A comparison between the proposed controllers.
\\n\\n
Dr. Pletser’s experience includes 30 years of working with the European Space Agency as a Senior Physicist/Engineer and coordinating their parabolic flight campaigns, and he is the Guinness World Record holder for the most number of aircraft flown (12) in parabolas, personally logging more than 7,300 parabolas.
\\n\\nSeeing the 5,000th book published makes us at the same time proud, happy, humble, and grateful. This is a great opportunity to stop and celebrate what we have done so far, but is also an opportunity to engage even more, grow, and succeed. It wouldn't be possible to get here without the synergy of team members’ hard work and authors and editors who devote time and their expertise into Open Access book publishing with us.
\\n\\nOver these years, we have gone from pioneering the scientific Open Access book publishing field to being the world’s largest Open Access book publisher. Nonetheless, our vision has remained the same: to meet the challenges of making relevant knowledge available to the worldwide community under the Open Access model.
\\n\\nWe are excited about the present, and we look forward to sharing many more successes in the future.
\\n\\nThank you all for being part of the journey. 5,000 times thank you!
\\n\\nNow with 5,000 titles available Open Access, which one will you read next?
\\n\\nRead, share and download for free: https://www.intechopen.com/books
\\n\\n\\n\\n
\\n"}]',published:!0,mainMedia:null},components:[{type:"htmlEditorComponent",content:'
Preparation of Space Experiments edited by international leading expert Dr. Vladimir Pletser, Director of Space Training Operations at Blue Abyss is the 5,000th Open Access book published by IntechOpen and our milestone publication!
\n\n"This book presents some of the current trends in space microgravity research. The eleven chapters introduce various facets of space research in physical sciences, human physiology and technology developed using the microgravity environment not only to improve our fundamental understanding in these domains but also to adapt this new knowledge for application on earth." says the editor. Listen what else Dr. Pletser has to say...
\n\n\n\nDr. Pletser’s experience includes 30 years of working with the European Space Agency as a Senior Physicist/Engineer and coordinating their parabolic flight campaigns, and he is the Guinness World Record holder for the most number of aircraft flown (12) in parabolas, personally logging more than 7,300 parabolas.
\n\nSeeing the 5,000th book published makes us at the same time proud, happy, humble, and grateful. This is a great opportunity to stop and celebrate what we have done so far, but is also an opportunity to engage even more, grow, and succeed. It wouldn't be possible to get here without the synergy of team members’ hard work and authors and editors who devote time and their expertise into Open Access book publishing with us.
\n\nOver these years, we have gone from pioneering the scientific Open Access book publishing field to being the world’s largest Open Access book publisher. Nonetheless, our vision has remained the same: to meet the challenges of making relevant knowledge available to the worldwide community under the Open Access model.
\n\nWe are excited about the present, and we look forward to sharing many more successes in the future.
\n\nThank you all for being part of the journey. 5,000 times thank you!
\n\nNow with 5,000 titles available Open Access, which one will you read next?
\n\nRead, share and download for free: https://www.intechopen.com/books
\n\n\n\n
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\r\n\tVibrio is a genus of bacteria widely distributed in various aquatic and marine habitats. Among more than 100 species described, about 12 species can cause human infection, while others can cause marine animal infection. In order to guide the effective prevention and treatment of Vibrio infection, it is vital to have a deeper understanding of the pathogenic mechanism of Vibrio infection. At present, the potential molecular mechanism of vibriosis remains to be elucidated. The interaction among Vibrio, host and its host microbiota is an extremely complex biological process, all of which actively promote the balance between pathogenesis and clearance, which may affect the pathogenicity and host immune response and needs further study.
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From chapter submission and review, to approval and revision, copyediting and design, until final publication, I work closely with authors and editors to ensure a simple and easy publishing process. I maintain constant and effective communication with authors, editors and reviewers, which allows for a level of personal support that enables contributors to fully commit and concentrate on the chapters they are writing, editing, or reviewing. I assist authors in the preparation of their full chapter submissions and track important deadlines and ensure they are met. I help to coordinate internal processes such as linguistic review, and monitor the technical aspects of the process. As an ASM I am also involved in the acquisition of editors. 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Major percentage of these plantations is owned by small-scale private farmers that have huge demands to affordable low-cost autonomous platforms for applications, such as scouting, palm census, yield monitoring, spraying, and most importantly health assessment and disease detection. The ability to collect high spatial resolution aerial images using drones is changing the way the oil palm growers are approaching the business [2]. Conventional methods of practicing precision agriculture (PA) in oil palm plantations such as remote sensing and spraying are being replaced by integrated fixed-wing or multirotor unmanned aerial vehicles (UAV) [3], allowing collection of information to be instantly accessible for immediate decisions. Precision farming for increasing oil palm yield requires optimization of returns on inputs while preserving resources based on sensing, measuring, and health assessment of the plantations [4]. Relying on satellites images of palms, there is a substantial lag in terms of accessing the data quickly enough. Professionals have been using satellite and piloted airplane remote sensing platforms [5] for plantation scouting applications, such as vegetation cover assessment [6], vegetation mapping [7], crop monitoring [8], and forest fire applications [9]; however, the difference that drone technology [10] and agricultural robotics [11, 12, 13] have made is around the speed and accuracy of delivering that information. Digital agriculture [4] offers great opportunities for mechanization and automation of farming tasks in oil palm plantations through automation of data collection by means of ground or aerial surveillance and data processing software to predict or estimate palms yields.
Comparison between world exports of palm oil, with Malaysia as the second largest exporter. (data: [
Conventional scouting of oil palms on a regular basis (Figure 2), as well as palm census and quantification of the amount of fresh fruit bunches (FFB) for yield monitoring, is a labor-intensive task that is either ignored or carried out manually by the use of hand counters. Traditional scouting of palms is an ineffective practice that requires expert knowledge and postprocessing lab equipment. It involves spending hours and hours of human observation inside the unpleasant hot and humid plantation and does not provide accurate and comprehensive information because several parameters are ignored due to measurements difficulties (i.e., tasks that involve climbing trees, measuring canopy diameter, etc.). Other than the inaccuracy and biases statistics, manual scouting involves additional costs for each extra observation, hazards, and safety issues (i.e., falling from trees, bugs, snake bites, etc.). Satellite imaging services are extremely costly, and they can take images only once a day and have to be ordered in advance. The resolution of these images is low and can be influenced greatly with certain sky cloud conditions. Ground sensing platforms are also time consuming and are limited to small fields of view. Yield reduction due to high-density palm areas that cause etiolation is an issue in plantation management. Palm densities are an important and limiting factor for growth, nutritional status, fruiting, and hence for the plantation yield. Optimal palm densities depend on different factors, such as cultivars, climate, soil characteristics, and land preparation. Refilling of palm gaps and correction of nonoptimal densities are of high priority for a good plantation management. Conventional methods that are solely based on visual observation are inaccurate, particularly when coverage is large and dominant topography is hillocky.
Tedious field work with conventional scouting of oil palm plantation.
Precision agriculture of oil palm is one of the largest markets in Malaysia that will be hit by UAV and robotics. These devices are the future of PA and are sometimes referred to as the next step in data-driven agriculture. UAV/drones carrying multi-spectral and multimodal data acquisition devices face adaptation challenges to satisfy information, accuracy, and timeliness as the bases of a successful precision agriculture (PA) operation. These platforms have contributed to significant reductions of in-field walking costs and observational experiments. UAVs are defined as “an aircraft that is equipped with necessary data processing units, sensors, automatic control, and communications systems and is capable of performing autonomous flight missions without the interference of a human pilot” [14]. The global market for agricultural UAV drones is estimated to reach 3.7 billion US dollars by the year 2022 (Source: Radiant Insight Research firm). Aerial photography from UAS has bridged the gap (see the schematic diagram shown in Figure 3) between ground-based observations and remotely sensed imagery of conventional aircraft and satellite platforms and has made possible great improvements in crop scouting, yield mapping, field boundary mapping, soil sampling and soil property mapping, weeds and pest control and mapping, vehicle’s guidance, navigation control, and spraying. These devices are easy to use and are typically flexible, low cost, light-weight, and low airspeed aircraft. They have revolutionized smart farming and precision agriculture, from planting to harvesting, from seeding to sensing, and from scouting to spaying. UAS drones are widely available on demand, and their functionalities can be customized for different farming applications and can provide a cost-effective monitoring platform without requiring an expert operator. With this technology, several problems associated with the data resolution from piloted aircraft and satellite imaging have been solved. They are capable of providing live data from a wide range of sensors, such as those shown in Figure 3 (multispectral, NIR, LiDAR, etc.) at precision resolutions measured as centimeters per pixel. Such information contributes to the in-depth analysis for the crop health assessment or the inventory management databases. With the UAV technology, the following can be achieved: information about accurate planted area for replanting or thinning, palm census for creating inventory database, calculating the total land area in use, finding distances between each palm to specific spots, calculating canopy diameter, palm height, and palm density, creating 2D, 3D, GIS, NDVI maps for plantation, identifying palm status based on Orthomosaics and digital elevation models, detecting healthy and unhealthy palms (stress assessment), monitoring exposed soil for variable rate technology application, quantification of fresh fruit bunches and mature fruits for yield calculation, monitoring chlorophyll content and nutrient estimation, and measuring leaf area index, drought assessment, biomass indication, weed detection, and inventory management. Data and information such as these are useful for developing decision support systems and yield prediction models.
Typical components of a UAV-based remote sensing platform for precision agriculture of oil palm.
UAV drones can be well adapted for oil palm plantations, where field work is tedious. They allow observation of individual palm trees and can operate unnoticed and below cloud cover that prevents larger high-altitude aircraft and satellites from performing the same mission. Moreover, they can be deployed quickly and repeatedly, and they are less costly and safer than piloted aircraft, are flexible in terms of flying height and timing of missions, and can obtain very high-resolution imagery. As an aerial remote sensing platform, a UAV drone must be adapted to satisfy the basic requirements of image data collection from oil palm plantation. Other than the selection of proper sensors, the stability and accuracy are vital to provide geo-referenced images for extraction of useful information. Adaptation of UAV technology for oil palm plantations involves integration of vision sensors, machine vision algorithms, and control system for (i) yield monitoring and yield mapping, (ii) automated airborne pest monitoring using thermal cameras, (iii) identification and counting of specific insects from very high-resolution optical images, (iv) development of decision support system (DSS) using geo-referenced images as a basis for a GIS-based system giving oil palm growers the possibility to incorporate data directly to their precision farming platforms, (v) identification and mapping of Ganoderma disease using hyperspectral camera, (vi) automated retrieving of oil palm canopy chlorophyll and nutrient content from multispectral and hyperspectral UAV acquired images, and (vii) dynamic Web mapping and inventory management of oil palm productivity using in situ sensors. This paper is the first of series reporting on design and development of an affordable fixed-wing UAV to be used as a flexible scouting test bed for oil palm plantations. Schematic diagram illustrating the early stages of technological development for introducing a UAV platform to local farmers and the general steps and procedure involved with setting up a UAV remote sensing platform for agricultural applications are shown in Figures 4 and 5, respectively.
Schematic diagram illustrating the early stages of technological development for introducing a UAV platform to local farmers (source: Adaptive AgroTech Consultancy International).
General steps and procedure involved with setting up a UAV remote sensing platform for agricultural applications.
A comprehensive document including recommendation for choosing the best UAV drone for precision agricultural and smart farming applications is available in [15]. Specifications of sample multirotor and fixed-wing UAV recommended for precision agriculture of oil palm are also provided in the Appendix. Compared with piloted airplanes and satellite imaging, the ability of UAVs in collecting higher resolution aerial images at a significantly lower cost can provide oil palm growers with more accurate information on palm height, crown size, and normalized difference vegetation index (NDVI), enabling practicing of data-driven techniques for early and accurate yield estimation and health assessment. While a typical UAV may cost as little as USD1000, it can be integrated with custom instrumentations, controllers, sensors, and software to operate as a flexible remote sensing or variable rate technology platform to contribute to plantation management, growth, and soil condition assessment mapping application (i.e., 2D, 3D, GIS, NDVI), risk/hazard/safety management, spraying application, and academic and research application. In specific, UAV remote sensing in oil palm precision agriculture can contribute to automatic palm detection and counting, automatic measurements of palm height and crown diameter measurements, calculation of planted and unplanted areas for replanting or thinning, analyzing palm status based on Orthomosaics and digital elevation models, inventory management and health assessment based on physical appearances and vegetation indices, model-based yield prediction, yield monitoring and mapping, rapid estimation of nutrient contents, and disease detection. It should be noted that agricultural UAV activity is considered commercial operation with a high-tech platform for data acquisition or spraying applications that should be carried out by licensed professionals or certified pilots. Price range for a complete package is between USD1500 to over USD25000 depending on the application. Multicopter drones can fly for 3–45 minutes on a one battery charge and are more suitable for regular use in small-scale plantation without the requirement to special takeoff and landing areas. Fixed-wing UAVs need to be planned for mission flights and reliable landing for use in larger plantations. It is better to purchase drones that can be controlled via mobile or tablets or are fully autonomous from takeoff to landing (i.e., the entire mission can be performed by a single start button). For a multicopter, it is also important to check for the live standstill view feed. This feature allows plantation managers to find specific spots and issues for closer inspection. One of the key considerations in purchasing scouting UAV is the NDVI and NIR camera options. For the sake of cost saving, an affordable regular 3D camera with two lenses can be purchased for less than USD300 and modified slightly with a blue plastic filter to produce NIR images. However, a more expensive UAV that can collect data faster will compensate the extra costs in a long run.
Health assessment in oil palm plantations is crucial for spotting fungal infection and bacterial disease on the palms. By aerial scanning the plantation using visible RGB camera, NIR, hyperspectral, and multispectral sensors, it is possible to identify temporal and spatial reflectance variations before they can be detected by naked eyes and associate these changes with palms heaths for an early response. For instance, NDVI cameras can calculate the vegetation index describing the relative density and health of the palms, and thermal camera can show the heat signature of different spots in the plantations. A conceptual demonstration of a UAV remote sensing platform equipped with NDVI sensor for oil palm health assessment is shown in Figure 6.
Conceptual demonstration of a UAV-remote sensing platform for oil palm health assessment with NDVI camera.
The platform shown in Figure 7 can be customized and integrated with hyperspectral camera as shown in Figure 8, for the detection of Ganoderma boninense, which is a serious threat to oil palm plantations in Malaysia and has caused great losses to healthy palms. This disease causes both basal stem rot and upper stem rot and remains South East Asia’s most devastating oil palm diseases, with direct loss of the stand, reduced yield of diseased palms, and the resultant requirement for earlier replanting. Using naked eye, the Ganoderma disease can only be recognized at a very late stage with serious symptoms of foliar chlorosis and breakage at older fronds, the presence of decayed tissues at palm base, and production of fruiting bodies. When symptoms of the disease appear on young palms, it is too late and younger palms die within 6 to 24 months, whereas mature palms may survive for 3 years. Reports also indicate that the basal stem rot can kill up to 80% of the total standing palms. Despite the several efforts in controlling this disease, the available methods are slow, and current strategies are still immature. To our knowledge, no effective method or a robust sensing instrumentation has been commercialized for early detection of this disease at an early stage. Research reports have highlighted that oil palm yields are highly correlated with most of the nutrients. There are extensive publications on the hyperspectral analysis of images with application in agriculture that shows promising methods to be adapted for early detection of Ganoderma disease in oil palm. In order to adapt a UAV remote sensing platform for this purpose, several questions should be addressed as follow: (i) at what stages of infection can the hyperspectral imaging detect the Ganoderma disease symptoms? (ii) what are the unique spectral characteristics of Ganoderma spectral reflectance data? (iii) what statistical or mathematical methods are the best for analyzing the Ganoderma spectral data? and (iv) how well can a low-cost multiband radiometer assist a scouting crew to detect the suspicious HLB-infected trees? We can begin with a hypothesis that wavelet analysis of reflectance data can improve detection of nutrient concentration in oil palm. This hypothesis can be studied by the use of the Matlab Wavelet CIR images Toolbox. Preliminary studies have demonstrated the potential of wavelet analysis for retrieving foliar nitrogen content and photosynthetic pigment concentrations from leaf and canopy reflectance spectra, but further research is needed to develop the approach. Our research will contribute to saving of more palm trees and consequently a higher yield which has a significant impact on large scale plantations and the economy of Malaysia. A project can be proposed with the long-term goal of developing a fast UAV-based screening technique that can assist oil palm growers in detecting suspicious Ganoderma-infected palms. Such a project may involve the following systematic steps and methodology: (i) study the spectral characteristics of GB in lab conditions, (ii) developing a classification method to identify the disease and separate it from other palm stresses and other diseases with similar symptoms, (iii) evaluating the possibility of using a low-cost spectral radiometer for fast screening of Ganoderma-infected palms, (iv) developing an instrumented platform for collecting and geo-referencing hyperspectral images in the plantations, and (v) conducting a field trial to evaluate the effectiveness of hyperspectral imagery for detecting the disease in the plantations. Reflectance spectra of vegetation, measured in the visible and infrared region, contain information on plant pigment concentration, leaf cellular structure, and leaf moisture content. In this research, we propose to study the capability of hyperspectral imaging and spectroscopy in the range of 300-2500 nm for early detection of anomalies in oil palm trees as a result of Ganoderma infection. Preliminarily hyperspectral imaging data indicated that Ganoderma-infected leaves have different spectral characteristics compared to healthy leaves. A quick and efficient method of detecting and mapping Ganoderma at the field level will assist growers to better manage and control this disease and can financially benefit growers. In the first year of the study, we will study the spectral characteristics of Ganoderma-infected oil palm leaves in laboratory conditions and compare them with other nutrient deficiency symptoms. Accordingly, we will develop a classification method to identify the symptoms of Ganoderma and separate it from plant stresses and other diseases with similar symptoms. Also, in the first year, we will study how well a low-cost spectral radiometer can detect Ganoderma symptoms. Based on the results from the first year of the study, we will develop an instrumented platform for collecting and geo-referencing hyperspectral images and evaluate the effectiveness of hyperspectral imagery for detecting suspicious Ganoderma-infected palm trees in the grove.
Feasibility of using autonomous UAV-based hyperspectral imaging for detection of Ganoderma boninense disease in oil palms.
Thermal camera and night vision (top row figures) and high-resolution RGB images approach (bottom row figures) for UAV based pest monitoring in oil palm plantations.
Oil Palm growers lose some portion of their yields to insects and pests infestation. Traditional methods of locating pests in thousands of hectare plantations are not effective. For example, early detection of an invasive pest like rats in palm plantations with labor requires a great amount of time and luck. Obviously, conventional methods are not accurate, and plantation managers have to make an educated guess before sending the crew to a large field to check for infested spots. For the purpose of pest monitoring, a solution is to have a UAV imagery platform equipped with a thermal camera and high-resolution RGB vision sensors for accurate identification of the spots in the oil palm plantations fields that are diagnosed with specific insects and pests. This approach may also involve development of a decision support system (DSS) using georeferenced insect count as a basis for a GIS-based system, giving plantation managers the possibility to incorporate data directly to their precision farming platforms. Specific steps involve (i) platform setup, that is integration of the UAV, vision sensor, and control system, (ii) perception which refers to the development of a real-time machine vision algorithm for pest monitoring (to refine the aerial images captured by the UAV in order to provide plantation managers with the most usable data), and (iii) action stage, which is the development of the DSS for creation of the prescription map. When pests are spotted, spraying UAV can be used for dropping a targeted load of pesticide. The spraying UAV can be equipped with distance-measuring and light detection sensors such as lasers, ultrasonic echoing, or LiDAR methods to scan the ground and adjust the flight altitude with the varying topography of the plantation and therefore apply the correct amount of spraying liquids for even coverage and avoid collisions. This practice will result in an increased efficiency while reducing the amount of penetrating spray chemical in the soil and groundwater. It is estimated that UAV spraying is five times faster than conventional tractor and machinery equipment.
The FLIR Vue Pro thermal camera shown in Figure 8 is designed for small UAVs and can be used for agricultural applications. It has different lens options for different type of view and specific applications. The thermal sensor resolution of this camera is 640 by 512 pixels and records 30 frames per second for smooth video. The light weight and small size of this camera will not affect the UAV center of gravity during the flight or sacrifice the flight time. It comes with the mounting accessories that can be used with most UAV platforms. It can also be used with transmitters for live feeds. The FLIR Vue Pro thermal camera does not have a separate battery and can be charged through a 6 V power from the UAV. Image data are stored on a standard micro SD card. An application connects the camera with the computer via Bluetooth. The thermal imager Optris PI 640 shown in the figure is the smallest measuring VGA infrared camera available. With an optical resolution of 640 × 480 pixels, the PI 640 delivers pin-sharp radiometric pictures and videos in real time. With a body sized 45 × 56 × 90 mm and weighing only 320 grams (lens included), the optris PI 640 counts among the most compact thermal imaging cameras on the market. Temperature range is between −20 and 900°C (optional up to 1500°C), spectral range is between 7.5 and 13 μm, and frame rate up is to 125 Hz. For the purpose of validation, images taken at varying heights and resolutions will be compared with the ground truth pictures taken on the ground with a mobile device. The research findings may lead to new pest management strategies that use UAV and other imaging technologies for detecting invasive pests in other farm fields, e.g., oil palm plantations. The thermal camera can also be used for spotting the areas that are drier and require attention.
Quantification of FFB from UAV stream images for yield map creation is the first step toward practicing PA in oil palm plantations. With the available high-tech imaging sensors and using real-time image processing and remote sensing techniques (i.e., pixel-based or object-based [16], template matching [17, 18, 19] image analysis, learning algorithms methods for classification [20, 21] and for extracting useful information from an image), it is possible to measure oil palm yield on much smaller scales. One of the benefits of using autonomous UAV is their affordable price and lower cost per each mission flight that make them suitable for academic research in yield monitoring applications. The idea is to evaluate the feasibility of having UAV agent robots that can fly over and inside oil palm plantations and collect high-resolution detailed photos from different angles for automated creation of yield maps. These maps can tell growers where and when to apply the optimal amount of inputs (i.e., fertilizer, pesticide, water) for creating further sustainability. Of course, mobile robots with camera and sensors mounted on top of them can also be used for such application; however as mentioned earlier, we are proposing a research idea that involves a swarm or fleet of small-scale UAVs similar to what is shown in the figure that simultaneously fly inside the plantation for image data collection. By using different sensor-based measurement and imaging techniques on each UAV, a real-time machine-vision system can be developed for accurate identification of the amount of FFB on the palms. Such technology is highly demanded by oil palm growers as a fast, accurate, and reliable tool for estimating palm numbers and FFB in large-scale plantations. In determining instantaneous oil palm yield, two parameters must be known, weight and coordination of FFB on each palm. The weight of the FFB can be estimated using a machine vision algorithm that quantifies the number of fruits on each palm (Figure 5). These estimated weights are then georeferenced with coordinates of the corresponding palm using computer programs for the creation of database and yield map. Collected data will be processed by custom-built GIS software for creation of yield map and inventory database. A conceptual illustration of integrated fixed-wing UAV-based inventory management and health assessment system with mobile application and cloud computing is shown in Figure 9.
Feasibility of UAV imaging system for yield monitoring of oil palm (top) and a proposed methodology for UAV-based yield monitoring of apple and orange fruits using deep learning algorithms [
One of the limitations of doing research on oil palm plantation is the lack of accurate data and input variables for modeling and simulation purposes. UAV technology can be integrated with image acquisition techniques for three-dimensional reconstruction of the environment and creation of virtual plantations. Examples of 3D reconstructed plantation are shown in Figure 10. The information extracted from these 3D models can lead to the development of dynamic Web inventory management and mapping system. A 3D reconstruction model of oil palm plantation can be created by using range data methods or depth map using laser range finder sensors and 3D scanner instrumentations. This approach is however costly and not affordable by local oil palm farmers. Alternatively, passive methods, also called image-based reconstruction methods (i.e., photogrammetry technique), have been introduced using a normal camera and image sensors, which do not interfere with the reconstructed object. In this method, a UAV equipped with a normal RGB camera will collect images of the oil palm plantations from different views and angles. Computer software will then process these images to create a 3D model, and filter specific wavelength to generate images that corresponds to vegetation index and palm health. For example, a red edge image can describe nitrogen content and water stress. The potential of UAV image data to simulate the physical process of palm photosynthesis as a result of different crown sizes and densities intercepting different amounts of light radiation can be evaluated using virtual plantations. A virtual plantation can be used to estimate palm height, crown size, and inventory database (Figure 11) for generating dynamic Web maps and yield prediction models. These maps can identify how different palm height, crown sizes, plantation densities, and row orientations in different locations can affect the water and fertilizer demand. Moreover, mathematical models can be established based on the validated information from virtual plantations for estimating nitrogen demand and fertilizer application. These maps also provide precision rich data for academic and educational purposes. Researchers can access to detailed measurements of palm trunk and crown size and the spacing between different palms, leaf area index, and crown density as a preliminary study for the possibility of autonomous variable rate applications and robotic harvesting.
Example of virtual plantation generated by UAV imaging [
Conceptual illustration of a fixed-wing UAV Web mapping system integrated with mobile application and cloud computing for yield prediction and inventory management in oil palm plantation.
For the purpose of a sensor Web-based approach for dynamic Web mapping, observations from a UAV can be combined with in situ sensor data to derive typical information offered by a dynamic Web mapping service (WMS). This will provide daily maps of vegetation productivity for oil palm plantation with a spatial resolution of 250 m. Results will present the vegetation productivity model, the sensor data sources, and the implementation of the automated processing facility. An evaluation will be made of the opportunities and limitations of sensor Web-based approaches for the development of Web services, which combine both UAV and in situ sensor sources. A conceptual illustration is provided in Figure 11. A yield estimation model can be developed by establishing performing regression analysis between palm height (x1), crown size (x2), palm age (x3), vegetation index (x4), nutrient content (x5), and soil parameters (x6): Yield = func(x1, x2,…, x6). This model will be based on comprehensive information of each palm location, size, and health, will provide managers with an estimation of yield, and make decisions for sustainable practices methods for production increase without necessary needs for expanding the plantation into natural forests.
The fixed-wing Osprey drone shown in Figure 11 is a commercially available, low-cost experimental flight test bed manufactured by Unmanned Aerial Research (Florida, USA) that is suitable for investigating novel control approaches [24] and is a flexible platform for remote sensing research applications in precision agriculture of oil palm. An example application can be found in the work of [25], where the fixed-wing J-HAWK UAV was used for palm tree counting at Melaka Pindah oil palm plantation in Malaysia. This drone can carry large payloads while maintaining excellent performance with virtually no degradation in handling qualities. It is a well-constructed, durable aircraft with mission versatility and a cavernous payload volume that is easily accessible, featuring two long aluminum tracks on the floor for mounting payloads in limitless configurations. Some of the specifications according to the manufacturing website are as follows: payload capacity: 31.75 kg, empty weight: 15.87 kg, payload volume 0.0566 m3 (0.203H × 0.304 W × 0.889 L), max cruise: 90 kts, landing speed (no flaps): 25 kts, power (DA-100): 10 hp by a reliable custom desert aircraft 100 cc motor with 3-blade carbon fiber propeller, wingspan 3.352 mm, and length 2.362 m. We begin with dynamic analysis and controller design for this drone in the presence of actuator limits and sensor noise for autonomous flight missions with greater accuracy and stability. The communication architecture, modules, and designed control system is shown in Figure 12.
Architecture, modules, and control system for a the proposed UAV in precision agriculture of oil palm.
For the purpose of this paper, we have concentrated our analysis on controller design for two outputs, velocity and pitch rate, by adjusting two control inputs, the elevator and the thrust. In specific, our control objective was to design a single controller, i.e., proportional-integral-derivative (PID), Linear-quadratic regulator (LQR) full state feedback, (
where
We first perform open-loop analysis to determine possible control strategies. The open-loop responses (Figure 13) from each of the four TFs were then analyzed individually. According to the TF in (1) and (2), the terms with the highest coupling can be obtained by considering the simple steady state case. Substituting
Open-loop step response analysis of the Osprey drone velocity and pitch rate for the elevator and thrust inputs.
For the PID controller design shown in Figure 14, the system was set at initial conditions [
Simulink blocks for the PID controller in the absence and presence of noise and actuator limits.
The LQR controller is the solution of the optimization problem that optimizes the cost of errors and the cost of actuation effort, with appropriately weighted states. The optimization function is defined as
Simulink blocks for the designed LQR controller with full state feedback.
It is noted that the control effort for pitch is the most optimized parameter in
For the LQR controller with observer (Figure 16), the observer design allows controller to use full-state feedback techniques in situations where only a subset of states is available to the controller. The observer matrix
LQR controller with observer block.
It can be seen that the value of pitch gains in the
Results of the simulation for the designed controllers are shown in Figure 17 through Figure 20. It can be seen from Figure 17 that the step change applied at time 60 s has an effect on the pitch, and the PID controller is managed to minimize this effect. When noise is introduced to the system (Figure 18), because the coupling gain between pitch and velocity are very high, the pitch rate sensor noise distorts the response considerably. Moreover, since the tuned gains exploited the infinite actuator capabilities, the response of the system was quick and the steady state error was almost zero; however, due to the nonlinearities, the system had to be tuned again. Since elevation was directly related to the pitch rather than the pitch rate and to avoid the dynamics of the “rate” signal, pitch was compared against the elevator angle to generate the error signal. To accomplish this, the pitch rate was simply integrated using an ideal integrator (1/s).
PID performance without noise and actuator limits.
PID performance with noise and actuator nonlinearities.
It can be seen from the results that the state variables pitch and velocity are closely coupled variables. The coupling terms connecting these two quantities exhibit every high gains, hence the control design was challenging in regulating these variables independent of the other. This coupling needed special attention during control design. It should be noted that on the basis of tuning complexity, only two PID controllers were used in the control problem, as if the system was a weakly coupled system. Since PID control is ideally suited for single-input single-output systems (SISO) and only for weakly coupled MIMO systems, a perfect performance was not expected to achieve with the two PID controllers. Nevertheless, a reasonable performance was still achieved when the system was considered ideal, i.e., free from nonlinearities and noise. When noise was introduced to the system, the velocity suffered because of high noise content in the pitch signal. The noise also introduced dangerous oscillations in the system, limiting controller gains significantly and hence slowing down the overall system. Several instabilities caused due to the rate limit and saturation were evident. The integral gain of the PID acted on error build-up caused by saturation and hence pushing the system into instability. After reducing the gains in the loop, the controller was then tuned by trial and error procedures. The relative performance of PID with respect to other controllers is summarized in Table 1.
Model | Price ($) | Weight (Kg) | Size (mm) | Camera resolution | Coverage | Flight time (min) | Max altitude (m) | Flight speed (km/h) |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Parrot Disco Pro AG Drone | 6875 | UAV: 0.78 Take-Off: 0.94 | Wing span: 1150 × 580 × 120 | — | — | — | — | — |
RF70 UAV | 3000 | Payload: 3 | — | 1080 P | 600 acres/hour | 45–60 | — | 18 |
AgDrone UAS | 10,000 | — | — | 1080 P | — | 60 | — | |
DT-26 Crop mapper | 120,000 | — | — | 1080 P | — | 60 | — | 110 |
Quad Indigo | 25,000 | — | — | 1080 P | — | 45 | — | |
E384 Mapping Drone | 2400 | UAV: 2.5 Payload: 1 | Wingspan: 1900 Length: 1300 | — | 1000 acres in 100 minutes at 5 cm resolution | 90 | — | 47 |
PrecisionHawk Lancaster 5 | — | Payload: 1 | — | 1 cm/pixel | 300 acres/flight | 45 | — | — |
Xena observer | — | Take-Off: 5 | — | — | — | 27 | 5000 | — |
Xena thermo | — | Take-Off: 4.6 | — | — | — | 32 | 5000 | — |
AEE AP10 Drone | 299 | — | — | 1080 P Full HD Video at 60 FPS | — | 25 | 500 | 71 |
UAV drone crop sprayer | UAV: 9 Payload: 10 Take-Off: 13 | 800 × 800 × 70 (L.W.H) | — | — | 16 | 1000 | — | |
DJI drone sprayer | 15,000 | — | — | — | 7–10 acres/hour | — | — | 29 |
Yamaha’s helicopters spray & survey | 130,000 | UAV: 71 Payload: 30 | — | — | 10 acres | — | — | — |
JMR-V1000 6-rotor 5 L | 665–3799 | UAV: 6.5 Take-Off: 18 | 875 × 1100 × 480 (L.W.H) | — | — | 14–18 | — | 11–22 |
AG-UAV Sprayers1 | — | UAV: 8 Payload: 6 | Height: 650 | — | — | 8–15 | — | — |
AG-UAV Sprayers2 | — | UAV: 14.2 Payload: 20 | Height: 650 | — | — | 15–30 | — | — |
AG-UAV Sprayers3 | — | UAV: 9.5 Payload: 10 | Height: 650 | — | — | 10–20 | — | — |
DJI AGRAS MG-1 Sprayer | 7999 | Payload: 10 | — | — | 7–10 Acres Per Hour | — | — | — |
Hercules Heavy Lift UAV (HL6) | — | UAV: 8 Payload: 6 | Height: 660 | — | — | 30 | — | 37 |
Hercules Heavy Lift UAV (HL10) | — | UAV: 9.5 Payload: 10 | Height: 660 | — | — | 30 | — | 37 |
Hercules Heavy Lift UAV (HL20) | — | UAV: 14 Payload: 20 | Height: 660 | — | — | 60 | — | 37 |
Multirotor UAVs | — | — | — | — | — | 10–40 | — | — |
AgStar GoPro FPV Camera Payload | 1950 | — | — | — | — | — | — | |
DJI Phantom 3 | 469 | — | — | 2.7 K HD videos, 12 MP photo | — | 25 | — | — |
Fixed Wing UG-II | — | UAV: 11 Take-Off: 15 | 2240 × 1600 × 650 (L.W.H) | — | — | 180 | — | 65–110 |
Professional Electric Six Rotor Drone UA-8 Series | — | Payload: 3 | 860 × 860 × 540 | — | — | 28 | 5000 | 36 |
Yuneec H520 Hexacopter | 2500–4500 | — | — | 4 K/2 K/HD video or 20 MP images | — | — | — | — |
Ag-drone AK-61 | 6999 | Take-Off: 22 Payload: 10 | — | — | — | 10–15 | 0.5–5 m | 18–36 |
YM-6160 | 5000 | Take-Off: 21.9 Payload: 10 | — | — | — | 10–15 | 0.5–5 m | 18–36 |
Skytech TK110HW | 32–52 | — | — | 0.3 MP | — | 6–7 | — | — |
JJRC H8D 5.8G FPV RTF RC | 169–175 | UAV: 0.023 | 330 × 330 × 115 | — | 8 | — | — | |
X810 Long Range Uav Sprayer | 4000–6500 | Payload: 10 | 2490 × 1645 × 845 (L.W.H) | — | — | 25–40 | — | — |
Syma X8C | 68.99 | — | 508 × 508 × 165 (L.W.H) | 2 MP HD Camera | — | 5–8 | — | — |
Controller | Noise | Actuator limits | Rise time (s) | Settling time (s) | Overshoot (%) |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
PID | — | — | 0.61 | 0.95 | 4.2 |
PID | Y | Y | 1.28 | Inf | 10.1 |
LQR | — | Y | 1.01 | 1.9 | 2.1 |
LQR | Y | Y | 3.3 | 3.95 | 0 |
Observer | Y | Y | 1.9 | Inf | 34.5 |
A comparison between the proposed controllers.
LQR controllers however work in the state-space and are suited for MIMO control. It assumes full state feedback; that is, all the system’s states are available for the controller to take decisions, even though this might not be a case in reality. Therefore, we designed the observer to deal with this issue. The outputs of the LQR controlled system response with actuator dynamics are shown in Figures 19 and 20. Unlike the PID controller, the LQR handles actuator dynamics inconsequentially. Appropriate waiting matrices were assigned, and the LQR controller matrix was obtained by using the MATLAB
LQR full state feedback response without noise.
LQR with observer response with noise.
From the plots of LQR with observer (Figure 20), it can be seen that the system is in the verge of instability and the noise content of the pitch signal disturbs the velocity severely. The relative stability of the given system can be discussed in terms of the gain margin and phase margin. Based on the Bode plots analysis of the open-loop system (plots not provided for the sake of paper page limits), the differential term in the elevator input to output relationships reduces the phase margin of system considerably. Model errors and disturbance in the pitch rate could easily drive the system to instability. This agrees with the findings in the controller design exercised.
Health assessment and conventional scouting of oil palms on a regular basis, as well as palm census and quantification of the amount of fresh fruit bunches (FFB) for yield monitoring, are labor-intensive tasks that are either ignored in large scale plantations or are carried out manually by the use of labor force. Traditional scouting is not only an ineffective practice but also requires expert knowledge and post-processing lab equipment to provide useful information. Advances in aerospace engineering, control system, and computing have contributed significantly to the improvement of UAV-based remote sensing platforms. This paper discussed some of the potential applications of UAVs for precision agriculture of oil palm plantations. We also highlighted some of the adaptation challenges faced by UAV drones, including platform stability due to the flight dynamics parameters and winds, climate factors and light reflection degrading quality of the acquired images, and regulations and restrictions law by the Federal Aviation Administration. As a response to the needs of small-scale plantation owner for an affordable UAV platform, a fixed-wing Osprey drone was proposed and used in designing an auto-flight control. The aircraft can be externally actuated by controlling the thrust (
Names and specifications of sample multi-rotor and fixed-wing UAV recommended for precision agriculture of oil palm.
This chapter will focus upon social work practice with single and non-resident fathers. Its primary aim is to explore how practice can be more inclusive, supportive and collaborative, positioning single and non-resident fathers in social work assessments and processes as potential protectors and resources for their children. We are both undertaking research with these respective service user groups and elements of our research will be incorporated within the chapter. We have chosen to focus upon both groups within a single chapter because in our discussions, we have identified numerous themes that appear mutually relevant. This introductory section will provide a brief overview of key ideas.
\nThis chapter is located within wider discourses that propose societal assumptions about the feminised role of caring and lone parenthood exclude fathers and place responsibility for children primarily on mothers. Also within wider debates about the current nature of children and families, social work in the UK and indeed abroad, where practice is typically framed within an increasingly unequal society and increasingly bureaucratic and authoritarian systems.
\nDespite an epochal change in the discourse in wider society, where fathers are now being more actively and emotionally involved in the care and nurture of their children [1, 2, 3], research studies have found that this is not necessarily reflected in social work practice. It has been suggested that a gendered discourse exists within social work [4, 5, 6] which places the care of children as the sole responsibility of mothers. This can not only lead to the oppression of mothers through the scrutiny of social workers [7] and blame being placed on their shoulders for family difficulties, neglect and abuse [8, 9], but also fathers becoming ‘secondary clients’ [10] or invisible where:
\n“This invisibility exists whether or not the fathers are deemed as risks or as assets to their families.” ([11], p. 25)
\nIt can be argued that social work literature predominantly constructs fathers as a problem, through over emphasis upon their negative characteristics and behaviours [12, 13], creating stereotypes of fathers as uncommitted and unwilling to change [4, 7, 9, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 100]. This poses challenges for the profession, as single and non-resident fathers can act as important figures for children and their well-being, and need to be assessed as resources as well as potential risks comprehensively and fairly. Few parents fall simply into a good or bad category.
\nThe authors conducted systematic literature reviews into social work with single and non-resident fathers to explore what the literature says about their experiences with social work. These employed established methods of formulating questions, inclusion and exclusion criteria and a search strategy, followed by quality appraisal and data analysis [24, 25]. Quality appraisal was used to ascertain the credibility, relevance and trustworthiness of the included studies and thematic analysis was the chosen method for data analysis. The analyses focused on rich depictions of the data sets, as these are under-researched areas, with limited available research [26]. Interviews were also conducted with non-resident fathers to gain their views directly.
\nIt is clear that there exists a dearth of social work research that explores the experiences of single or non-resident fathers with social work. This reflects the international research on fathers and social work involvement in general [16], where studies have failed to explicitly look from the perspective of the father [23, 27, 100] or actually recruited them as study participants [28]. Instead studies have tended to use the mother as the source of information [29] or considered parents together rather than distinguishing between them [100]. When fathers have been included as an individual entity, the numbers involved have usually been small [19].
\nSingle fathers are under-researched in social work, which aligns with their relative invisibility in practice and welfare debates. The current limited scope of research into social work practice with single fathers suggests that social workers do not genuinely or comprehensively understand their needs and do not effectively engage with them. The research that has been undertaken has not effectively considered the array of social influences on single fathers’ capacities to parent or effectively explored how, mutually influencing micro-level identities and interactions need to be linked with macro-level conditions and inequalities to analyse and understand the experiences of single fathers.
\nWithin this chapter, key theoretical concepts of non-hegemonic masculinities, borderwork [30, 31, 32] and Quick and Scott’s [33] ideas on emotional regimes within social work will be explained and used to examine social work with single and non-resident fathers. A variety of theoretical frameworks have been used to examine fatherhood, notably feminist theory, sociobiological theory and psychodynamic perspectives [4, 7]. Most social work research into fathers adopts a feminist framework (e.g. [13, 29, 34]). However, a feminist framework can be considered to develop only partial understanding of practice with single and non-resident fathers, with its central focus on the omnipotence and domination of men in our society. As a result, it is likely that this theory struggles to fully explain the experiences of single and non-resident fathers, given the likelihood that, in many contexts, they can be considered to hold non-hegemonic masculinities within our societies [35, 36].
\nBoth single and non-resident fatherhood raise challenges for socially constructed gendered norms, hegemonic masculinity and how children and families social work is practiced. It can be understood that both endeavours influence men’s senses of moral and social identity and engender significant social and emotional meanings for them [37], as well as others.
\nSo, let us now briefly think about working definitions of single and non-resident fathers and their prevalence in UK society.
\nSingle fatherhood is not a straightforward term and has not been clearly defined within the literature. Any definition can be used in different ways by different individuals, dependent on the context in which it is being used. Duncan and Edwards [38] define lone parent families as those ‘where a parent lives with his/her dependent children, without a spouse/partner, either on their own or in multi-unit households’ (p. 3). The official UK government definition of a lone parent, according to the Office for National Statistics (ONS) [39], is ‘a parent with a dependent child living in a household with no other people (whether related to that dependent child or not)’ (p. 5).
\nBuilding upon these definitions, for the purposes of the author’s research and this chapter, single fathers will be understood as: ‘Fathers acting as the primary caregivers for their child(ren) through sole or joint care arrangements with no wife or partner living with them’. This definition is open to debate and, indeed, improvement.
\nAccording to the Office for National Statistics (ONS), of the 2.9 million lone parent families in the UK in 2016, 1.9 million had dependent children, with 10% of those with dependent children headed by single fathers. This equates to 190,000 families headed by single fathers in the UK [39].
\nSimilar to single fatherhood, non-resident fatherhood is a difficult term to define in the literature. As stated, it is estimated that of the total number of lone parents with the primary care for their children in the UK, 90% are mothers [40, 41]. This suggests that a large number of fathers live apart from, and do not have primary care responsibilities for, their children.
\nStudies have found that the experiences of becoming, and living as, a non-resident father can be ambiguous, complex and multifaceted [42, 43, 44, 45, 46] Therefore, with single fatherhood, it is challenging to find a term that encapsulates the profusion of these father-child relationships. Within the research literature, terms such as non-custodial, non-habitual, non-residential or “live-away fathers” ([42], p. 13) are often used. Within the UK, a standard legal definition can be found under legislation pertaining to financial maintenance for the child:
\nA parent who does not have his or her child living with them. A parent is a non-resident parent (or absent parent) under the statutory child maintenance services, if both of the following apply:
The parent is not living in the same household as the child.
The child has his home with a person who is, in relation to him, a person with care.
(Section 3(2), Child Support Act 1991.)
\nNon-resident fathers experience nonstandard paternal biographies [47]. These can vary greatly and include them having never lived with their child, not knowing of the child’s existence, living with the child, being married or cohabiting. Efforts have been made in the UK in the last 20 years to create equal post-separation/divorce parenting through gender neutral legislation and policy. However, for the majority of parents and children going through separation and divorce the gendered model of parenting is adopted, with a resident mother and a non-resident father [48, 49]. Fathers are habitually elected as non-resident by default due to both parents adhering to the assumption that this is what will happen [49, 50]. Accordingly, following separation or divorce, both parents can be recalcitrant to change:
\n“…gendered patterns of caring become fault-lines for the reorganization of parental roles and responsibilities following separation or divorce”. ([37], p. 421)
\nThis chapter will now move on to discuss the influential social and political contexts for single and non-resident fathers.
\nSingle and non-resident fathering do not take place in vacuums, rather within the wider contexts of parenthood, government policies and societal attitudes. If we consider child care within the wider notion of care, whether paid care or care for relatives, care has been a “woman-specific concept” ([51], p. 17) for a long time, with women perpetually performing the majority of this care work. There are a number of different perspectives that seek to explain this phenomenon. For example, it is argued that it has been socially constructed in both the private and public sphere of society as archetypically feminine, whereas others support the essentialist conception of women’s natural disposition towards care work and caring [52].
\nA number of authors identify that the child welfare system in Britain mirrors the wider dominant societal discourses on parenting that are primarily predicated on traditional family and gendered parenting roles [18, 53, 54, 55]. Within these, childcare is constructed as “women’s work” ([56], p. 64) and mothers are subsequently viewed as more able and natural caregivers [57, 58]. Fathers are then positioned in a supporting role, as the secondary parent [59], and often the breadwinner for the family [13, 30, 60].
\nHaving stated this, there is evidence that societal norms are progressing towards greater appreciation of father engagement [11]. With studies identifying fathers populating a more positive range of roles in wider society [17], such as involved [3], reflexive [61, 62], deliberate [63], intimate [1] and caring [64]. Having said this, it has been argued that the behaviours of fathers are out of step with the emerging representations and discourses of increased involvement of fathers in the care of their children. This has been termed ‘lagged adaptation’ [3].
\nSingle fathers are of course single parents and the perception that single parents ‘always take and don’t give back to the state’ is so routinely suggested that it can be considered normative [65]. Based on this thinking, all single parents can be understood to be marginalised and stigmatised to varying degrees. Doucet [30, 31, 32] has eloquently articulated some of the links between shame, stigma and the imposition of social and community norms on masculinity and parenting, which will be discussed in more detail below. Smith [36], in his research into househusbands, argued powerfully that ‘To summarise, the men in this study encountered the gendered order in all its force at the level of experience…the gender order affected them in a way that challenged the legitimacy of their transgressive form of life’ (p. 156). In other words, they were excluded and stigmatised based on their statuses as househusbands and as different or other.
\nWhen considering wider contexts, it is also important to consider how inclusive social work research is for single and non-resident fathers. Shapiro and Krysik [66] found that within social work journals, only 7.26% of family-related articles considered fathers. Social work research has tended to use the terms parents and families as proxies for mothers [9, 22, 67], mirroring very similar issues in policy and practice.
\nSingle fathers remain largely invisible within the social work research literature. For his systematic literature review, Haworth [68] found only seven relevant studies that discussed social work with single fathers, some of them only vary briefly. Of these seven studies, only three were concentrated on social work. None of the studies were UK based, but from countries with different cultural, legal and political contexts [69]. This includes Sweden, Australia, Canada, USA and Israel. The findings of the papers identified within Haworth’s systematic literature review suggest similar marginalisation and invisibility of single fathers in social work practice.
\nOn the theme of social work practice, it is important to consider the wider debates about the nature and direction of children and families social work. In the UK, a variety of scholars have argued that practice is framed within an increasingly unequal society and increasingly bureaucratic and authoritarian systems [70, 71, 72]. Furthermore, child protection systems and practice have become increasingly punitive, intensely focussed upon risk to the exclusion of support and wider sociopolitical forces [73, 74, 75, 76].
\nThe current debates questioning whether practice is supportive and protective, or punitive and repressive, clearly provide an important context for practice with single and non-resident fathers. They bring into sharp focus whether practitioners challenge or amplify socially and institutionally generated harms and disadvantage, and challenge or amplify exclusion and stigma for single and non-resident fathers.
\nPrior to examining this in greater detail, we need to outline the legal contexts for single and non-resident fatherhood and our key theoretical frameworks.
\nHaving discussed the legal contexts, it is time to explore key theoretical frameworks for developing understanding of social work with single and non-resident fathers.
\nAs discussed above, the authors view a feminist framework as only providing a partial understanding of social work with single and non-resident fathers. So the subsequent question has to be which theoretical frameworks can be useful to aid our understating?
\nConceptions of masculinity are key to understanding social work with all fathers. Discourses in society and within services of the welfare state, including social work, promote specific masculinities and femininities [60]. Social work can be understood to frequently engage in a risk narrative around masculinity, with men often viewed as a risk to children, partners and the wider community [18]. Furthermore, binary ideas of fathers as ‘deserving’ or ‘undeserving’, ‘good’ or ‘bad’ can invade practice [77].
\nSo how do these narratives fit with the focus of this chapter? Well, both single and non-resident fathers can be understood to possess non-hegemonic masculinities. Hegemonic masculinity serves to legitimise men’s dominance in society through subordination of women and other men. It enforces the idea that to be a ‘real man’, we must show traits such as authority, aggressiveness, strength, and competitiveness. Non-hegemonic masculinities on the other hand can be viewed in society as subordinate to their hegemonic counterpart [35, 78]. Hegemonic masculinities can be understood to be constructed through shaming and controlling these non-hegemonic masculinities [79].
\nThrough such discourses, single and non-resident fathers can be viewed as deviant and outsiders as men and as carers for their children. This may then be amplified by further intersectionality of disadvantage through race, sexuality or class, for example. Fathers as primary carers subvert hegemonic masculinity and can then be victims of socially constructed gender ideologies that challenge their legitimacy and posit motherhood as preeminent [36]. However, it is not this simple or binary. Masculinity, like femininity, can be understood as fluid, revealing opportunities for being redefined in line with societal changes, individual experiences [80] and less stigmatising narratives. This leaves opportunities for all social workers, which will be discussed later in this chapter.
\nSuch opportunities for positive engagement and change can be perhaps be better understood through the concepts of borderwork and border crossing. Thorne [81] conceived the idea of borderwork. This vital concept has been briefly discussed in relation to social work by Featherstone [13], but more significantly explored and developed within the field of sociology by Doucet in Canada, notably in her excellent book ‘Do Men Mother?’ Doucet [30, 31, 32] has written about men as primary caregivers and explored the socially constructed gendered norms of parenting and masculinity. She describes borderwork as ‘spaces and times where intense gender differences are intensely perceived and experienced’ ([32], p. 42). Meanwhile, she conceives border crossing as times where gender boundaries and barriers are deactivated and the gender divide can be successfully crossed.
\nSingle and non-resident fathers cross gender borders and enter female-dominated spaces when accessing a variety of statutory and non-statutory services. This includes health visiting services, children’s centres and social work support. Furthermore, they enter female-dominated spaces when accessing the school playground or engaging in discussions about employment and caring responsibilities.
\nBorderwork and border crossing offer possibilities for exploring and better understanding the experiences of single and non-resident fathers when they interact with social work. For these fathers, engaging with social work and female-dominated spaces and services can involve moving between equality and difference, and between stereotypically masculine and female roles. As will be seen below, single fathers can find social work to be excluding and stigmatising. In social work, we therefore need to appreciate how we can support successful border crossing. This requires, amongst other things, social acceptance and challenging stereotypical suspicions of men as primary caregivers [31].
\nA significant challenge that appears to exist within social work practice with fathers, and indeed parents in general, involves a disconnect between how social workers perceive and understand the emotional reactions of parents during involvement with social workers. Baum and Negbi [82], in their study in Israel, interviewed 15 fathers whose children had been removed into care. They found that the fathers experienced intense feelings of grief and loss. However, they suggest that as result of the social workers not engaging with the fathers, or lacking the skills in working with them, in practice these feelings were underestimated or dismissed. Similarly Hojer [83] in her Swedish study of parents who had children in foster care, found that despite experiencing strong feelings of loss, grief and guilt, these were not always recognised by social workers.
\nParadoxically, the study found that when parents did demonstrate an emotional reaction, such as an emotional outburst and/or emotionally loaded language, they were often seen as undesired or inadequate reactions to a situation, and subsequently “interpreted as additional evidence of ‘bad parenting’ in the assessment process” ([83], p. 121) Similarly Smithers [84] observed that social workers held stereotypical or limited expectations of fathers exercising emotional depth, as he suggests:
\n“If the emotional depth and complexity of the men is met with a blind eye and a deaf ear then it is little wonder that the one of frustration, which can be interpreted as aggression, thus fitting a stereotypical view of a problematic male client….” ([84], p. 22)
\nIn New Zealand, Quick and Scott [33] explored the experiences of parents and social workers where children had been removed into care as a result of parental mental health or addiction. Their study found that not only did the parents (including fathers) experience grief and loss, but also intense stigma of being involved with social workers. As a result, many of the parents expressed hostile emotions and resistance towards child-protection services, and this was viewed negatively by the social workers as non-cooperative and lacking self-control. Quick and Scott suggest that child protection services create an emotional regime where they can dictate and manage what they perceive as acceptable emotional responses. They recommend that social workers should not view such responses as negative, but instead see resistance, at least in some cases, as a sign of emotional resilience and strength.
\nPrior to discussing themes of social work engagement and assessment, we must acknowledge that there is a clear absence of systematic information about social work practice with single and non-resident fathers that leaves a significant gap in our knowledge base. As there has been negligible empirical research into this area, practitioners have little research evidence to inform their practice, leading to few examples of lessons being applied in practice. In some ways, it appears a negative cycle has therefore been established, where research is not informing practice and practice is not informing research.
\nResearch has consistently found that barriers exist to social workers engaging and working with fathers in meaningful ways. [5, 6, 13], despite the exclusion of fathers potentially increasing the risks of abuse [85, 86] and research indicating that the involvement of fathers can be considered beneficial for children and their development in a variety of ways [78, 87].
\nWith specific regard to non-resident fathers, there is the need for social workers to engage with the non-resident parent as soon as concerns are raised about the care afforded to the children, in order to ascertain levels of contact and type(s) of relationships with the children and ex-partner. Non-resident fathers can be used as a resource and source of protection for their children in such cases, and if necessary as an alternative permanent placement for the children should the children need to be removed into care. With the advent and growth of technology in our globalised world, virtual parenting and contact need to be considered. Virtual contact can provide increased contact opportunities and minimise distance when parents relocate, but can limit valuable face-to-face time and raise issues around supervision of contact [88].
\nIt has been found in the UK that non-resident fathers often only hear second hand or belatedly that the local authority were involved with their children [29]. For example, the catalyst for the seminal study by the Family Rights Group into father’s engagement with social services was prompted by:
\n\n
It is understood and accepted by the authors that a number of non-resident fathers are a risk to their children through their violence and abuse, and both authors have experienced working with these fathers through their own social work practice. However, it can be argued that risks should be assessed in the present and not based purely on priori risk and behaviour. It is at this stage that the father can fairly and effectively be deemed as either unsuitable or as a support and resource for his children.
\nA study in Australia by Zazoni et al. [100] found that in contrast to the negative stereotypes, the fathers were typically committed and involved parents, who went to great lengths to work on previous behaviour and cease abusing substances. They stated that:
\n“This study highlights the importance of child welfare workers engaging with and accurately assessing fathers without preconceived assumptions, as it is possible that some fathers are viable placement options for at-risk children.” ([100], p. 1)
\nThe adoption of preconceived assumptions by social workers in their involvement with fathers was also found in the seminal study of Ferguson and Hogan [18]. They interviewed professionals, mothers, children and 20 fathers who were involved with social services. The fathers were seen in the study as vulnerable, due in part to their status of living outside the family home, with varying levels of contact with their children. One of the main findings of the study was how powerful the role of dangerous, or ‘toxic’ (p. 51) masculinities, were in practice, influencing engagement and professional judgements of men as fathers. The toxicity of the masculinities were based upon questionable past or present behaviours and physical appearance;
\n“Some men were excluded from being worked with and seen as possible caring fathers simply on the basis of their appearance and perceived lifestyles, such as men who had tattoos, bulked up physiques, skinheads and who did hard physical prone work such as bouncing or ‘security’”. ([18], p. 8)
\nSeveral studies have found that fathers struggle to prove that they are ‘good enough’ to be entrusted by social workers to care for children [18, 20, 21, 22, 23, 28, 100]. A study by Dominelli et al. [17] found that the ‘good dad, bad dad’ binary ([89], p. 21) dominated and framed social work practice.
\n“Stories uncovered by this study reveal that although the ‘good dad - ‘bad dad’ binary frames fathers’ relationships with social workers, these are difficult and complicated because social workers do not completely trust fathers to care for children”. (p. 364)
\nPractice consequently focusses mostly on mothers, with the burden of care, responsibility and blame for family difficulties placed firmly on their shoulders [8, 18, 29, 90]. This poses a problematic and unfavourable context for social work engagement with single and non-resident fathers.
\nHaworth’s [68] systematic literature review identified two predominant themes on social work with single fathers. Firstly, social workers’ misunderstanding and stereotyping single fathers; secondly social workers are not effectively engaging with or effectively supporting single fathers. The literature portrays that social workers struggle to genuinely or comprehensively understand the needs of single fathers, rather tending to stereotype along heteronormative and gendered lines. For instance, Kullberg [91] in his study found that support offered to single fathers and mothers tended to follow traditional gender lines, with social workers suggesting support for single fathers to return to work whereas focussing on support for social support networks for single mothers.
\nSocial work engagement is dependent upon a variety of micro and macro social contexts and these practice issues align with community and societal attitudes and assumptions about caring being a female endeavour, as well as an inability to recognise single fathers as a unique group with unique experiences. Engagement issues raise questions about social work’s role as an apparatus of states that continue to be predicated on archaic gendered norms as well as raising difficult questions about our profession’s continuing captivation with psychological theories, which place women as primary carers and focus on mothers, much less so fathers, in primary caring roles.
\nSocial work is practised at the interface between the public and the private and thus contributes to gender identity discourses [53]. Therefore, as Scourfield [4, 7] suggests, gendered identities are constructed in practice and within practice encounters. Single fatherhood raises challenges for such socially constructed gendered identities. It is therefore important that we are mindful that societal assumptions about the feminised role of caring and lone parenthood can still dominate social work [13, 60], excluding single and non-resident fathers in the process. These processes and narratives can stigmatise such fathers in the context of their ‘non-masculine’ relationships with their children and as part of a welfare state still predicated on traditional family norms. Certainly, Haworth’s [68] paper identified that the research literature portrays that single fathers experience challenging systems and practices when engaging with social work and can experience social work as alienating and unattentive to their holistic needs.
\nSocial work is a female-majority profession [60, 92, 93, 94] and the gendered identities of practitioners influence engagement with fathers [4, 7]. Single and non-resident fathers can be positioned as lone males within predominantly female professional networks, feeling misjudged and marginalised within these contexts. However, issues with engagement should not turn into a blame game and the words of Brandon et al. [8] ring true in this sense. They state that: “…the longstanding issue of ‘father engagement’ is better understood as an interactive two-directional process, rather than a ‘problem’ with either men or social workers” (p. 3).
\nIt is here that we should return to ideas of borderwork and border crossing. Doucet [31] describes that borderwork can engender conflict and intense feelings, while involving gender boundaries that can be strong and rigid. Single and non-resident fathers engage in crossing such boundaries through interactions with our social work profession, when the stakes can be very high. It is critical that we are aware that these fathers, experiencing stigma and perceived moral judgements, may find it extremely difficult to successfully engage in both border crossing and with us as social workers. They may portray protest masculinities where they present as a threat or risk or disengage [4, 7] and further alienate themselves from support from which they may benefit.
\nOr they may try to conform to socially acceptable identities and present as especially sensitive to rejection when interacting with our profession. Such rejection will clearly be exacerbated by any fixed or immovable gender borders being erected by practitioners. Ferguson and Hogan [18] define fathers as those involved with child protection as ‘vulnerable fathers’ (p. 3), with such vulnerability incorporating issues from relationship problems to poverty and social exclusion. This vulnerability may then be amplified or diminished by further intersectionality of advantage/disadvantage through race or sexuality for example. Each single father and their family will therefore likely have different experiences of society, culture and social work engagement.
\nBorderwork involves confusion, identity management and feeling othered. Border crossing requires value-based social work high on acceptance, empathy and unconditional positive regard. It is for us as social workers to show sensitivity to these dynamics, as well as to the complexity of single and non-resident fathers’ identities, and adjust how we support engagement accordingly.
\nHaving explored the issues and challenges in social work engaging with single and non-resident fathers, it is important to note that within the research literature, there are a few examples of more inclusive practice that can potentially be built upon and certainly need to be recognised and appreciated. These include professionals discussing single fathers taking responsibility for the care of their children and challenging negative stereotypical views held by foster carers towards single fathers. Such practice examples convey some hope and demonstrate that empathetic and sensitive practice is achievable. Within these examples, practitioners demonstrated acknowledgement and acceptance of single fathers’ distinctive needs and looked to genuinely engage and support.
\nBefore proceeding to highlight our ideas for father-inclusive practice, inclusive of collaborative and supportive ways of working that promote self-aware and expressive masculinities, we need to discuss social work assessments.
\nAssessment is central to children and families social work. As Brown and Turney [95] state ‘Good assessment is key to effective intervention and better outcomes for children. Without it, practice is likely to lack focus and a clear sense of purpose; at worst, poor assessment may result in a vulnerable child’s needs being overlooked or misunderstood, with serious consequences for their well-being’ (p. 4). However, it must be recognised that too much emphasis on assessment as the all and end all, or simply a series of bureaucratic processes, is not conducive to child or family-centred practice [96].
\nKullberg [91, 97] conducted two studies in Sweden that analysed responses from a random sample of 880 Swedish social workers to a gender-comparative vignette presenting a single father and single mother facing very similar problems. These found that social workers assessed the single father as having more serious problems and yet less deserving of support. Further, social workers were more likely to assess the single father as more responsible for his own situation and less likely to conclude that he had taken sufficient steps to address the presenting issues. Despite the single father and single mother facing almost identical issues, the social workers recommended less support measures for him and assessed the single mother as in greater need of support. Kullberg [91] asserts that his findings suggest that single fathers were viewed as less deserving of help from the welfare state than single mothers.
\nThese types of findings suggest that the attitudes and narratives of social workers towards single fathers can be based on common gender stereotypes and that they intentionally or unintentionally can alienate single fathers from suitable social work support. Within his studies, the social workers, according to Kullberg [91], ‘assessed the two sexes according to different standards’ (p. 381), and such findings convey that social workers can struggle to understand single fathers’ strengths and needs. However, our practice and assessments do not need to mirror such issues and practice shortcomings.
\nIt is vital to ask searching questions within social work and our assessments. For single and non-resident fathers, we need to ask if there are specific parenting styles evident and whether we in social work recognise and acknowledge these parenting styles in assessments and indeed interventions. Again, returning to ideas of borderwork and border crossing, whether we are assessing single fathers through maternal lenses and female-centred practices [32], reinforcing the othering and potential rejection that constitute aspects of borderwork.
\nDoucet [31] suggests that fathers acting as primary carers tend to show different types of nurture, for example through more playfulness. Further, that they engage in more physical activities with their children, with more inherent risks. It needs to be considered whether in our currently risk averse professional context assessments capture these styles of care. Certainly, from the literature reviewed, social workers’ assessments and views tended to reflect gendered and heteronormative assumptions about men and caring. If assessments do not, the question needs to be asked as to how single fathers’ narratives can be heard and social work can develop more inclusive ways of understanding how they care and nurture and avoid judging against maternal standards.
\nThis resonates with Brandon et al.’s [8] recommendation that a differentiated approach should be adopted in policy and practice to better understand motherhood and fatherhood and design services accordingly. Our assessments need to explore the mutually influencing micro-level identities and interactions with macro-level conditions and inequalities to analyse and understand the experiences of single and non-resident fathers. Based on the literature reviewed, there is clear concern that their choices and chances are limited through borders and barriers being constructed within social work and beyond that shape their needs and how services respond to these.
\nHowever, we have choices as autonomous social workers, so we need to reflect upon how we can work collaboratively with single and non-resident fathers.
\nAlthough this chapter has to an extent explored the barriers and challenges to social workers engaging with fathers, perhaps a good starting point is to reframe the issue to one of mutual responsibility. It must be stated clearly that some men do not see themselves in the role of carer and/or avoid interacting with social workers [27]. Therefore, as Brandon et al. [8] suggest:
\n“…the longstanding issue of ‘father engagement’ is better understood as an interactive, two-directional process, rather than a ‘problem’ with either men or social workers.” (p. 120)
\nFather-inclusive practice for single and non-resident fathers should be multi-faceted and focussed on practical support, genuine collaboration and the promotion of more expressive and self-aware masculinities [13, 18]. Furthermore, to provide flexibility around working times and locations and support fathers within wider family contexts [29]. It is only then that the conditions for successful border crossing can be supported, where single and non-resident fathers can, as Doucet [31] articulates, ‘challenge the oppositional structure of traditional gender arrangements around parenting’ (p. 201).
\nSuch changes need to be systemic, requiring structural, cultural and individual changes, including challenging widespread gender stereotypes and assumptions. Support needs to encourage social acceptance, while accepting and respecting difference. For single fathers, this should incorporate recognition as a unique group with unique paternal identities. Ethics of solidarity and minimising otherness, through the medium of relationships, should play significant roles in practice. Such practice requires organisations that encourage critical reflection, inclusive practice and specific training about engaging fathers [18].
\nFor changes in practice to be sustained and developed further, there arguably needs to be an increased presence of single and non-resident fathers in social work qualifying programmes and training to raise awareness of their strengths, needs and experiences. Research by Malm et al. [98] found that practitioners who received specific training in working with fathers were more likely to identify and engage with fathers in practice. Specific knowledge about working with single and non-resident fathers could be valuable for all involved.
\nInclusive and gender-sensitive social work with single and non-resident fathers should appreciate the roles of borderwork and stigma in life chances and engagement with services, while being alert to gender theorising [4, 7]. But at the same time, recognising patriarchal privilege while engaging with the gender complexities and challenges to masculinity posed by such fatherhood forms. Support to these fathers can then start to act as a bridge to more comfortable and stress-free engagement with female-dominated professional networks of support, parenting communities and community/societal networks.
\nThese are simply initial ideas. There remain many unanswered questions about how to empower practitioners and single and non-resident fathers to work in collaborative and compassionate ways to promote social change.
\nThis chapter has argued that there is a clear absence of systematic knowledge about social work practice with single and non-resident fathers to draw any clear conclusions about their experiences with children and families social work, the nature and quality of practice or whether practice is inclusive and supportive. We have suggested that that there is little knowledge about support and services offered to single and non-resident fathers and that we currently cannot learn much about social work practice with single fathers from the limited range of published research.
\nHowever, the limited current literature portrays that practice tends to exclude both groups of fathers. The themes identified in this chapter include that social workers can struggle to understand and identify the needs of these fathers and struggle to effectively engage with them. Concepts of borderwork and emotional regimes have been utilised to explore these issues in greater depth. Marginalisation and exclusion from children and families social work can be reasonably understood to produce injustice, missed opportunities and lack of support for single and non-resident fathers.
\nThe themes identified in this chapter reaffirm the influence of socially constructed gendered norms and welfare discourses on fathers’ experiences and social work practice itself. As with us all, the identities of single and non-resident fathers are constructed and reconstructed in social, moral and cultural contexts and interactions [99].
\nThis chapter has started to reveal the myriad complex issues around single and non-resident fatherhood and their relationships with social work. It is clear that social work needs a fuller evidence base to understand how best to engage with and support single and non-resident fathers. From such as base, models of practice and organisational cultures can be promoted that engage these fathers while ensuring the best interests of children remain paramount. Such changes need to embrace fathers’ own perspectives. As Zanoni et al. [100] state, practice with fathers is only likely to improve if their perspectives are paid attention to.
\nBoth authors would like to thank their employing universities. For Simon Haworth this is the University of Birmingham; for Lee Sobo-Allen this is the Leeds Beckett University.
\nThe authors declare no conflict of interest.
The company was founded in Vienna in 2004 by Alex Lazinica and Vedran Kordic, two PhD students researching robotics. While completing our PhDs, we found it difficult to access the research we needed. So, we decided to create a new Open Access publisher. A better one, where researchers like us could find the information they needed easily. The result is IntechOpen, an Open Access publisher that puts the academic needs of the researchers before the business interests of publishers.
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\\n\\nWe started by publishing journals and books from the fields of science we were most familiar with - AI, robotics, manufacturing and operations research. Through our growing network of institutions and authors, we soon expanded into related fields like environmental engineering, nanotechnology, computer science, renewable energy and electrical engineering, Today, we are the world’s largest Open Access publisher of scientific research, with over 4,200 books and 54,000 scientific works including peer-reviewed content from more than 116,000 scientists spanning 161 countries. Our authors range from globally-renowned Nobel Prize winners to up-and-coming researchers at the cutting edge of scientific discovery.
\n\nIn the same year that IntechOpen was founded, we launched what was at the time the first ever Open Access, peer-reviewed journal in its field: the International Journal of Advanced Robotic Systems (IJARS).
\n\n2004
\n\n2005
\n\n2006
\n\n2008
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