss of life, injury or other health impacts, property damage, loss of livelihoods and services, social and economic disruption, or environmental damage. It can be quantified by a probability of occurrence within a specified period of time and within a given area and given intensity. The term exposure is used to indicate elements subject to potential damage due to a hazard. Elements here may be referred to population, houses, facilities, or physical and life infrastructure essential to the functioning of a society or community such as water supply system.
\nThere are many aspects of vulnerability, related to physical, social, economic, and environmental conditions (see, for example, Birkmann [2]). Therefore, vulnerability can be defined in a number of different ways from as simple a notion as the degree of damage to an object exposed to a given hazard, to a more sophisticated one such as the characteristics and circumstances of a community, system, or asset that make it susceptible to the damaging effects of a hazard. Thus, the choice of definition may depend on its suitability for a particular vulnerability study and its interpretation for policy or action. The fact that it can be approached in manifold ways offers both flexibility and difficulty to use and interpret.
\nVillagran de Leon proposed a different framework of risk, which consists of hazard, vulnerability, and deficiencies in preparedness [3]. Exposure was treated as a component of the hazard. The term “deficiencies in preparedness” was used to emphasize the lack of coping capacities of a society at risk. The pressure and release model [4] considers disaster as a product of two major forces: natural hazard and vulnerability. It was intended to stress the importance of vulnerability assessment.
\nNo matter what framework one employs to deal with vulnerability and risk, the assessment should go beyond the identification of vulnerability and risk. It should probe into underlying driving forces and root causes in order to reduce or minimize them.
\nThe objective of the present study is to highlight a number of shortcomings in conventional frameworks for flood risk management. A focal point is the framework for vulnerability.
\nFlood hazard is conventionally described by its probability of occurrence and severity (magnitude, duration, and extent of flooding). However, evidence has been mounting that the timing of a flood really matters. On July 7, 2018, Mabi town in Okayama Prefecture, Japan, near the confluence of the Takahashi River and the Odagawa River, was inundated due to levee breaches in the two rivers. As shown in Figure 1, the highest water level in the Takahashi River near the river junction occurred at 3:00 AM and exceeded the historical records. In this disaster, more than 50 people perished with 90% of the victims aged from 66 to 91. These elders lived either alone or with a senior spouse. For elders, evacuation during the night is difficult both physically and mentally. Besides, there were media reports and our own interviews heard the same story from people who suffered from inundation in various places in recent years that flood waters entering their homes rose so quickly that they had difficulty to escape. Therefore, inundation is not just a matter of depth but also the rate of rising. The rate of inundation depth increase may depend on many factors such as local topography, the presence of structures, and urban drainage systems as well. So far, there is little information on the variation patterns of inundation depth with time during flood disasters. How fast the inundation depth would increase should be given serious consideration in flood risk management plans.
\nHydrograph of the Takahashi River, Japan, on July 7, 2018, that peaked at 3:00 AM.
Figure 2 shows the comparison of rising limb of hydrography at the Sakazu hydrological station between the largest-ever flood of the Takahashi River occurred in 2018, the second largest flood in 2011, and a small flood in 2015. It is clearly seen that the rate of water level increase depended on the intensity of a flood. The larger the intensity, the fast the water level increased. The current flood warning system in Japan is based on four water levels: (1) stand-by level, (2) flood watch level, (3) flood alert level, and (4) flood danger level. Such a warning system is essential for emergency evacuation. However, a problem with this system is that information on how fast the water level may rise from one level to another in an unprecedented flood is not available because it is intensity dependent as shown in Figure 2. How to provide real-time forecast on water level rising speed and incorporate it into the warning system is a technical issue to be explored. Besides, a related question is: is there a link between the rate of water level increase in channel and the temporal variation pattern of inundation depth in flooded area? It is also question deserving in-depth study.
\nIntensity dependency of flood water level rising rate.
On July 30 2011, the Ikarashi River in Niigata Prefecture, Japan, breached around 5:00 AM. In addition to the timing of inundation, other characteristics of this flood can be described as having two consecutive floods or a two-peak hydrological event. For the first peak, a dam in the upstream of the river regulated the peak, but for the even larger second peak, the dam failed to function since it was already at capacity.
\nThese pieces of evidence serve to demonstrate that hazard identification should include flood peak timing and the possibility of multipeaks in addition to probability and magnitude. However, methodology to consider these factors has not been developed.
\nVulnerability can be defined as follows:
\nHowever, if the framework for risk (1) is used, the definition of vulnerability should simply be inability to cope with hazard since exposure is treated separately. Füssel [5] reviewed the range of definitions of vulnerability and argued that continued plurality would become a hindrance in interdisciplinary research. A common definition of vulnerability is much needed to advance the understanding of vulnerability, yet reaching consensus is challenging. As a matter of fact, some scholars have argued that previous attempts to develop a shared vulnerability framework were superficial [6, 7].
\nO’Brien et al. [8] presented two dominant interpretations of vulnerability, which they refer to as outcome vulnerability and contextual vulnerability. Outcome vulnerability is considered as the residual exposure to impacts of climatic changes after adaptation responses have been factored in. Studies following this interpretation often take a sectoral view, looking at which/where is likely to be worst affected. Contextual vulnerability deals dynamically with the institutional, biophysical, socioeconomic, and technological conditions that affect the extent of exposure to climate changes and the ways in which those exposed can respond. Studies following this interpretation often take a more multidimensional view in a local setting, looking at how and why groups are affected differently in the context of other changes happening simultaneously. It is, therefore, more suitable to interdisciplinary and transdisciplinary studies. The present study attempts to combine outcome vulnerability and context vulnerability for the purpose of developing a more comprehensive and structured framework.
\nIt is a two-layer structure consisting of system vulnerability (contextual vulnerability) and component vulnerability (outcome vulnerability) as shown in Figure 3. Factors affecting system vulnerability can be classified into four categories. (1) The social-economic-demographic category includes factors such as general risk perception, disaster insurance, medical care, GDP, and population distribution. (2) The institutional category includes planning capability, legal system and management capability, such as evacuation operations. (3) The biophysical category includes landform and land use, river basin scale, and river dynamics. Steep river channels often generate flash floods that are difficult to predict. On the other hand, mild waterways may generate much larger floods that could be more destructive if overflow occurred. (4) The engineering category includes flood defense and warning systems.
\nA two-layer framework for vulnerability.
System vulnerability can be regulated by various structural measures such as levee and retarding basin construction and nonstructural measures such as flood hazard mapping and land use regulation. The interaction of various factors results in residual system vulnerability that is then passed on to component vulnerability (or outcome vulnerability). Component vulnerability is determined by awareness, self-preparedness, community strength, and even local culture. For example, a type of old Japanese house-Mizuka as shown in Figure 4 is a measure of self-defense. It is a two-house compound, in which one is for everyday living and another is used as shelter in case of emergency. Living in such a house reduced component vulnerability. Nevertheless, the number of such houses in Japan has been largely reduced due to various reasons, especially changes in life style and a lowering of risk awareness.
\nA self-prepared traditional house in Japan-Mizuka.
System vulnerability acts at city, regional, or river basin scale, while component vulnerability acts at individual or community scale. The degree of passage from system to component vulnerability is termed as vulnerability conductivity hereafter. It depends upon risk communication and public participation. Risk communication is the exchange of information and opinions, and establishment of an effective dialog, among those responsible for assessing, minimizing, and regulating risks and those who may be affected by the outcomes of those risks. This is the first attempt to incorporate risk communication into a vulnerability framework and to place one of its roles in the linkage between contextual and outcomes vulnerability.
\nFlood disasters may cause extensive loss of life and property damage, which is essentially an anthropogenic phenomenon with social roots. However, the dimension of loss and damage has been less focused on vulnerability framing so far. A conventional framework to address loss and damage is the C × L framework as below:
\nwhere (i) likelihood is the probability of occurrence of an impact that affects the environment and (ii) consequence is the social and environmental impact if an event occurs.
\nThis framework combines the scores from the qualitative or semiquantitative ratings of consequence and the likelihood that a specific consequence will occur to generate a risk score and risk rating. Although this risk framework takes into consideration the consequence of an event, it is not suitable for conducting integrated risk and vulnerability analyses. To incorporate loss and damage into the framework (1), vulnerability should be redefined as:
\nThe logic to include loss and damage in vulnerability is justifiable. If the level of impact upon an individual or community is low, then this individual or community is not truly vulnerable although they may not able to prevent certain consequences from happening. Accordingly, the two-layer framework includes loss and damage as already depicted in Figure 2.
\nFollowing this vulnerability framework, a policy that is different from the conventional can be proposed as below.
\nConventional flood countermeasures have focused on preventing flood waters from reaching populated areas such that blocking may be considered a keyword to describe the concept of conventional flood countermeasures. However, such a zero-risk approach has been shown to be in vain, especially in urban areas. In urban areas, in addition to the problems of asset concentration and surface imperviousness, complex urban structures may affect the behavior of flood waters in the case of inundation. Either intentionally or by chance, roads, railroads, and buildings may function as barriers to keep flood waters from spreading to a wider area [9]. Consequently, urban flooding may be characterized as being confined and deep. It is well documented that the degree of fatality and direct economic cost of flooding is proportional to inundation depth [10]. Therefore, redesigning urban form to transform confined and deep flooding to wide and shallow flooding is a way to reduce vulnerability if the prevention of inundation is not totally avoidable. The concept can be rephrased as “managing flood waters up to your knees”. Policy supporting such a concept can be termed flood sharing. How it can be implemented is a question to be answered.
\nAn important driver of vulnerability reduction is better planning. Poorly planned and managed urbanization leads to growing flood hazard due to unsuitable land use change and increasing flood vulnerability due to development in flood-prone areas and overpopulation of such areas. As shown in Figure 5, river flood management planning in Japan starts with setting up a planning scale, which is the level of safety against flood disasters to be provided in the area of concern. The next step is to select a number of target rainfalls for the planning site based on rainfall and historical flood records. Then, by performing rainfall-runoff simulations, a flood hydrograph can be determined as the management target, which is termed as either design flood without regulation or maximum probable flood. Once the maximum probable flood is estimated, allocation of flood water by dam, retarding basin, and river channel will be determined to safely convey flood water to its destination. In this planning procedure, however, the increase of maximum probable flood due to future urbanization is not directly considered. The increase in the total volume of the direct runoff is also not taken into consideration in dam and retarding basin planning. In addition, urban development planners often neglect, or are not aware of, the possibility that development may partially invalidate the river flood management design in operation in the absence of sound development planning. The fact that the maximum probable flood would vary with significant changes in land use, resulting in an increase in peak flow in a river channel, has been given less attention by urban planners in planning development of housing projects along waterways. What is often observed is that countermeasures were being taken to reduce urbanization-induced flood risk years or decades after large-scale urban development, especially after experiencing serious flood disasters. Wording differently, approaches so far have often been reactive, not proactive. Therefore, a key principle of Low Impact Development or of a Sponge City should be that no significant increase in maximum probable flood results from the process of urban development. In Japan, the Act on Countermeasures against Flood Damage of Specified Rivers Running across Cities was put into effect in 2005. According to this law, any urban development with an area larger than 1000 m2 should not cause any increase in surface runoff. If any increase is likely, permission from the competent authority is required. This law was first applied to the Tsurumi River basin since 2006 and currently implemented in seven river basins across Japan. However, monitoring studies on change of surface runoff in the seven targeted river basins are limited. The overall effectiveness of this regulation has not been validated. Figure 6 shows where waterlogging occurred during the period of 2008–2017 in Kawasaki City, which is part of the Tsurumi River basin. Figure 7 shows where waterlogging occurred during the period of 2006–2010 in Machida City, which is also part of the Tsurumi River basin. Although 3300 storage facilities have been installed in the river basin, inundation is still a frequent visitor to the region. Besides, the waterlogging locations in Kawasaki City are more or less uniformly distributed, while the waterlogging in Machida City mainly occurred along its administrative boundary on the west side. Such a difference in distribution of vulnerable locations may be viewed as one aspect of system vulnerability.
\nProcedure of flood management planning in Japan and a proposed modification (marked with red color and underline).
Locations of waterlogging (red dot) occurred in Kawasaki City during the period of 2008–2017 (source: Kawasaki City).
Locations of waterlogging (blue dot) occurred in Machida City during the period of 2006–2010 (source: Machida City).
A fundamental issue in implementing this law is that it has not been directly linked to the river flood management planning procedure. To strike a good balance between flood risk reduction and economic development, the present study proposes a new planning scheme as shown in Figure 5 with red color and underline. For new or redevelopment, the possibility of increasing maximum probable flood should be examined. If it is not possible to deal with the increase in maximum probable flood, the Act on Countermeasures against Flood Damage of Specified Rivers Running across Cities must be strictly implemented. If additional amounts of flood waters can be handled through reallocation such as constructing new or expanding the capacities of existing storage facilities, or by in-channel engineering works such as excavation, then the law can be executed to control the total amount of increase of surface runoff while having a priority setting to give permissions to economically important development projects.
\nIn cities like Tokyo, flood waters stay on streets for a few hours or a few days at most if inundation occurs. In other places such as Bangkok, however, flood waters may stay on streets for more than 2 months due to the city’s topography and insufficient drainage capacity. In Thailand, the flood damage to Bangkok and five adjoining provinces in 1983 was estimated by the National Statistical Office to be billions of Bath with the bulk of the damage shouldered by the private sector. A study by Tang et al. indicated that flood depth and flood duration were significant factors explaining flood damage in the residential and industrial areas [11].
\nIn view of such a difference in flood water residence time, the duration of inundation should be factored into exposure component, the longer the duration, the higher the level of exposure. Adding such a temporal factor to vulnerability framework will certainly lead to better planning for vulnerability reduction and smooth emergency response. It is also related to disaster insurance. To protect buildings that are constructed in flood-prone hazard areas from damage caused by flood forces, the National Flood Insurance Program (NFIP) in the United States requires that all construction below the base flood elevation must consist of flood damage-resistant building materials [12, 13]. What constitutes flood damage-resistant building materials is indeed duration dependent. The impact of duration is a much less explored research area and is envisioned to gain more attention in the near future.
\nEcosystem-based disaster risk reduction (Eco-DRR) is a relatively new concept to reduce the risk of being exposed to natural hazards by avoiding development in disaster-prone areas or by using natural systems as a way to buffer the worst impacts of natural hazards, maintain the resilience of natural ecosystems and their ecosystem services, and help people and communities adapt to changing conditions [14, 15]. The core thinking of Eco-DRR is based on the realization that disasters cause massive damage to the environment, while degraded environments exacerbate disaster impacts and responding to disasters often leads to additional environmental impacts. Well-managed ecosystems, such as wetlands, forests, and coastal systems, act as natural infrastructure, reducing physical exposure to many hazards and increasing socioeconomic resilience of people. For example, mangroves and seagrass beds can dissipate the destructive energy of storm surge and Tsunami and prevent coastal erosion while supporting fishing and tourism activities and storing high amounts of carbon. Therefore, Eco-DRR is also aimed at reducing the vulnerability of society and establishing disaster-resilient communities.
\nJapan has a tradition of using ecosystems for disaster mitigation such as maintaining forests to prevent soil erosion, planting trees along its coast to reduce wind-related disasters, and utilizing paddy fields to store flood waters temporarily. Since 2012, Eco-DRR has been incorporated into national policies and planning of the Japanese government. The Basic Act for National resilience, enacted in 2013, is aimed at taking advantage of regional ecosystem-based functions to prevent and reduce disasters. Following this Act, Fundamental Plan for National Resilience was established to promote the use of ecosystem-based disaster reduction approaches and assessment of functions of Eco-DRR initiatives provided during nondisaster times. The National Spatial Strategy and the National Land Use Plan, approved in 2015, also called for the promotion of disaster management using natural ecosystems. Furthermore, Japan’s Forest Law requires that Disaster Risk Management (DRM) forests should be planted along the coast to prevent damages from blown sand and salt, high tides, and tsunamis. Under such strong policy drivers, a question is “does it work?”
\nOn March 11, 2011, the Great East Japan Earthquake occurred and trigged a major Tsunami. Consequently, the Tohoku area of Japan was so badly hit Tsunami. In total, this disaster caused more than 15,000 deaths, 2800 missing, and approximately 300,000 people being evacuated [16]. Among the disaster-stricken areas, Miyagi Prefecture suffered the most in terms of fatalities and infrastructure damage. Before the disaster, there were 200- to 400-m-wide pine forests along the Sendai Plains of Miyagi Prefecture having protected the area for the past four centuries. Nevertheless, the forest failed to stop the intrusion of the Tsunami. The coastline of Rikuzentakata City, Iwate Prefecture, was also very famous for its 2-km-long and 200-m-wide pine trees as shown in Figure 8. Again, the forest was completely destroyed except for one tree after the 3/11 Tsunami. There is no doubt that the forest along the coast of Tohoku region did reduce the energy of Tsunami. Although the forest was destroyed during the disaster, without it, fatalities and property damage would undoubtedly have been much greater. The question is how to quantify its effectiveness in relation to Tsunami height. It is not difficult to imagine that a coastal forest is effective to a Tsunami with low wave height. The information needed is the threshold of wave height above which a coast forest may fail to dissipate the energy of Tsunamis significantly. Koshimizu [17] pointed out that coastal forests could be rendered useless by liquefaction, but no countermeasures had been discussed. Besides, it should not be forgotten that a fallen tree being moved by a Tsunami can kill people and damage houses.
\nCoast forest before and after the Tsunami disaster on March 11, 2011.
An interesting phenomenon was observed in Ishinomaki City, Iwate Prefecture. Along a portion of the Watanoha coast, the levee was lightly damaged, but the residential area behind was devastated as can be clearly seen in Figure 9. The levee height before the disaster was 4 m, and the Tsunami height in Ishinomaki was more than 8.6 m according to Japan Meteorology Agency. This implies that the Tsunami overtopped the levee without much energy dissipation. Otherwise, the levee would have been badly damaged. The same phenomenon may also apply to coastal forests if the height of a Tsunami is much higher than the height of the forest. After the disaster, the Japanese Government decided to invest ¥59 billion to restore 3660 hectares of trees in Tohoku, which were destroyed by the Tsunami [18]. However, as can be seen from Google Earth, the restoration of coastal forests has not produced any visible progress. Instead of costal forest, concrete levee is expanding along the coast as shown in Figure 10. This was also confirmed by author’s field survey conducted in July 2018. Despite legislative development with regard to Eco-DRR in Japan, the implementation appears not straightforward. A multilayered defense system combining Eco-DRR measures with conventional concrete-based measures may deserve serious discussion or even debate.
\nDevastated residential area behind a coastal levee.
Current situation of defense construction along the Tsunami-hit coast.
Another case, which has been advocated as an example of Eco-DRR, is the Kabukuri-numa wetland in Osaki City, Miyagi Prefecture, Japan. In the 1970s, it was merely used as a flood-retarding basin. Large-scale dredging of the wetland was planned to increase its flood regulation capacity in 1996. However, in response to environmental concerns, the dredging plan was withdrawn. Instead, the area of the Kabukuri-numa wetland was expanded by transforming surrounding fallow farmland to wetland to meet the flood regulation demand. Furthermore, water was retained in surrounding paddies during the winter so as to function as seminatural, but still important, habitat for wetland-dependent wildlife. In 2005, the Kabukuri-numa wetland and surrounding paddy fields were registered together as a Ramsar wetland site [19, 20]. As a result of this wetland expansion, a large number of waterfowls overwinter in Kabukuri-numa, eating fallen grain and weeds in the flooded paddy fields. The bird droppings, which are rich in phosphate, function as high-quality natural fertilizers for rice and enrich the soil. Rice cultivated under such an environment is branded as such and can be sold at a higher-than-average price. In addition, the large number of overwintering birds attracts a large number of tourists every winter. Although the ecosystem services of the Kabukuri-numa wetland during nondisaster times have been well demonstrated, its flood regulation capability has not been tested since there have been no large-scale floods in recent decades. In addition, there are concerns over the water quality of the wetland due to the large number and high concentration of birds. Bird droppings entering paddy fields may contribute to rice production but may also impact the water quality of adjacent wetlands if entering into its water body. As a matter of fact, water quality testing in the Kabukuri-numa wetland by the author of this chapter indicated that the water body is already eutrophic. How to make this Eco-DRR initiative sustainable is a question to be answered.
\nThe present work highlights a number of subjects in the arena of flood risk management that deserve further in-depth research, as summarized below.
\nIn terms of flood hazard identification, flood peak timing and multipeak hydrographs should be given more attention.
\nDue to the existence of various definitions and interpretations of vulnerability, there is a need to combine or group some of the notions, if the integration of all is impossible, for the sake of a better and deeper understanding of what really constitutes vulnerability. Following this line of thinking, a new two-layer framework of vulnerability is proposed, integrating existing concepts to a certain extent. This new framework may help develop new approaches to vulnerability reduction, with new concepts such as flood sharing.
\nThis new framework also suggests that inundation duration should be included in the analysis of exposure.
\nEco-DRR is an emerging approach to achieving both flood risk management and environmental conservation and may contribute to local economies as well. However, more cases of Eco-DRR across the world should be collected and analyzed from various angles in order to quantify its effectiveness and promote best practice. In Japan, Eco-DRR is advanced in terms of the legal framework supporting it, but there is great uncertainty in terms of its performance. Innovation is indispensable in reaching a new stage of flood risk management.
\nThis work was supported by Sophia Research Branding Project 2016.
\nThe authors declare no conflict of interest.
“
Quote attributed to Helen Keller, American Writer and Social Activist.
It is strongly believed that the United Nations (UN) member states were thinking just like Keller when they came up with the sustainable development goals (SDGs) as a means of combining their efforts to confront global developmental challenges of droughts, famine, poverty, climate change, and the likes. Following this, states are expected to “act locally” to ensure that the global SDG agenda is achieved by 2030. Since the discussion here focuses on renewable energy, rehashing Goal 7 of the SDGs is appropriate and situates this discussion in its proper context. The Goal 7 provides that member states should ensure access to affordable, reliable, sustainable and modern energy for all [1]. These include but not limited to ensuring universal access to affordable, reliable and modern energy services; increase substantially the share of renewable energy in the global energy mix; double the global rate of improvement in energy efficiency; enhance international cooperation to facilitate access to clean energy research and technology. The above targets consistently mention and encourage cleaner energy which makes the discussion on renewable energy timely and relevant.
Furthermore, the renewables agenda has become necessary because of global warming evidenced through storms and ice melts, droughts and hunger, unrest and migration [2]. This realization has led to a growing consensus directed at the transition to renewable energy systems, which has come to be known as a process of fuel substitution, a crucial way to addressing the climate crisis [2]. Renewable energy may refer to a form of energy that when used replaces itself and can last indefinitely when well-managed. The principal types of renewable energy consist of solar, thermal, photovoltaics, bioenergy, hydro, tidal, wind, wave, and geothermal [3].
The literature on renewable energy have mostly centered on three key academic fields i.e. political science, policy studies and energy transitions. However, Hughes and Lipsky [4] acknowledge that in political science the subfield of energy politics is “relatively underdeveloped.” They continue that most of the studies fall within the 1970s and 1980s with prime focus on international political economy and oil geopolitics. It is in recent times that there is a gradual shift with new studies relating renewable energy to public opinion [5, 6, 7], electoral dynamics [8], coalitional politics [9], and green industrial constituencies [10]. Also, in the policy literature, scholars analyze renewable energy policymaking with theories such as the Multiple Streams Model, Punctuated Equilibrium theory and the Advocacy Coalition Framework. These studies emphasize windows of opportunity for policy change, especially following acute “focusing events” such as oil and nuclear crises [11, 12, 13, 14, 15]. The energy transition literature has centered on the technical, economic, and policy aspects of energy transitions [16, 17] with the political dynamics receiving less attention [4, 6]. It is suggested that since energy policy change threaten incumbent industries and impose substantial costs [18], enacting and sustaining policies require considerable political support. Even though it is widely acknowledged that barriers to energy transition are primarily political, there is a lack of cohesive literature on the politics that drive, constrain, and shape renewable energy policy particularly in developing countries [8, 19]. This study builds on the energy transition literature by exploring first, the energy situation in Africa, second, the prospects and challenges from transitioning from non-renewable to renewable, and third, the appropriate lessons that can be drawn to help Africa attain the SDG goal 7. The uniqueness of this study aside the above, is the application of Kingdon’s multiple streams framework (MSF) as an analytical lens at the continental level.
By way of organization, the theoretical framework follows this discussion, followed by the methodology; then, the nature of energy situation in African is also discussed. After this, the discussion on whether conditions are ripe for the transition follows, and then a conclusion is drawn to end the chapter outlining some policy implications for the future.
The multiple streams framework (MSF) is acknowledged to be the handy work of John W. Kingdon, who explains how ideas come into being. In other words what makes important people pay attention to one subject rather than another, how their agendas change from time to time, and how they narrow their choices from a larger set of alternatives to very few [20, 21, 22, 23]. These are the issues that the MSF seeks to explain. MSF views the policy process as composed of three streams of actors and processes. First, a problem stream consists of data about various problems and the proponents of various problem definitions. It may also consist of perceptions, opinions, and attitudes held by various members of the public and policy communities [20, 24]. Second, a policy stream which involves the proponents of solutions to policy problems that originate with communities of policy makers, experts and lobby groups. It is important to mention that the policy stream carries recommendations from researchers, advocates, analysts, who use their expertise to propose prospective solutions to them [24, 25, 26]. Third, a politics stream consists of elections and elected officials [20, 21, 22, 23]. The politics stream also refers to factors such as changes in government, legislative turnover and fluctuations in public opinion. It must be mentioned that the political stream is often associated with contextual attributes such as the composition of ideas and values comprising national “moods” and the power shifts produced by legislative and executive turnover following events such as elections and cabinet shuffles that rotate the composition of policy-makers and affect important events through the composition of political and legislative timetables [24, 27].
According to Kingdon [21], the streams normally operate independently of each other, except when a “window of opportunity” permits policy entrepreneurs to couple the various streams. The success of the policy entrepreneurs in the coupling venture may result in a major policy change [20, 24, 27]. These policy entrepreneurs are vested stakeholders who strategically engage with the streams to open or seize windows of opportunities to advance their favored solutions [23]. In this framework, it is observed that policy development towards addressing a socio-economic problem does not occur automatically; rather, it emerges from the complex interaction and intersection of the three streams, which leads to certain issues being taken up by governments [24]. In this study we seek to explore the politics, problem and policy streams in the renewable energy sector of Africa and whether these streams are being strategically linked to enhance the acceptance of governments or policy makers. Figure 1 illustrates the model.
Multiple Streams Framework. Source: Zahariadis [
This study adopts a desk research methodology or desktop qualitative descriptive method. Desk research refers to the use of secondary data or that which can be collected without fieldwork. To most people it suggests published reports and statistics. In the context of this paper, the term is widened to include all sources of information that do not involve a field survey. These include searching libraries and the internet for data or information.
The Organization of African Unity (OAU) which is currently known as the African Union (AU) established the African Energy Commission (AFREC) through the Convention of the African Energy Commission (CAEC) adopted in Lusaka, Zambia, on 11 July 2001 and entered into force on 13 December 2006. After the Convention’s adoption, it was expected that all member countries of the AU will be part of it, but as at January 14, 2019, only 35 countries had consented to its enforcement. Article 4 of the CAEC indicates that the AFREC is expected to map out energy development policies, strategies and plans based on sub-regional, regional and continental development priorities and recommend their implementation in member countries. This energy commission architecture is hoped to propel Africa’s energy situation to its peak but the continent still records the lowest share in terms of access to power by its citizens. World Bank [28] records that the percentage of SSA population with access to electricity is pegged at approximately 44.6%, which suggests that a lot still needs to be done for the people of Africa. It is observed that Africa’s energy sector is dominated by fossil fuels, hydro, nuclear and biomass (see Table 1).
Category | 2000 | 2005 | 2010 | 2015 |
---|---|---|---|---|
Production of electricity from biofuels and waste | 135 | 163 | 187 | 349 |
Production of electricity from fossil fuels | 29,921 | 37,321 | 44,975 | 62,212 |
Production of nuclear electricity | 1,119 | 971 | 1,101 | 1,221 |
Production of hydro electricity | 6,607 | 8,107 | 9,738 | 12,495 |
Production of geothermal electricity | 37 | 77 | 126 | 329 |
Production of electricity from solar, wind, etc. | 20 | 128 | 326 | 1,086 |
Summary of Africa’s Total Energy Production (Ktoe) 2000–2015.
Source: Extracted from AFREC [29].
Further, it must be pointed out that traditional biomass energy use (wood, charcoal, agricultural residues and animal waste) and fossil fuels contribute to respiratory illnesses in highland areas of sub-Saharan Africa because of the excess CO2 emissions [30]. This however calls for the need to look at other sources of clean energy supply. Tables below show the renewable energy potential of African countries (see Tables 2 and 3). Additionally, various types of renewable energy have been identified to exist and can be tapped by African countries, these include geothermal, hydropower, wind energy, solar and bioenergy. It must be pointed out that some countries have already taken the lead in tapping these forms of renewable energy (see Table 4).
Country | 2009 (MW) | 2018 (MW) |
---|---|---|
Congo DR | 2514 | 2750 |
Egypt | 3354 | 4813 |
Ethiopia | 1443 | 4326 |
Ghana | 1187 | 1659 |
Morocco | 1520 | 3263 |
Mozambique | 2198 | 2235 |
Nigeria | 2087 | 2143 |
Sudan | 1681 | 2136 |
Zambia | 1723 | 2446 |
Renewable energy capacity (MW) (leading African countries).
Source: Extracted from IRENA [31].
Country | 2009 (GWh) | 2017 (GWh) |
---|---|---|
Angola | 3308 | 7897 |
Cameroon | 4017 | 5106 |
Congo DR | 7940 | 9287 |
Cote D’Ivoire | 2132 | 2054 |
Egypt | 15942 | 15957 |
Ethiopia | 3593 | 12585 |
Ghana | 6893 | 5672 |
Kenya | 3923 | 8407 |
Malawi | 1813 | 1915 |
Morocco | 2976 | 4706 |
Mozambique | 16994 | 14127 |
Namibia | 1405 | 1526 |
Nigeria | 7454 | 7803 |
South Africa | 1648 | 10453 |
Sudan | 3379 | 9484 |
Tanzania | 2738 | 2611 |
Uganda | 1458 | 3745 |
Zambia | 10604 | 12537 |
Zimbabwe | 5517 | 4214 |
Renewable energy production (GWh) (leading African countries).
Source: Extracted from IRENA [31].
Renewable energy | Leading African countries with capacity (MW) | Leading African countries in production (GWh) |
---|---|---|
Geothermal | Ethiopia, Kenya | Kenya |
Hydropower | Congo DR, Egypt, Ethiopia, Ghana, Morocco, Mozambique, Nigeria, South Africa, Sudan, Zambia | Angola, Cameroon, Congo DR, Cote D’Ivoire, Egypt, Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Malawi, Morocco, Mozambique, Namibia, Nigeria, South Africa, Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia, Zimbabwe. |
Wind | Egypt, Ethiopia, Morocco, South Africa, Tunisia. | Egypt, Ethiopia, Morocco, South Africa, Tunisia. |
Solar | Algeria, Egypt, Morocco, Reunion, South Africa | Algeria, Egypt, Morocco, Reunion, South Africa |
Bioenergy | Eswatini, Ethiopia, South Africa, Sudan, Zimbabwe | Angola, Egypt, Eswatini, Kenya, Mauritius, Reunion, South Africa, Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda, Zimbabwe |
Types of renewable energy capacity and production in Africa.
Source: Extracted from IRENA [31].
This section of the chapter discusses the MSF perspective with respect to the identified constructs of the framework; problem stream, policy stream, politics stream, policy entrepreneurs and policy window. This is followed by an attempt to discuss the extent to which the three streams are being coupled for an effective energy transition on the African continent.
Proponents of the MSF are of the view that for a policy to be considered, it should be politically and technically feasible. Additionally, its capacity to address the corresponding problem that it is expected to address should be relevant. MSF Proponents have pointed out clearly that the problem stream may refer to policy problems in society that potentially require attention [22, 23, 24, 25]. In the case of this study, it is observed that Africa’s economy is growing at unprecedented rate, and one of the core challenges associated with this economic growth is related to energy constraints. Specifically, economic growth, changing lifestyles and the need for reliable modern energy access require energy supply to be at least doubled by 2030 [32]. An investment of about US$43–55 billion per year is needed until 2030–2040 to meet demand and provide universal access to electricity. However, the present investment situation in the energy sector is about US$8–9.2 billion which is woefully inadequate [33]. Furthermore, it is estimated that over 645 million people do not have access to electricity. Again, out of the world’s 20 countries with the least access to electricity, 13 can be found in Africa, including Nigeria, Ethiopia, Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Tanzania, Kenya, Uganda, (the former) Sudan, Mozambique, Madagascar, Niger, Malawi, Burkina Faso, and Angola [33]. This has however heightened the need to focus on tapping the enormous renewable energy potential in Africa that is untapped [33].
Again, energy security is a socio-economic and political factor that contributes to sustainable development (SD) in any nation. Currently, the world is dominated by the usage of non-renewable energy such as fossil fuels. The use of non-renewable energy leads to the emission of large amounts of greenhouse gases (GHGs), which is considered to be the principal cause of climate change. Accordingly, the use of clean energy sources to reduce the release of carbon emissions is a key goal in reducing global warming and promoting sustainable development [33, 34, 35, 36].
The policy stream in the view of MSF proponents pertains to the many potential policy solutions that originate with communities of policy makers, experts and lobby groups. This may also include recommendations from researchers, advocates, analysts, and others in a policy community examining problems and using their (sometimes self-proclaimed) expertise to propose prospective solutions to them [24, 37, 38]. Many international energy organizations and researchers have proposed tapping the untapped African renewable resources in confronting the continent’s energy challenge [32, 33, 36]. Table 2 shows African countries that have renewable capacity of 1000 MW and above. Additionally, Table 4 shows five key renewable energy sources such as geothermal, hydropower, wind, solar and bioenergy alongside corresponding African countries with capacity to be tapped. It is however important to state that some African countries have already begun this effort but more attention should be geared toward that direction.
The third of the streams according to proponents of the MSF is the politics stream. Here, emphasis is placed on factors such as changes in government, legislative turnover following events such as elections and cabinet shuffles that rotate the composition of policy makers and fluctuations in public opinion [24, 25]. Although efforts were made in the early 2000s at the continental level with the adoption of the Convention of African Energy Commission, the renewables agenda has gained momentum in recent times due to the adoption of the AU Agenda 2063. This agenda is a shared framework for inclusive growth and sustainable development for Africa to be realized in the next fifty years. A new crop of African leaders have realized that African problems can only be solved by Africans, and so they agreed in 2013 through the 50th Anniversary Solemn Declaration during the commemoration of the Fiftieth Anniversary of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) to bring forth the Agenda 2063 which consist of seven aspirations [39]. This is to guide individual member states in their own development planning. This has also led to some reforms in the AU especially the shift to self-financing of the AU policies and programs [40].
Policy entrepreneurs are vested stakeholders who strategically engage with the streams to open or seize windows of opportunities to advance their favored solutions [23]. The literature reveals that various bodies within member countries are in charge of energy in general and renewable energy to be specific [30, 41]. Aside the AFREC which is supposed to carry out research activities and inform policy directions of AU member states in the energy sector, many other international institutions and NGOs either directly or indirectly influence Africa’s energy governance with their activities. Some of these actors include the International Energy Agency (IEA), the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), the World Bank, the European Renewable Energy Council (EREC), the OPEC, African Development Bank, International Renewable Energy Agency (IRENA), the Renewable Energy and Energy Efficiency Partnership (REEEP) and the Sustainable Energy for All (SE4ALL) [42]. Some of the strategies adopted by these actors include for example the World Bank and AfDB may target their lending activities to projects related to energy or renewable energy. The IRENA on the other hand may adopt innovative strategies to promote renewable energy by concentrating on a narrowly defined set of goals with regards to the deployment of renewables and additionally provide epistemic services as well [42]. The study shows that the policy entrepreneurs to push the renewable energy agenda are vast and wide, with some of them already in the process (WB, AfDB, IRENA, UNEP, and AFREC).
MSF proponents are of the view that policy windows present opportunities that pave the way for policy entrepreneurs to push their policy ideas to the policy makers/governments [24]. The AU Agenda 2063 is one of the continental policy windows with regards to the adoption of a renewable energy policy. The first aspiration of Agenda 2063 posits “a prosperous Africa based on inclusive growth and sustainable development” [39]. It could be argued that this aspiration opens doors to discuss issues of renewable energy which could aid in inclusive growth and sustainable development. Another important policy window is the rise in population growth which has shifted focus on alternative sources of energy. Again, in recent times the increase in oil prices and the sustainable development Goals has further heightened interests in the call for renewable energy. As stated earlier, Goal 7 enjoins all UN member states to ensure access to affordable, reliable, sustainable and modern energy for all [1].
Aside the above policy windows, two important global environment initiatives have also stimulated greater interest in renewables in Africa. The first was the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) held in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil in 1992. At this Conference, an ambitious environment and development document entitled “Agenda 21” was reviewed by one of the largest gathering of Government Heads of States and endorsed by a large number of multi-nationals companies. Agenda 21 sought to operationalize the concept of sustainable development. In addition, the Rio Conference provided the venue for the second important event, the signing of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) by 155 Governments. The Convention came into force in early 1994 after ratification by 50 States. Renewables featured in both Agenda 21 and the Climate Change Convention. In addition, renewables featured high on the agenda of the Johannesburg World Summit on Sustainable Development (WSSD) in 2002. In the UN-led implementation plan of action for the WSSD, dubbed WEHAB (which stands for Water, Energy, Health, Agriculture and Biodiversity), top priority was given to the renewables and other alternative forms of energy services. One of the targets proposed at WSSD was for every country to commit itself to meeting 10% of its national energy supply from renewables [30].
The multiple streams framework suggests that the ability of a policy entrepreneur(s) to strategically couple the streams of problem, policy and politics through a window of opportunity and with the consent of policy makers, gives a high possibility for a policy to be adopted or an issue to get to the agenda stage [20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25]. The ensuing discussion clearly reveals that all the necessary factors are in place as proposed by the MSF. The question to ask then is: Has coupling of the streams been successful on the continental level? The discussions above points to the fact that prospects are high especially when you want to focus on Goal 7 of the SDGs, that proposes that member states should ensure access to affordable, reliable, sustainable and modern energy for all [1]. The contribution of Africa to ensure universal access to affordable, reliable and modern energy services, to increase substantially the share of renewable energy in the global energy mix and to enhance international cooperation to facilitate access to clean energy research and technology, including renewable energy are yet to be realized, as it is recorded that the percentage of Sub-Saharan African population access to electricity is still below average [28] and then the existence of substantial potential of renewable energy resources that also remain untapped [31, 33]. It must be quickly pointed out that these are early days yet as the SDGs were born barely 4 years ago and the AU Agenda 2063 also about 6 years when it was agreed upon. This suggests that Africa has not been idle and it will be unfair on our part to gloss over the modest efforts being pursued by member countries of the AU.
However, despite the above, it is appropriate to focus attention on the factors that are likely to work against the efforts of African countries. First, it is observed that African countries differ in a number of ways, for example institutional frameworks and governance systems differ greatly. Some have open systems whereas others still practice a closed system. According to Gordon [43], the Ethiopian state is tightly controlled by the ruling coalition, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). The EPRDF is made up of four constituent parties based on ethnic groups, consisting of the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), the Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM), the Oromo Peoples’ Democratic Organization (OPDO), and the Southern Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement (SEPDM). Ethiopia is regarded as a country with a very high public investment rate but a low private investment rate. As a result the largest companies in the country are state-owned; those found to be private are owned by close allies of powerful political elites. On the other hand, in Kenya for example, private companies have been present for decades and the country has become a hub for innovation in commercial off-grid and micro-grid systems [43]. These experiences reflect different political, regulatory, and security environment and therefore poses contextual challenges to push for a collective renewable agenda without a comprehensive assessment and understanding of AU member states.
The legislative and regulatory constraints in many African countries make it difficult to embark on a sustainable energy policy that would be workable in national jurisdictions. Different states have their own strategies in dealing with similar issues. And so a one size fits all renewable energy strategy will not suffice. Again, electoral related conflicts and other forms of ethnic-based violence in places like Congo DR, Sudan, Cote D’Ivoire, Kenya, Somalia, etc. poses security risks. Gordon [43] reports that the risk of protests represents the greatest physical threat to renewable energy assets. He recounts that between 2015 and 2018, protests recurred in Oromia, Amhara, and to a lesser extent in Addis Ababa and the Somali region. Protests often attracted thousands of people, and in Oromia and Amhara led to attacks on foreign businesses, particularly those that were either associated with the ruling party or those that were central to the government’s economic policy. Additional challenge is the overreliance on international financing. This comes with a lot of conditionalities that are sometimes unfavorable to the socio-economic and political environment of most African countries. This calls for carefulness and due diligence in international business transactions but at the same time to reduce undue delays in contract performance. A classic case is the Lake Turkana Wind Power Project in Kenya which took nine years to reach financial closure. There are other ongoing projects like the Corbetti Geothermal project in Ethiopia which has taken 7 years and still counting [43].
Also, the issue of infrastructure and skilled human resources leave much to be desired in this venture. It is observed that majority of infrastructure projects on the continent were financed by large international agencies because of the large costs involved. Also, the unstable economic environments highlighted in currency exchange rate fluctuations, depreciation and high interest rates do not provide opportunities for indigenous businesses to thrive.
Additionally, inadequate planning policies, lack of co-ordination and linkage in the Renewable Energy Technology program, weak dissemination strategies, poor baseline information and, weak maintenance service and infrastructure [30] are crucial challenges that should not be ignored. It is important to state that there is always an advantage in cooperation, and so the prospects to consider renewable energy as a very important energy source in Africa’s energy mix should be sustained at worst and intensified at best if Africa is to make any meaningful contribution to the SDGs and its own Agenda 2063.
This study has added to the extant literature on energy transition by exploring the situation in Africa and how best the continent can increase its energy mix with a focus on renewable energy. The study has clearly demonstrated that the energy situation in Africa has been dominated by fossil fuels which cause excessive emission of CO2 in to the atmosphere leading to climate change with its attendant consequences. A number of development opportunities have opened the door for discussions on renewable energy in Africa and the world at large. Excerpts of these opportunities include the famous SDGs, the AU Agenda 2063, the Earth Summit in Rio, the World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg, South Africa in the year 2002 and other important multilateral and bilateral treaties. Again, the study has revealed that the dominant renewable energy resources on the continent include geothermal, hydropower, wind energy, solar and bioenergy; and that many countries have already taken the lead in exploiting these resources [31].
Moreover, the study has shown that from the MSF perspective, the prospects of transitioning to renewable energy is high, in the sense that, the problem has been clearly defined as the huge gap in energy supply to the growing African population, the cost and scarcity associated with fossil fuels, and the excessive emission of greenhouse gases into the atmosphere leading to climatic changes by fossil fuels. African political elites and international actors have all agreed that renewable energy is not a bad idea and can add significantly to the energy mix in Africa. However, the challenge of political insecurity, infrastructural inadequacies, confusion in regulatory and institutional frameworks in some African countries, lack of skilled manpower, initial cost and investment risks are but a few of these challenges that require enormous attention if progressed is to be witnessed in the renewable energy venture.
Furthermore, in order to make significant progress in attaining the renewable energy objective as reflected in SDG Goal 7 by African countries, five main policy implications are worth considering. First, there should be conscious efforts of planning and developing a comprehensive renewable energy implementation framework for African countries with AFREC providing a supervisory role to ensure that AU member states are prioritizing renewable energy considerations in their domestic energy policies and programs. Second, efforts should be made to carefully select renewable energy technologies that are conducive to the African environment. In doing this, there should be a deliberate attempt by governments to train Africans in various aspects of renewable energy technologies. Third, the economic environment should be made conducive to attract and support indigenous Africans who are interested and want to embark on renewable energy investments. Fourth, governments should take it upon themselves to ensure that regulatory and institutional frameworks are harmonized, made simple, easily accessible and easily understood to clearly define the parameters for investors, governments and the citizens/indigenous people. Fifth, AU member states can and should explore the option of trading electricity among themselves to widen the market base for renewables and curb the challenge of intermittent power supply. In conclusion, renewable energy comes along with many prospects in promoting national development; as a result, serious attention should be given to it at the national, sub-regional and continental levels.
AfDB | African development bank – An international Bank for African countries that aims to encourage sustainable economic development and social progress thus contributing to poverty reduction. |
AFREC | African energy commission – This body was set up by the Organization of African Unity (OAU) now known as AU to map out energy development policies, strategies and plans based on sub-regional, regional and continental development priorities and their implementation. |
AREF | African renewable energy fund – This is a fund established to support small to medium scale independent power producers (IPPs) across sub-Saharan Africa. It is managed by Berkeley Energy, an experienced renewable energy fund manager active in Asian and African emerging markets. |
AU | African Union – An intergovernmental organization with African Countries as members. It was formed in 2002 for mutual cooperation to replace the defunct Organization of African Unity. |
EREC | European renewable energy council – This was created in the year 2000, and it is the umbrella organization of the major European renewable energy industry, trade and research associations active in the field of photovoltaics, small hydropower, solar thermal, geothermal, etc. |
GWh | Giga Watts per hour – A unit of energy representing one billion watt hours and equivalent to one million kilowatts hour. It is used as a measure of the output of large electricity power stations. |
IEA | International Energy Agency – An intergovernmental organization that ensures reliable, affordable and clean energy for its 30 member countries and beyond. Their mission is focused on 4 main areas: energy security, economic development, environmental awareness and engagement worldwide. |
InfraCo Africa | InfraCo Africa is part of the multilateral Private Infrastructure Development Group (PIDG). InfraCo Africa seeks to alleviate poverty by mobilizing private investment into infrastructure projects in sub-Saharan Africa’s poorest countries to the highest standards. |
IPCC | Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change – This is the UN body for assessing the science related to climate change. It provides regular assessments of the scientific basis of climate change, its impacts and future risk and options for adaptation and mitigation. |
IRENA | International Renewable Energy Agency – An intergovernmental organization that supports countries in their transition to a sustainable energy and serves as the principal platform for international co-operation, a center of excellence, and a repository of policy, technology, resource and financial knowledge on renewable energy. |
Ktoe | Kiloton of Oil Equivalent – This is a unit to measure the amount of Energy released by burning a thousand tonnes of crude oil. |
MSF | Multiple streams framework – A theory developed by John Kingdon to explain agenda setting in the policy making process. |
MW | Mega Watt – This is a unit of power equal to one million watts, especially as a measure of the output of a power station. |
PIGD | Private Infrastructure Development Group – It encourages and mobilizes private investment in infrastructure in the frontier markets of sub-Saharan Africa, south and south-east Asia, to help promote economic development and combat poverty. Since 2002, PIDG has supported 154 infrastructure projects to financial close and provided 222 million people with access to new or improved infrastructure. |
REEEP | Renewable energy and energy efficiency partnership – A body that develops innovations, efficient financing mechanisms to advance market readiness for clean energy services in low and middle-income countries. |
SE4ALL | Sustainable energy for all – An independent not for profit international organization with headquarters in Vienna, Austria. Some of its priority areas include electricity for all in Africa, energy for displaced people, energy and health, etc. |
UNEP | United Nations Environment Programme – It is part of the UN system. It is the arm of the UN that takes charge of all environment-related issues. |
UNFCCC | United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change – It is part of the UN system, and established in 1992. It is tasked with supporting the global response to the threat of climate change. |
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